Pioneer

The- British Socialist Party and Peace. Strong Manifesto by the Party. SEE PAGE

The Task of Democracy. MR. A. PONSONBY, M.P., ON "OPEN" DIPLOMACY. THE PEOPLE DO NO HATE FOREIGNERS. Even more remarkable than its predecessor Was the meeting addressed by Mr. Arthur Ponsonby. M. P.. for the Merthyr Peace and Anti-Conscription. Council in the Rink on Mon- day night. There was an attendance of fully 2;500 present, and the spirit may be guaged from the manner in which the crowd stood and cheered Mr. Ponsonby on his taking the plat- form. It was a remarkable spontaneous de- monstration. MR. FEKD JONES occupied the chair, and in his opening the meeting, declared: You cannot have war and freedom." That had been illustrated further during the past week. We were now having an extension of Compulsion that included practically every able-bodied man in thu country. He noticed recently Lord 'Ou't'zo?! was speaking at a meeting in Lon- don. /and he said that amongst the many things being debated at the Cabinet meetings the one thing omitted was Peace. He ven- tured to say that if the word Peace had been expunged from the vocabulary uf the Caoinex. it had not been expunged from the vocabulary of the people of this country. (Cheers.) That meeting had been called because they believed a way could be found out of this trouble other than the way the Government had agreed up- IDT,, It was a peculiar thing that amongst all the disagreements between the governors of the different countries, they all agreed on one thing, and that was that the way of settling their differences was bv wai\ They were not amongst the people who believed that the only Way to Peace was the continuance of the me- H\{) ,1 now being adopted. They believed that 'if the Governments could bo brought together a wav out of this carnival of blood and death would be found, and that was why Mr, Bot?r. Sonby was invited down to speak for tiVern. (Cheers.) They were not in favour of a patched in- TV-T'-e rlinngh that was a rrusation often wrought against them, not because if-wa.s true, but because people had been J npeded bv the which Was now very friendly with that one-time Demo- crat—Mr. D. LI. George. Mr IAovd George bad said in the House of Commons last week that the war would be a long war and that we could outlast Germany by many years. That might, he true: but what was the price? (Cheers.) That was the question we had to settle. They did not want Peace at any price, neither did tlipv want war at any price. (Cheers.) They believed that if the people would return to reason and common sense, they ivoillcl fi-id a way to work for Peace that would be lasting, and would endure, because it would be builded on the principles of Right and Just- ice. Whoever bene fitted by this war the people would not. (Cheers.) He hardly thought that there was any section of society that wanted to benefit by this war. but they had to admit that the aristocracy. whilst shedding their blood freely on the battlefields, did not make so great a sacrifice to it as the common people. For after all there was much more red blood than blue blood. (Cheers.) He remem- bered years ago hearing Mr. Lloyd George spea- kinc at a protest meeting figainst the South African War. and Mr. George had said, "I op- pose this war for one reason, and one reason only. and that is because I am thinking of the masses from whom I sprang." (Cheers.) That was a sentiment they would like to hear Mr. Lloyd George re-echoing now. (Cheers.) They were there that night because they were think- ing of the interests of the common people to whom they belonged. If they only got rid of passion, ambition, selfishness and all those things which made for war and the continuance of war if they would only pursue and abide bv methods of reason and justice they would find a waf out of this holocaust, and a way that would be permanent because founded on rational principles. (Cheers.) MR. ARTHUR PONSONBY, whose reception, as we ha.ve said, was most wonderful, said it was most encouraging for him in these dark days to find himself before such a large body of men and women who had refused to be riistied off their feet; who had insisted on keep- in a sane mind, and not to listen tpo readily to those who were telling us in one breath that the country was fighting for liberty and international justice, and in the next breath that British liberties were worth nothing, and principles must be oast to the wind. At a. time when to speak of what was going to be the result of this great catastrophe was supposed to be extreme follly, when to mention the word Peace was a crime, when to have a conscience 2T,i to have pi-in.c i p l e,s was a side-splitting joke, and. to have principles Was enough to deprive a man of a seat in Parliament—(" Shame ")—at such a time it Was heartening and encouraging to find so many who were bent on looking to the future to see what was going to be the result of this war; who wera determined on a Peace which would mean a, lasting settlement, who reverenced conscience, and who knew that no Party—be they Tory. Liberal or Labour: that no Government, be they Conservative Liberal or Coahtiom; that no mock ministers, be they English. Scottish or Welsh., but principles were the only true foundation for effective action. (Loud cheers .$ The people of Europe were engaged in a fratricidal struggle, not because they wanted to fight, but because they were told to. (Cheers.) If he thought that the peoples of Europe were so anxious for conflict; were al- ways wanting to be at one another's throats. and the Governments were doing all they could to check and restrain1 them and he knew the task to be hopeless, that they were obliged to Jet this great conflagration start, then he would ■Ray that the great elemental passions were still too strong for us to check war; as a necessity War must continue. But that was not true. (Cheers.) The peoples only asked for Peaces they wanted to continue their work; to try and improve their conditions; they wanted to co-operate with their fellows in other lands, and not to fight. (Cheers.) And what were the Governments doing? The Governments in sec- ret were intriguing behind our backs; they were disposing of our destinies; .and in every country the same thing was going on. And then one fine day out of the blue, unexpec- ted. unforeseen, they plunged us into this great and appalling catastrophy. So long as the people had no control, so long as the people could not check their Governments so long as those Ministers and Governments had unlimi- ted power to force the people forward at their will..so long would it be possible for Europe to suffer as it suffered now. (Cheers.) They said that a Democracy could not wage war. That was not true. Democracy would not al- low war. (Loud cheers.) But this word Demo- cracy was used in a mistaken way. Where was DemocracyP Did it exist? Had it ever existed in this country? No! The word was becoming common, but they did not make De- mocracy by legislation. Old Age Pensions, In- surance Acts and Budgets did not make a De- mocracy. A democracy was not formed by the organisation of parties; by sections of La- bour parties, by extensions of Liberal Parties. That cli-d not make a Democracy; Democracy was not a political organisation- it was not a Parliamentary experiment: it was not the drum of a demagogue. Democracy was the gradual, inexorable, irresistible growth of the spirit of self-reliance, of independence, and of enlighten- ment among a free people. (Loud cheers.) And this was not going to be attained in a short time; the people could not get the power and self-reliance and independence in a few years after so many centuries of servitude. The power of autocracy-, jlie power of aristocracy, the power of plutocracy was too strong to be broken as rapidly as that. But the growth of Democracy could be encouraged and stimulated, I primarily bv education, and then by admission to a full share in the Government of this country in all its deportments, foreign as well as domestic. (Cheers.) Not of one class, but of all classes not of one sex, hut of all sexes. (Cheers.) And when Democracy would come inw its own—it might seem a long way off — we might not see it, it might not be in our l time: but let us break down all the barriers that stand in the way of its realisation. (Loud chørs.) The growth of Democracy had been chocked and set back by this war. Had they ever seen a rotten old t-ee fall acoss a run- ning stream? It checked the current from flowing freely; it dammed up the current for a while but the waters gathered force, and the stream broke aside all the rotten, timber and flowed on into the arid valleys that were parched from want of water, When that time came and Democracy had been accomplished, then Democracy would be able to wage war. But what war would it wage? The real wa,r- (cheers)—the war against poverty. (Loud cheers.) The war against ignorance; the war against all the forms of degradation that came by the submission of the people under our un- fair social system. (Loud cheers.) No! in no country did Democracy exist; and that was why in this struggle they found the people in all countries submissive, apathetic, ready to be driven. In some countries—in Ger, many. for instance, they knew that Democracy was getting stronger. (Hear, hear.) And it was one of the main causes that made the aristoc- racy. the junkers and the militarists take time by the forelock; before the power was torn from their hands. (Cheers.) But they and their weapons were only the weapons of physical force. Democracy could wait its time, because it had the weapon that could not be withstood —the great weapon of moral force. (Cheers.) And so. at the bidding of our rulers, wars had to take place from time to time. Frederick the Great, in years gone by. was our one-time ene- my; no word was bad enough for him. Ten years after he was fighting with us; he was our ally, our much-respected friend. Napoleon was declared to be an outlaw, and no words were too bad for the French at the beginning of the 19th Century, and at that time Russia was our aly..Forty years after we were D.ghtmg with another Napoleon against Rus- sia. In February, 1887, there was a great scare of war between Germany and France and what was the attitude of the British press and of responsible people in this country then? It was that we were to allow the Germans to march through Belgium, and we were to allow them free access because it was argued, the treaty was so old, and the circumstances had changed, and if France and Germany were to fight, it was only through Belgium that tbav could get at one another. We were not un- moral in 1887, and moral in 1914. It had nothing to do with morality. We were friends with Germany in 188 < we were not friends with Germ-any in 1914. It was all a matter of expediency. In 189S a full-sized picture of the Kaiser appeared III the Daily Mail," and under it was printed "A friend in need is a ^friend indeed." (Laughter andapphuse.) Fifteen years ago General Smuts was declared an outlaw-, his property forfeited, and his life in danger. General Smuts was now one of the I few successful British generals. In the year 1900 he had got hold of a French illustrated paper, which he had re-foun d a few days ago, I and that number was given over entirely to a description of a wa,r between France and Great I Britain, and there was a full page picture illus- I trating the entry of French troops into London. Were the people so capricious, so fanciful, so changeable, that the friends of one decade I became the enemy of the next; that no friend- ship was durable? The people had n,othing to do with the matter at all. (Cheers.) It was not within their control. These matters were settled by our monarch and ministers and di- plomats. who regarded nations as pawns in the complicated game of'diplomacy. The nation to them was a mere inanimate pawn to be moved about on the board to serve the ambition, to suit the traditions, to suit the policy of a handful of men; and they themselves were out of touch with popular sentiment, even in their own country. Meanwhile the neople, too sub- missive. had found now the mistake they had made. After all. if thev had no control; if thev had allowed all these great matters to be settled over their heads, they were very much to blame themselves. But he thought they had learned their lesson in this country. Be- cause when it came to their own control and their own influence, their control and influence would be pacific, simply because they did not regard other nations as inanimate pawns; they regard other nations as other people like them- selves, with the same evils to combat, the same difficulties to overcome: thev did not want to fight them. but to help them. (Cheers.) Twenty months had passed since the fatal days of August, 1914, and the war continued. It went on with an incredible loss of life, with an occasional thrust, on one side and the other, and with no appreciable military re- 811 Its. As the war weift on it began to gain momentum in itself; the original motives were lost sight of, and it fed on itself. New pur- poses arose, and the original reasons for which we went into the war got lost to sight. We went into the war to defend small nationalities. BeTgium-poor suffering Belgium—had been sac- rificed to the ambition of the great Powers. Belgium -aiid Serbia were not the only small Powers. How about Greece ? How about Per- sia? The integrity, the independence and the inviolability of these small nationalities did not particularly seem to concern us at the moment. (Cheers.) Again, he said it was not a matter of principle, but a matter of ex- pediency. (Cheers.) But the often-repeated cry was that in addition to these things for which we were in the war, we were out to crush Prussian militarism. Prussian militarism was a particularly odious form of militarism, but Germany was not the only country that had a militarism- existing within itself. (Cheers.) Mi- litarism existed in our own country. And in any ease they were not going to destroy mili- tarism by any physical force from outside. Mi- litarism was a. spirit, a system that could be only extermi_ nated by the people of the coun- try in which it existed themselves. (Cheers.) And whilst we were struggling against German militarism we were setting up militarism in this country; and a particularly efficient form of militarism a blundering arbitrary, unin- telligent form of militarism. (Cheers.) We were likely to have all men between the ages of 18 and 41. but he would only say this about Conscription-that if they were going to force men below a. certain age1 to sacrifice their lives, then they ought to force men and women above a certain income to sacrifice their wealth. (Loud cheers.) There would be some conscien- tious objectors then. (Laughter, and a. Voice: "They would be listened :0 I suppose?") "I should think very probably with great res- pect." (Loud laughter.) On the advice of the military experts, they were to get all the men they wanted. He could not say from the con- duct of the war that he had unbounded confi- dence in the military experts, but he Yantd them to consider that this was not a. war in which individual heroism, personal steorifice and personal service counted as they did in other wars. This was 'a war of diabolical machines. He wanted those -who talked about the great victory that was going to be won to consider this; for when they were asked how it was going to bo won, lie noticed that they hesitated before giving any answer. If some ingenious machine could be devised, a still more poisonous gas that not only killed men within 50 yards of where it was discharged, but within a quarter of a mile, or if some more deadly explosive shell, or some still more deadly submarine or flying machine was devised, the victory that was expected might come quite soon; but would such a victory as that add to the prestige of our country? Would they be an indication of the civilisation of. our country? (No!) Yet that was what- this war meant, and the cruel part of it was to see the brave men going out and laying down their lives as they were by the hundred thousand, and suffering these tortures out in the trenches. To think that all this valuable human life, and human endeavour and energy was being wasted in a struggle that might be ended by the introduction of some I new and infernal diabolical engine of war. They were told week after week in the House of Commons that we were to win this war. The war was not a football match, though some of the recruiting posters try to make thm be- lieve that it was. Military vict.ory was not the end. Military victory had been thrown away too often in the pa,st" in the Council Chamber ,by the diplomatists. What did we gain by th-a Crimean War? A tfeaty that was not worth the paper it was written upon. And that sort of patched-up peace which had been the out- oome of the struggles in the past would again be made unless the people were determined to have a voice in the matter. War produced nothing; it only produced seeds of further con- flict and disagreement between nations, and it was because he knew this. and because ho foresaw the sort of struggle that it must be that ever since August 4, 1914. until to-day he had known that no credit, no advantage, no benefit could come to his country by this futile and foolish, this brutal and devastating and bloody war between the peoples of Europe, arranged not by themselves, but by their rul- ers. (Cheers.) But they were not going to drift into Peace ,like they drifted into war. It was easy enough to drift into war, but it was a different thing to get out of it. They must prepare for Peace; they must prepare the pub- lic mind to realise that there must be some- thing gained—some tangible gain—to this country as compensation for this terrible sac- rifice. We had learned a great lesson. We saw that the people must have control. We must prevent, conquered- territory going to countries against the will of the people con- cerned, because that had been the cause of wars in the past, and would be the cause of wars in the future. He wanted to see some In- ternational Council formed, to which disputers between nations could be referred, in order that1-there, might be delay in brd-M- that the na- tions consulting together might have an op- portunity to consider the cause of difference. (Cheers.) Anybody reading the White Paper soon after the war commenced would not won- der that war broke out. but would wonder that war did not break out before. All these diplo- matists telegraphing to one another, reading despatches to one another, interviewing one another in the different capitals of Europe, very often at cross purposes, and always a double line, because they had the German Ambassador in London and the British Ambassador in Berlin seeing the heads of the Government, and they did not always tell each other the same things. Any business conducted on these liaes would collapse within a few months; yet that was the method adopted to keep the peace. (Shame.) If they had a partnership in Europe instead of a division into two hostile camps ar- ming against each other, there would be some hope of these diplomatists, with the assistance of the people behind them—(cheers)—settling some of these difficulties. At present the point of contact between nations was so narrow, so easily choked, that a word by a diplomatist, a faulty message in his despatch, want of tact or loss of temper were sufficient to choke the channels. We must broaden out the channels of interchange between the nations so that there might be a, free flow of the sympathies of the people on each side. And by that means, by getting the people to act together, there would be a reduction in the armaments on which so much money had been spent during the last year. It was no good people saying. We must abolish armaments"; it was no good saying, We must have a ratio, and ab- ove that no nation must be allowed to build." That was the wrong way to regard the ques- tion. We must get rid of the motives for ar- maments. (Cheers.) In place of the Balance of Power, with its two groups of nations, arming against each other and competing with eae-h other in the expenditure on armaments, we had co-operation between the Powers, then there would be some safeguard for national in- terests. and the motive for armaments would be got rid of. People said that we could not trust Germany, but we had always spoken in that way about our enemies. What was wanted was Lo get these treaties open, and sanctioned by the Parliament. A domestic Bill could be discussed clause by clause for months, some- times for a year; yet these treaties upon which hung so much of importance in the relationships of nations could be signed and sealed without the consent and sometimes without the know- ledge of Parliament. (Shame.) There must be Parliamentary sanction for treaties. (Cheers.) And in add it ion to that, treaties must be re- vised periodically. (Cheers.) Every ten years or so, 'they must be brought forward for review, so that each generation might know clearly and precisely what its obligations were. (Loud cheers.) We had no right to pin the future by an when circumstances might have entirely altered, and when it might be against their interests- to observe the treaty. One of the mysteries; oi our education;was that we were never taught modern history, therefore nations ought not to be bound by musty. dusty old parchments kept away in the dark by the di- plomats. but by living instruments that were before the people, of which they knew the con- tents, and which they would lie prepared to carry out and abide by. If the people, with knowledge and with control, wage war, they would do it on their own responsibility. They would no doubt make mistakes, but those mis- takes would be their own mistakes, the suffer- ing that they got from them would be their own fault, and not as now 'would they be suf- fering for the mistakes that had been made for them and without their knowledge. These were the reforms that he was anxious to see come out of this war. As for the issue. the immedi- ate issue of the war, he believed that it might be sought if we could get the proper spirit into the governors of the peoples. If we com- pared the speeches of the German Chancellor and the Prime Minister last week, allowed for the fiatteri,els that must be uttered in these times, and got down to bed-rock we found very little difference between them. Why could we not declare specifically what it • was we wanted? (Cheefrs.) If the Germafis then refused to go out of Belgium, then the war would go on, and this country would prosecute it with renewed determination. But he believed otherwise: he believed that our difference with our enemies was very slight. And he believed that if we could get both sides to say to the military experts, "Don't keep us any longer in suspense in the hopes' of decisive military victory, but let us get nearer to each other, and let the people speak to one another," then there could be an end to the business before the year was out. (Cheers.) But everybody who talked reason was supposed to be talking treason. (Cheers.) That was a big gathering, but he had addressed larger gatherings on the Clyde. In other parts of the country they could not muster such large numbers, but be. could assure them that the growtho sane opinion was lalrger than anybody suspected. There was a great body of thoughtful opinion, scattered no doubt, but increasing, that wan- ted to speak with the coinciding thoughtful op- inion that existed in Germany. The Cabinet apparently did not talk about Peace. He did not know about the diplomacy of the Cabinet, but when it got to a question of negotiations it was a question of diplomacy, and he had no great confidence in tIle diplomacy of their countryman. (Loud cheers.) He did not know what his experience of foreign peoples was, but we wanted a man who had not learned about foreign countries from misleading official des- patches and diploma tic reports. We did mot want a man who had fluttered the pages of history books: we wanted a man who knew foreign p-oople; wl-to understood. their views, their lives, their ideals, their ambitions; and who realised that the differences of nationali- ties were really superficial differences of lan- guage and of custom. (Cheers.) He believed that new there was not sumcient differences between the rulers on both sides fo justify the cruel and appalling sacrifices. He did think that it was a pity that there was not some maf- in high authority who could come forward and say: It is not the winning of military victory, but it is the welfare of the people on both sides that we must look to; and we ought not to allow the further sacri- fice of perhaps another half-million of men." (Cheers.) He did not know how long it was going to last, but we must not wait for the, return of sanity; we must help in trying to create that sanity. (Cheers.) In spite of all obstacles, in spite of suppression of opinion, we must try to keep alivo the moral conscience of the nation, for unless this nation was pre- pared and determined for the right sort of Peace, if it was to fall into the hands of those who only believed in force, in more men, more munitions and more mone being oast in- to the a,byss. then the nation, when the con- flict was over, would be nearing ruin, and the mind and intellect of the nation would be de- graded and corrupted. (Cheers.) It was rather difficult to know who to follow in these days, but as he had said before, "Put not your trust in ministers or in any child of men." (Loud cheers.) What we had to do was to show that in their hearts the people were generous, that these ideas of revenge and reprisals and of hatred were fabrications of the war-mongers and of the press. They did not exist in the hearts of the people, and we had got to show that this war made by diplomats was to be ended by a Peace made by the Peoples. (Loud cheers.) It was not easy in time of war to make these opinions popular, or even heard, but we must go on against the obstacles, and ag- ainst abuse. They might call us pro-Germans, anti-patriots, any name they will: these would not effect us. Our eyes were cast forward on the distant hills of time, where the sun was shining and there were brighter- days. A resolution of protest against the sentence passed on the Cefn N.C.F. members last week was moved by Bert Brobyn. seconded by Idris Davies; and carried unanimously and the meeting closed with Mr. Ponsonby's reply to a vote of thanks proposed by Mr. B. Roberts and seconded bv Mr. Davies.

Abertiare Trades & Labour Council. The above Council held its monthly meeting at the I.L.P. Rooms on Thursday last. Mr. John Griffiths (chairman of the Aberdare Dis- trict of the Miners' Federation) presided in the absence of the chairman and the vice-chairman. He was supported by Mr. E. Davies, member of the Aberdare Education Committee Guardians Meth Davies. Noah Tromans, and John Davies, Councillors E. Stonelake and Wrn. Lawrence, and Mr. J. H. Bruton (treasurer). Conscription. A letter was read from the National Council Against Conscription asking the Council to af- filiate with the National Council, thereby as- sisting them in their aims and objects. — Re- solved that the question be left in abeyance until they obtain fuller particulars. which would be placed before the lodges in time for the next meeting- ,< School Strike. A letter was read from the Burston School Strike Committee asking for the support of the Council in the fight for freedom.—Resolved to recommend the matter to the lodges. New Order. The Secretary gave a full report of the meet- ing of the Central Control (Liquor) Board, held at Swansea.-The report was adopted, and the Secretary thanked for his work. New Labour Members. The Chairman congratulated Mr John Davies on his being selected as the new member for the Board of Guardians to represent No. 1 Ward.—The new member was adopted by the Council as a Labour member under their auspices. The following motion from the E.C. was accepted: That this Council will in future be responsible for the payment of any member or members of the Lower Duffrvn Lodge who may be elected io serve. upon the Council or Guardians.—The Secretary gave a full report of the question as it had been deaJt with by the E.C. The acceptance of the above recommendation means that Guardian Noah Tromans comes un- der the auspices of the Aberdare Trades Coun- cil in future. Mr John Davies thanked the chairman and delegates for their good feeling and welcome, and hoped to work in unison with the other. Labour members. Guardian Noah Tromans thanked the Council for thair good feeling towards the Lower Duffrvn Lodge and himself, and if at any time he did not do his duty. he hoped the Aoordare friends would pull him up. The E.G. The following motion was received from the Executive Council: — That this Council again urge the members of the Aberdare District Council to provide in the centre of the town a proper public coimvenieziem for ladies."—A rider was added to the motion that" the District Council be asked to place a convenience for ladies in the Public Park."—The motion was carried, and an instruction given to the Labour members to bring the question before the Dip??- rict CaunciJ. Report. Guardian Meth Davies gave a lengthy report on the work of the Guardians.—A vote of thanks was accorded him for his report.

I Geor, Neighbour at Abernant. On Sunday last the Rev. G. Neighbour, of Mountain Ash. delivered a very inspiring ad- dress on The Trials of our Faith." He in- stanced how men in the past had been martyrs for their faith, and showed how members of the I.L.P. were suffering, during the present storm, for their faith. He said that men who forsook their faith in times of trial were cowards, and he hoped that there were not many of this type in the Socialist movement. Our comrade was listened to with rapt attention, and the large audience appreciated his remarks. This meeting closes our winter session, and the members are pleased with the success ach- ieved. N eow members have been enrolled greater activity has been shown; and we are able to record that there has been no opposition, which indicates, that some of the workers are not led astray by the Jingoes. A vote of con- dolence was moved and carried in silence with our /Comrade George Davies in his bereave- ment. Mr J. T. Norman presided.