Skip to main content
Hide Articles List

2 articles on this Page



PHIL SNOWDEN'S MESSAGE TO PACIFISTS. Remarkable Speech at Crowded Rink Meeting. 5,000 Audience Sing the Red Flag." Mrs. Snowden's Message to Women. No one of the almost 6,000 persons who were present in the Kink, Merthyr. at Philip Snow- f den's meeting last Sunday afternoon will ever forget its enthusiasm, or the inspiriting mess- ages that were delivered by our champion prota- gonist of an honourable Peace; and his equally brilliant wife. Quite early the Rink, big as it is, was filiing steadily, and parties from out- lying valleys and citizens of Merthyr and its environs contined to turn up, until the main entrance had to be closed. and the steady stream directed to the side entrance. Then when P/nlip and his party arrived, there was a series of extraordinary cheers, and other manifesta- tions of welcome, concluded with that fervid singing of The Red Flag" which presaged his speech, and one felt that the heart and soul of every individual singer in that huge throng meant literally what they sang: With heads uncovered .swear we all, To bear it onward till we fall." All of us could understand the sincerity in Mrs. Snowden's voice when she declared the moment to be the most inspirational in the life of herself and her brave husband. MR El) WAR D ROBERTS, in his speech from the chair, pointed out that the meetings were held under the auspices of the Peace So- ciety, which believed that the differences bet- ween the belligerent countries should not be I ?)tit ]it the Co?,Ln(,,I. l settled on the battlefield, but in the Council Chamber. (Cheers.) They believed that the time had come when madness and force should be put upon one side. and reason and common sense- should take its place. (Cheers.) They had held many meetings in that hall. but that was an especial meeting,, for the- had with them Mr Philip Snowden. M.P.. and Mrs Snow- den. Mr Snowden was. of course, well known before the war began, and Mrs Snowden was quite as well known as her distinguished hus- band. As time went on. history would at least recognise that great stand that Mr Snowden had made for the Conscientious Ob- jectors. Cheers.) People seemed to think that Freedom had been won mainly on the battle- field. but they knew that in the history of this country-Freedom had also been won from the dungeons and the scaffold. (Cheers.) And they knew there were hundreds of young men to-dav who were standing for Freedom in the prtson ceils of the country. (Shame.) MR BERT BROBYN then formally moved the following resolution: — That this meeting protests against the per- secution of men who have Conscientious Ob- jection to military service, and demands of the Government that effective steps shall be taken to bring that persecution to an end, according to intentions expressed in Parlia- ment by the members of the Government. He expressed to Mr Snowden the very deep gratitude they all felt for the noble stand he had made on behalf of those men who to-day w ire suffering for Conscience. That week they had had 1.339 in military prisons, and there were thousands more when the Government cared to take them. (Cheers.) And thousands more still of married men who were not afraid to stand as these single men had stood. (Loud cheers. ) MR IDRIS DA VIES (Secretary of the Mer- thyr Boroughs Peace Council) seconded. PHILIP SNOWDEN. who was cheered to the echo, and whose uprising was the signal for the s iter ting of the "Red Flag." said: "When we raised the question of Peace Negotiations in the House a few months ago we were told by the Prime Minister that we represented no more than an insignificant and negligible opin- ion of the country. (Laughter.) I wish the Prim* Minister could see this magnificent meet- ing—(loud cheers)—and could visit other mag- nificent meetings which are being held for the same purpose in different parts of Eng- land, Wales and Scotland. (Cheers.) That it was possible for the Prime Minister to make such a statemetrt shows how far apart our great statesmen are living from the actual reality of the state of things in the land. (Cheers.) This is the first occasion upon which I have had the privilege of speaking in the Merthyr Boroughs which this constituencv. the Labour movement and International Socialism suffered by the death of our late Comrade Kcir Hardie (Cheers.) We mourned him then; we miss him still ("Aye!")—but though dead his spirit lives on. (Cheers.) The principles of his work and his de- votion to great human causes has been and will be an inspiration to us to follow in his foot- steps and to continue in his work. (Cheers.) There has been submitted to this meeting a resolution asking you to express your condem- nation of the persecution of the men who are refusing to violate their deep Conscientious Ob- jections by refusing to accept military service. I had sent to me yesterday a letter signed by some 15 of them dated from the Detention Cells, Cardiff Barracks. They were in good hope —(cheers)—holding fast to the faith-—(loud cheers)—and confident that the principles for which they are making sacrifices will ultimate- ly triumph. (Cheers.) Since I came into this hall, I have had a further letter written by som of the Merthyr GOVS in Cardiff Deten- tion Barracks. a few sentences of which I would like to be permitted to read to you:- We trust that your meeting at Merthyr may prove to be. as we feel sure it will be, a great success, that shall rejuvenate and in- spire you to overcome the many obstacles that are in the path of those who fight for true liberty and equality. You will be pleased to hear that the treatment here is now much better. (Cheers.) Nine of the Merthyr boys have already passed into the hands of the civil authorities at Cardiff. How many alto- gether we cannot say with authority, but during the past fortnight about 30. As to their treatment vie have received rumours of V ill, but we cannot substantiate this. and ra- ther think it to be a method on the part of the soldiers to frighten and cajole us into giv- ing. in. But come what may, our hearts and souls are in this great cause and fight that Jiail make towards the great ideal of Interna- tional Liberty, Equality and Fraternity. The Red Flag still proudly flies. (Loud cheers.) Wt., are, Comrade, Yours faithful in the Cause, FRED PULLINGER, DAN JENKIXS, C. AltHOWSMITH." (Loud cheers.) I shall write to these lads to-morrow—(loud cheers)—and tell them of the significance and enthusiasm of this meeting; and how proud we are that there are men prepared to face persecution, and, if need be, martyrdom for Conscience sake. (Loud cheers.) The Chairman, in his opening remarks, very tersely stated the purpose of this demon- stration. We are met here to-day, and similar gatherings are being held in other parts of the country, to demand that an effort should be made by our responsible statesmen to say whether the difference supposed to exist bet- ween the belligerent, nations cannot be, settled otllerwise than by the continuation of this ap- palling and disastrous military conflict. Sir Ed- ward Grey, whenever he has for a moment em- erged from his silence and obscurity, has taken credit to himself for having suggested in the week before the war that a conference should be held for the purpose of considering the in- ternational differences which had arisen. Sir Edward Grey states that he believes that if sttch a conference had been held. there were no differences which could not have been settled by the reasonings and deliberations of the representatives of the dif- ferent Powers. The outbreak of the war creat- ed no new difficulty, and no new question what- ever, and if it were possible and desirable to settle the difference that did exist by negotia- tion a week before the outbreak of war, sure- ly it is not- less difficult;, but immeasurably more necessary, that there should be a resort to reason, conference, negotiation, after nearly two years of this appalling slaughter. (Loud cheers.) War will never settle difficulties. (No!) War creates differences. Whatever the result of this war may be from the point of view of a military effect, one thing is quite certain the differences will have to be settled by nego- tiatioH then. (Cheers.) When I hear the poli- ticians talk-as they do talk—I cannot resist the feeding that they utterly fail to appreci- I att", the horror, the misery, the tragedy and all the suffering that is being wrought through- out Europe and the world by this war. They talk as lightly as though it were some athletic game in which no lives were lost and in which no suffering were illflieted-(shame)-in which no poverty were being endured. I do mot want to think so badly of any human being as to be compelled to believe that they are callous to the awful suffering of this war. Months ago the number of British casualties had reached such an appalling figure that the Government refused to make the truth public. (Shame.) We knew some six months ago that the number of British casualties was approaching 1,000,000. (Shame.) And from the point of view of the effect of this war upon the wastage of our military strength in life the war has not yet begun. It is nearly 12 months since the Bri- tish troops engaged in any great offensive or defensive. If you try to realise what the con- tinuance of this war means in human life, let us magnify—as we shall have to magnify if the war continues—the terrible slaughter which has been going on for more than three months around Verdun. You were told in your news- papers two days ago that the German losses had been just under half a million men. We are not told what -the French losses are. and from the point of view of military result this appalling loss of life appears to have been practically fruitless and futile. And if this war is to continue it means not one Verdun, but a hundred Verduns. before the enemy can be driven from the territory that he now occupies in .France and Belgium. Is this to -go on ? (No !) A'e the nations of Europe to bleed to deatk because a dozen statesmen of the different countries are too proud to admit that by their I incapacity or their blunders the nations of Eu-1 rope had been brought into this terrible con- flict. (Loud cheers.) It is time for th& people to speak. (Cheers.) The people never wanted war. The people of no country ever make war —the people fight the wars that are made by others—they suffer from war. The interests of the peoples of the different nations are the same the wide world over. Working men and working women have one view only and one share: and whatever is done inhuman injures one and all the same. (Cheers.) From the platform of the I.T,.P- we have for more than 20 years been preaching the Gospel of Internationalism. (Loud cheers.) And what we preached in Peace time. what we believed to be true, what we believed to be necessary in Peace times, we are going to preach in war time. (Loud cheers.) For we believe it to be more necessary now than it ivas, in time of Peace. (Loud cheers.) For more than 20 years I have taken part in May-Day Demonstrations of the working class, and at these demonstra- tions we had always sent our fraternal greet- ings to the workers of the world, and we have repeated the Workers' International mot- to, Workers of the world unite." And to-day we still say, Workers or the world for the time being divided bv the machinations and intrigues or incapacities of rules and politicians —unite because only in the unity of the wor- kers lies the possibility of permanent Inter- national Peace. (Loud cheers.) The workers of no country, I say, ever want wair, and the ap- peals which are made to the Democracies when war does break out is. when rightly understood, a great testimony to the morality and the hu- manity of the peoples. For no Government ever appeals for the support of its people in any aggressive war. (Laughter.) There are only two things which can ever induce a people to support a war first, fear of aggression, fear of invasion; second, an outraged moral sense, desiring to avenge some assault or crime against another people Or nationality. Now, in this war both of these were called into opera- tion by the governing classes of all countries. The people of this country would never have supported this war; they would never have giv- en their lives unless they believed that it was a just and righteous cause. Your distinguished feilow-countryman—(loud laughter)—Now, why do you laugh P I am sure it is not very compli- mentary to ynr nationality, for, surely, you have more than one distinguished fellow-ooun- tryman. (" We know him." and laughter.) I mght have been talking of Mr Hughes, of Aus- tralia, your latest distinguished fellow-country- man. (Laughter.)) But really I was talking a bout Mr Lloyd George. Mr. Lloyd George, in an interview given to a magazine shortly after the war broke 'out. said that upon the Saturday night before the war broke out 98 per cent of the people of this country were opposed to Britain participating in this war; but on the following Tuesday 98 per cent of the people of this country were in favour of the war. Now what had happened in the meantime? The invasion of Belgium an incident in a war between .France and Germany which every European politician and every military strategist knew would be the first act of war- fare by either Germany or Franee in the ev- ent of a conflict between the two nations. It has been a common place of military strategy in Europe that Belgium would be the cock-pit. the battlefield, between the great Western Continental Powers; but it wa.s that incident winch changed the feeling in the people of this country, and, in a sense; it was greatly to their credit; it showed at any rate that thefr hearts were right, that they were indignant at the violation of this small nation by a great military power. But Belgium has ceased long ago to be even the man excuse, offered as the cause of this war. The British people entered into this war to free Belgium. If they did, then the freeiing of Belgium ought to bring an end to this war so far as Great Britain is con- cerned. (Cheers.) But suppose that Germany were to offer to evacuate Belgium and the conquered parts of France without any condi- tions whatever: do you think then our Contin- ental Allies would accept that as justification for Great Britain withdrawing from the war? They would not, because they were fighting for something else. It is no secret now —you will find it in any newspaper—that France is fighting for the restitution of the two provinces which were taken away from her nearly 50 years ago; and Russia is fighting for what? Russia is fighting—according to the frank de- claration of her own eminent statesmen— for Constantinople, for the control of the Dardan- elles, and for the control of the Overland Route to India. For more than 60 years British Continental Policy has been aimed at prevent- ing Russia securing Constantinople to prevent Russia getting land communication to the In- dian Frontier. There are men in this hall who can remember when a certaki music-hall song was quite as popular in this country as Tipperary was at a later day { We don't want to fight. But by Jingo if we do We have the men, we have the ships, And we have the money too." We know why that song was sung. You know the nieaniij" of that threat. That was a threat to Russia because of her designs then upon Constantinople. Shortly after the outbreak of war the Allies entered into a treaty by which each undertook not to make a separate Peace. Somethincr might be said for that; but what was the effect of that? The effect of that is that in this country—which is now finding all the monev to carry on this war—remember we are financing the whole of the Allied cam- paign, and vet this country which is keeping the seas open for the trade of our Continental Allies, will be compelled to carry on the war so long as Russia, is determined that there shall be no Peace. (Shame!) Now. I want to put this question to you-and I would like to put this question to an audience as large as this composed of men and women who are strong supporters of the war--Britain entered into this war to avenge the outrage of Belgium: are we going to continue gthe fight to sacrifice hundreds of thousands, nay millions of lives? A.-e we going to pile up higher the colossal debt we have raised for this war, not that Bel- gium may be avenged, but that the dream of Russia may at last be realised? (Cheers.) You talk Continental agression; you talk ab- out the desire for world power, while you have Russia already dominating more than half ot Asia and more than half of Europe and when we in the House of Commons ask Sir Edward Grey to tell us straight and honestly -what is the understanding with Russia, he always de- cides to state. (Shame.) I say that while the people of this country would not, I believe, be willing to bring this war to and end leaving Germany in undisputed possession of Belgium and France, I do believe with equal assurance that there are not a thousand people in England who would be willing to sacrifice one life or one sovereign to aid the aggressive' designs of What do we ask ? This war was brought ab- out—well, some people tell us that they know everything about the q&*ses of this war, they have read the White Paper published by the Government, and which gives the course of ne- gotiations during the seven days before the outbreak of hostilities. You do not find the causes of war there. (Cheers.) There are many- causes of this war. In a far truer sense than those who speak about the long prepa,ration of. Germany for this war can mean or understand. we have known that this war was inevitable if the Foreign Policy of the European countries continued to be what it has been during the last generatiol1: and if the great nations of Europe continued the provocative policy of in- creasing naval and army armaments. Such a wa,r as this was inevitable if the causes conti- nued to operate. Foreign Policy it very often has been said is a, matter quite beyond the intelligence of the great mass of the people. Thackeray somewhere says that the institution of Royalty could not exist for a day if it were not for the mystery and glamour with which royalty is always surrounded. It is precisely like that in regard to Foreign Policy. Those who have wanted the diplomacy we have had in the past to continue have wrapped it round in all kinds of mysteries, to try and make the people believe that this is such a difficult complicated and intricate question that it can only be left to a few selected men; selected because of their highly superior intellectual gifts, tradi- tions and experience. (Laughter.) Unless we can have a change in that. there is no hope of a permanent peace in Europe, and we are not getting it. There is as much mystery in the conduct of foreign affairs to-day as there was before the outbreak of war. The House of Commons—supposed to represent the people cannot demand what arrangements have been come to between this countrv and the Allies. We do not know why Italy entered the war. We can only suspect upon very good evidence. Sir Edward Grey told an American newspaper correspondent the other week that Russia and Italy entered upon this war for the sake of great principles of liberty and the high moral ideals. (Laughter.) It would be interesting to put by the side of that statement the terms that Italy was offered as the price of her in- tervention in this war. These things Parliament has a right to know; these things Parliament is now denied; and if the whole- truth were known, it is as certain as I am standing*,on this platform this afternoon, that the eyes of the people would be so opened that they would not permit another of their sons, brothers and fathers to be killed for such a war (Loud cheers) Everything that is said in defence of this war by our statesmen is said by the statesmen of Austria and Germany. I say quite seriously and deliberately that if you take a speech of Mr Asquith and put in Germany where he says Great Britain; ind if you will take a speech of Bethmann Hollweg and put in Ger- many where he says Great Britain I defy you to point to me a single instance in either of those speeches which might not quite as appro- priately have been delivered by either of them (Loud cheers.) The German Chancellor has told us that Germany is fighting for national de- fence against a conspiracy to circumscribe the legitimate activity of Germany. We fight, in the memorable rhetoric of Mr Asquith, so often repeated, We shall never shea,the the sword, which we have not lightly drawn, until Belgium, and I will add Servia, recovers all, and more than all. that they have lost; and until the military domination of Prussia has been completely and finally destroyed." Now, what is the difference? Is there some ghastly mistake? Are the nations fighting under a. misunderstanding? Well, in the name of Hea- ven and Humanity, let us for a moment try to find out. (Cheers.) Let us oe frank about this i-aattei- and state clearly and definitely what we are fighting for. But we are told that it would be a sign of weakness on the part of this country to do that. It is never a sign of weakness for a strong man to admit that there may be a possibility of a misunderstand- ing on the part of himself and his opponents. That is all we are asking by this resolution that you are asked to adopt, and that is all you are asked to say when you are asked to sign the Peace Memorial. This is a, Peace. Memorial to see if it is possible to bring this war to an end on just and honourable terms. What do we mean by that We mean on such terms as wiL not humiliate ourselves; as will not humi- liate our enemies. Everybody wants this to be a war to end war. The most inconclusive form of peace is one which leaves behind it in the hearts of a great nation a sense ofi nj ury, of wrong, and of humiliation. If the insanity an J imbecility which expressed itself at the Paris Economic Conference a week ago is go- ing to set the conditions of this country, then this is not the last European war. That Con- ference purposes the acceptance of a. policy which will keep the nations of Europe divided in active hostility to each other. The moment the war is over the policy will be renewed of preparing for the next war. It is difficult to speak the counsels of reasonableness in these days but even at the risk of being misunder- stood I say this franklv and without hesitation, there is no possibility of a Peace in Europe wMich does not reconcile in a 'friendly consort the Central Powers and the Allied Powers. (Loud cheers.) In this I connection remember that there are two Germanys and there are two Britains. At the beginning of the war I would have said without any hesitation that there was a great deal of difference between British Militarism and Prussian Militarism. I would not make that statement to-day. The spirit of militarism is the same everywhere it has no geographical limitations. Give the mili- tary spirit power anywhere in this country and it will be as tyrannical as that spirit ever has been in Prussia and Germany. (Loud cheers.) We have had plenty af evidence during the last few months under the administration of the Military Service Act; in the disgraceful attempts—many of them successful—which had been made, and are being made, by the police to suppress the right of free speech and criti- cism. Do you know that it is an offence under the Defence of the Realm Act to state that acy Conscientious Objector has been badly treated in a, military detention cell? Do you know that a little pamphlet which -I issued ex- plaining the provisions of the Military Service Act, compiled almost entirely from the wording of the Act itself, and the regulations, has been seized and destroyed by the civil authorities under the Defence of the Realm Act as being likely to cause disaffection amongst his Ma- jesty's subjects? This is a very serious mat- ter. The only difference between Prussian and British militarism in the past has been that in this country civil power—the Demoomcy has been on top of the military power; in Ger- many the military power has been on top of the civil authorities. In this country the mili- tary autorities are predominant to-day, and it is always so during a war. If you study the history of any previous war, you will find it was a time when the civil and political liberties of the people had been taken away. It is so to- day. Trades Union rights have gone. Indust- rial Conscription is established. Some of the Trade Union supporters of the war seem tli be very much concerned about the possibilities of Industrial Compulsion being concealed in the Military Service Act. They needn't go there to find Industrial Conscription. They had it long before that Act was passed. They had it in Ahe Munitions Act, which is Industrial Com- pulsion pure and simple. (Cheers.) The work- men like the serfs of the old days, is tied to his employer and his workshop, and lie oannot leave it. Trades Union rights and customs have gone; trial by jury has gone. On Wed- nesday next Mr Morgan Jones and some of his friends—the Executive Officers of the No-Con- scription Fellowship—are to be tried in London for having issued an extract from a standard work from Church history about a Conscien- tious Objector of nearly 2,000 years ago«c but these men are not to be allowed the historic and traditional right of Englishmen to be tried by their own peers; they are not to be allowed trial by jury. (Shame!) Do you know that under the Defence of the Realm Act any con- stable—not- a superior •fficer—any eonstable can enter any private house, he can ransack your drawers, your books, your papers, take awav whatever he thinks and destroy them without appealing to a court of law. (Shame I) Free speech has gone. A comrade of ours was firied t25 in S.uth Wales about a fortnight ago for what was described bv the counsel for the prosecution as the most outrageous and monstrous and untrue statement that had ever been made since this planet began to revolve." (Laughter.) He had had the audacity to state that the Military Service Act contained the possibilities of Industrial Compulsion. (Laugh- ter.) I say it here to-day. (Loud cheers.) There is no time now to talk about the other industrial and social problems which will call for a fight when this war is over. Labour will have to fight these social and industrial problems then, and now our hands are being forced up our backs and handcuffs are being placed upon them so that you will not be able to fight when the war is over That is one result of war. It has always been the po- licy of the ruling classes to distract the at- tention of the people from their own affairs, and Thackeray—to whom I have already re- ferred—says that whenever the attention of the people requires to be distracted from some [ important urgent domestic affair, the form of the soldier is abtruded in front of his vision. These are some of the problems that we commend to your consideration. It is very difficult in these days to speak without ap- pearing to convey am impression that one is somewhat hopeless and pe?simistio. but I as- sure you that it is not the case so far as I am concerned. (Loud cheers.) During the more than 20 years I have been associated with the Socialist movement, I have been championing unpopular causes, but I have lived long enough to see many of those cnce unpopular causes receive the support and approval of the coun- try. We are always in a hard fight, but the fight and the crisis in which we are now engag- ed is greater than all that has passed before;, it calls for greater courage; for more hero- ism; for more faith in our principles. These are days when principles budded on sand disap- pear, but. those which are builded upon a rock wiil stand though the storm shall come and the- heavens crash. (Loud cheers.) Though to-day all appears to be dark and blank. I still have ( faith. In these dark days I am sustained by the unshaken conviction that the time will come when Peace shall reign from pole to pole, for Peace is the only sure foundation upon which we can secure the happiness and welfare » of humanity, and upon which the lasting glory and greatness of the nations can be built. (Loud cheers.) MRS. SNOWDEN, who was given a recep- tion almost equal to that accorded her hus- band described the moment as one of the greatest and most inspirational of her life. Al- though this was the occasion of her first visit to Merthyr. she had for years drawn inspira- tion and strength from the knowledge that in Merthyr there was a splendid band of devoted, men and women, headed by our sainted Com- rade Keir Hardie—(loud cheers)—fighting for j the liberty and the opportunities of the people. About a year before she had been in a. draw- ing room in London, and had been impressed: Jj to her a lady telling of a visit to .France and Belgium, in 0 the course of which she said that a. prominent military man of very high rank had said to her that the most terrible and awful experience he had had was to listen at nights to the crying under the stars of the wounded boys, who had not been removed, for then- mothers. The recital of that true and pitiful story, and the other story that she had' heard of a great military man of another na tion .saying, to a woman almost as distinguish- { ed: If you and the women cannot save us from the eiutches and tortures of the machine we have created for ourselves for our ruin, there is no hope for civilisation in the future," renewed in her the passion of love for her kind that determined her that henceforth she- would devote her life and energy supremely to all those things which made against war. (Cheers.) They could take strength from this fact, that all the great things of life were in-. ternational. Not only was music international, but poetry and all the fine thoughts of all the great men—Shakespeare and Goethe all, and; science was international, and so was trade. Everything that was great and necessary was. international save one thing—our politics and our diplomacy. And by the help and strength and will and intellect of men and women alike- we would make politics international. (Loud cheers.) Her few words were addressed to wo- men, for they who were the propagation of life were supremely concerned, or should be, in the preservation from unnecessary or vile death; or suffering of those whom they brought into- the world. Those who worked upon their chivalrous and fine feelings told them that we- must continue this war, otherwise our women, and children might suffer the fate that other women and children had already suffered in warfare. She believed that the best service- that they could render to women the wHe world? over and the waTy to make the children safe was to destroy from the face of the earth war and everything connected with it. (Cheers.) She wanted to say to any man who was torn with the conflict of loyalties that she repres- ented a very large number of women who did: not want them to sacrifice theif principles, and to say that a woman's honour could not be taken from her: she could only part with it herself. If there was any woman there who was shivering on the brink of a decision, she wanted to say that we must no longer in the- future do what they had done in the past; i!hcy must not exalt by speech or actions the profession of killing in the estimation of our growing boys and girls. 90 per cent of the- boys had gone forth to battle inspired by a high moral ideal, believing it to be the only wav. They had been cheated and deceived, (Cheers.) She had not an ounce of judgment. against the soldier, but they were nghting: because of the unholy ambitions of kings and diplomats, because of the machinations of poli- ticians, and because of the greed of the tra- f der (Cheers.) And it was the business of the women to save the world from future- wars, and she appealed to them not to go wild; over the braid on an officer's uniform; not to" dress their children in khaki; and not to ima- gine that the strains of a military band' were matchless muf^c, and not to use physical force upon the children, thereby teaching them that this was the way that wrongs and wic- kedness should be redressed. Satan would not destroy Satan; they could not detroy evil with evil. Let them teach the women and, mothers of thefutue, that they could not part with their sons for such slight reasons. If this Empire was to last and be a blessing to th'? world, it must found its prineiple8not on. j the Devil, but in the Carpenter of Nazareth. (Che&rs.) 011 Con- (0heN'S.) passed the resol ution on Con- I| scientious Objection, and the further I'lutioni J calling for Peace terms on which the Govern- [j ment would be prepared to negotiaoo with great.. enthusiasm, and without one dissentient hand [' being raised; and at the close sang with ferv- I' our "Arystwyth" in Welsh and English. | being Aberystwyth ?n Wel,sh and Eiigl'l,Ii. The collection realised ?E14 2s. Gd.  ^=_== It