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THE "IRON HEEL" IN THE GLASGOW…

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THE "IRON HEEL" IN THE GLASGOW TRAMWAYS DEPARTMENT. (To the Editor of the PIONEER.) Dear Comrade,—The Glasgow Tramways are owned by the Municipality, and managed by a Mr Dairymple. over whom the Corporation HAVE NO CONTROL, because years ago they gave this gentleman autocratic powers in his man- agement of all employees paid at less than L300 per annum. Sometime ago an inspired item of news ap- peared in the local press stating that the department had decided to liberate (?) about three hundred car cleaners ABOVE MILIT- ARY AGE in order that they might find work in munition factories their places to be filled by women. The pay of these men ranged from 29/- to 32/- per week, and as female labour could 00 obtained at 27/ a considerable saving would be effected for the City, while the patriotic munition employers—whom, by the way, Mr Dalrvmple sometimes represents on the Muni- tion Trib unals-would get a fresh supply of surplus labour to their gates, and so keep the wages of munition workers from rising. The unemployed men's ages range from 45 upwards, a line being drawn in the case of one depot only at 60 years. Several of these men have had sons killed in the war; many have sons wounded and some, again, are men whose health was wrecked in the army, and who have been discharged without a pension. A conspiracy of silenoe exists in the press in ] Glasgow over this dastardly action. Members of the Tramways Committee deny all knowledge of it previous to the men being on the streets. The Trades Union that ought to have fought the question went to sleep. It permitted its meijibers to be sacrificed without a protest, and when another Union, to its everlasting hon- our—the Union of Electrical Engineers—made a protest, they were denounced by our own Union for so doing. It is up to the Trades Unionist to make a vigorous protest against any public servant ab- using his powers in such a manner.—Yours, etc PROLETARIAN. THE EFFORTS OF THE PEACE SOCIETY AND INTERNATIONAL PEACE. To the Editor of bhe PIONEER.) Sir,—With your permission. I would like to say a word or two further upon two points con- nected with this subject, and then I shall have done: —(1) The attitude of America and the other Neutral Powers; (2) The future. (1) In my opinion America, notwithstanding the Monroe Doctrine," and the other Neutral Powers ought at {east to have given their adhesion to the Cause of the Allies, even if they did not enter the war in their support. Why? Because the Allies are fighting for the maintenance of two great principles, which ought to be maintained by all civilised na- tions, viz.: (1) The sanctity of Katies; and (2) the right of the small nations to live. As I intimated in my last letter, suppose that Germany took it into her head to set at nought the Monroe Doctrine," and >0 attack America. Would America be able to deal with her? Doubtful. I think. For if Germany could bring about a rebellion in Ireland, where there are few Germans. what could she do in America, where there are 13,000.000? Am- erica might find that she would need the aia of one or two allies. Would she get them? Could she reasonably expect to get them ? I leave your readers to anwer. If America gave her adhesion to the cause of the Allies, and were later attacked unjustifiably by Germany, she would be more likely to get the aid of the Allies than by standing aloof from them when they were fighting for those high principles which all civilised nations ought to maintain. I have heard it said with a smilë-with how much truth I know not—that another reason why America, stands aloof is that it does not suit her financial interest to intervene —that the almighty dollar stands in the way. If that be so, it is not the principle that anim- ate J her beat men—Lincoln, for example. Take the following from his Gettysburgh speech:- TLat we here highly resolve that those dead shall not have died in vain; that this nation, under God, shall have a new birth of freedom, and that government of the people, by the peo- ple, and for the people, shall not perish from the earth." No, nor from Belgium. If Ameri- can policy is dictated by pecuniary considera- tions. it points to moral deterioration, which, if not stemmed, will lead sooner or later, to national collapse, as certainly as the sound of thunder follows the lightning flash. It was so in the ancient Roman Empire. Take the fol- low ing from Lecky's "History of European Mora!s" -"With crumbling temples and a dy- ing faith, morality also took its leave, and a horrible corruption fell upon society. It would be difficult to find a parallel in history to the whirl, the strife, the cruelty. the bloodshed, the misery, the delirium of licentiousness and debauchery which preceded and accompanied the fall of the Great Republic." The same arguments apply to all the other Neutral Nations. (2) The Future: I pointed out in my last letter that when you have secured a burglar in private life. lie is dealt with finally in a lawful manner. That is as it should he. I pointed out also that when the Allies shall have over- powered Germany, which it was hoped they would do. that they would presumably, have to deal with her finally in their own way. That is not as it should be. But it is as it must be under existing eireiinistanc-es. Why must it be so 'e Because unlike the circumstances that exist in dealing with the private citizens, there is no International Court to deal with nations. The question is. How can we establish an In- ternational Court to decide between nations? Who is to do it? It can be done in the same way as courts are established to decide bet- ween Oltlzens only on a larger scale. The citi- zens establish the lower or national courts that decide between citizens, and the nations can establish the higher or International Courts to decide between nations. "The unit of municipal law is the individ- ual; the unit of international law is the state." (International Law. Harmsworth's Encyclo- paedia.) The nations show. too. how inconsis- tent with themselves they have been in not having done this long ago. For if individual nations have made laws and established courts for the welfare of their citizens in their indi- vidual capacities, should they not collectively, with greater reason, have made International Laws and established an International Court for their welfare in their collective capacities as nations ? Before nations established law and order among citizens, anarchy reigned. Two men fought. say, over a dispute, and there is one life destroyed. But when nations disagree and fight, there is perhaps a nation- composed of ajl its individual citizens—des- troyed, in the lump, so to speak. That is the state of things that exists in Europe to-day. Whole nations of people, endowed with reason, are killing one another like wild beasts in the arena. Germany has been the cause of more people having been killed in this war in the last 22 months than there were animals killed in the gladiatorial shows in the days of Ancient Rome. and this kultured nation, forsooth, is going to lead the world. Probably two of the greatest political fanatics of modern times were Kruger and the Kaiser,-botli under the illu- sion that they and their people were the spec- ial favourites of Heaven. The first illusion was due to ignorance of the import of Old Testa- ment Scripture. Kruger applying to himself and his people the dealings of the Most High with the children of Israel in the times of Joshua, and the Judges. It has been said that if Kruger had been a Higher Critic, there would have been no Boer War. The second is prob- ably due to the Kaiser's being intoxicated with the political and material power which his sub- jects have been foolish enough to leave in his hands—power similar to that possessed by the English sovereigns as far back as the reign of the Tudors, and it is with this ideal which ex- isted in this country over 300 years ago, and which we have long outgrown, that Germany is going to lead the world. If this power had been in the hands of the German people, and not in those of the Kaiser, and the mili- tary caste, there would have been no European War. Is there any consistency in preserving the lives of citiaens individually and destroying them oollectlvely r Now this is how the latter can be avoided. In barbaric ages, anarchy reigned. The stronger was the victor, quite regardless of right. When civilisation began to dawn, the wisest men of a nation met to- gether, conferred, and established courts —by degreed,of course. So also now in international affairs the wisest of the nations ought to meet and confer. When the war is over. the nations ought to meet and confer. When the war is over, I have no doubt that the Allied nations—England. France, Russia, Italy, Ser- bia, Belgium; Portugal and Japan (America, too. ought to come in)—will be ready to take the initiative; and although I have no author- ity to speak op behalf of England, I can almost undertake to say sh e would consent to lead the way The other European nations would be eligible if they would not fall into line. the loss would be theirs. The Allied nations would be able to deal with them in any emer0rren(■ v that might arise. The main difficulty in connection with these matters is the question of sanctions. Bfrw are we going to carry out the findings of an International Court? Who is going to enforce them, and how? Well, we must bear in mind here, much as we dislike forcp, that force is the last alternative of all in human governments. "In all inter- national disputes the final tribunal is arbitra- tion or war."—International Law, Harms- worth's Encyclopaedia. If an offender is or- dered to appear in a law oourt and refuses, he is taken there by force. If he is sentenced to prison and refuses to step in the prison van, lie is put there by force, and so on all through. The reason why force is not resorted to oftener. is because people choose the last al- ternative but one, and submit to the law quietly. Suppose now that an International Court is established, it is very oasv to conceive how the court coukl bring its influence to bear on a bellicose nation in a variety of ways. We might indicate roughly some of the steps it might take —(1) As a preliminary step that all civi- lised nations bind themselves to accept the de- cision of the Court in all cases involving the sanctities of treaties and the oppression of small nations. (2) In the case of two disput- ants, private negotiation having failed, the case be presented to the Court, and an at- tempt made to settle by conciliation. (3) The case submitted to the arbitrament of the Court, the representatives of the disputants acting as advocates. (4) The Court to point out to the disputants the consequences of the alienation of the other representative nations, (5) In the event of a nation insisting on war contrary to the councils of of the Court, the Allied na, tions represented there to make war collective- ly on that nation, and see that the councils of the Court shall prevail. (6) That the Court warn any nation when there are any indica- tions of fanaticism in any inter likely to jeo- pardise International Peace. The Hague Tribunal has done something in this direction, and would, no doubt, have done more were it not for lack of co-operation on the part of Germany. Unless they go further and do much more in this direction, it looks as if bye-and-bye—with the application of modern science to instruments of destruction on sea, land and air—that the greater part of the human race will be annihilated, and that for those who remain—vanquisher and van- quished—life will be barely worth living. In view of the fact that about 10 million men have been slain in this war, and probablj7 a similar number maimed for life, and that it has cost £ 10,000,000,000 to bring this about. besides the enormous value of property that has been destroyed, and add to this the poverty and misery if will entail upon all the nations particularly the peasantry—for generations through having to liquidate this huge debt. one is almost tempted to say that if we have not ingenuity enough to bring this state of things to an end, we hardly deserve to live as nations, and ought to be allowed to lapse into barbarism. But it is not ingenuity only that is required we require the abandonment of the policv to perpetuate war in order to get rich by the manufacture of armaments. It is said that in certain circles the wholesale destruction human life and the production of armament necessary thereto is looked upon a a pure com, mercial transaction, the moral element not be- recognised t all. If the Allied nations take up the question with hearty good will, which Sir Edward Grey has recently pomted out is so essential, all obstacles will be sur- mounted. all difficulties overcome. and the thing will be done. It is said that every citi- zen ought to do something to assist in carry- ing on the war. True. And every citizen, ought to do something, tao, towards bringing war to an end; and if everyone tried to think this subject out to the best of his ability and expressed his view,, even only to his fellows around him, the subject would get into the air so to speak, and would greatly help in finding a solution. The Peace Society, too, should enter this field and exert itself to the utter- most rather than potter and try to bring ab- out a temporary peace to be followed by war again bye and bye. The Society's view is too circumscribed; it ought to take a more com, prehensive outlook. What is needed is to fin ia basis firm enough and broad enough on which to erect a system of International Peace that shall endure. I am inclined to think that the time has arrived when the Allied nations and America should constitute themselves such a basis-t? h at the- a basis-iliat they form themselves into an International Tribunal which any bellicose na- tion would have to reckon with in future. It would be some relief in the midst of the present great catastrophe if it were made the means of stimulating the nations referred to, to take up this question earnestly and energetically, and to quote Lincoln again—giving his words a wi- der s'gnification-" That we here highly resolve that these dead shall not have died in vain. That the nations, under God. shall have a new birth of freedom, and that government of the people (not by emperors nor by castes—military or other), but by the people and for the peo- ple, shall not perish from the -earth. "-Yours trulv. A LOVER OF PEACE. J-une 19, 1916. A LOVER OF PEACE.

Mr. Philip Snowden, M.P. at…

TREHARRIS I

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