Serving Caesar and Neglect- ing God. It was with a feeling of amazement and disgust that I read the letter of A Local Minister" uonyrefail) in last week's PIONEER.) I was ana,zed to think that a man calling himself a CfIStian could enter tain such an idea as being y to love a man and kill him at the same time, and I was disgusted to know that a man -Mu?g the position of a Ministe" of the pof shoitld write so flippantly and ?Qsensic.a.liv of the Word of God, which' he is | aUPposed to teach. He says, When we talk ? Df loving our enemies, do let us avoid gush." 150es ?' by any stretch of his imagination, think tt?t Christ made use of gush when He j^ttianded us to love our. enemies," etc.? ￼ he think it gush" when the Christian e nwavours to act upon the teachings of Christ, ? ?n.d turns the other cheek to the smiter instead ? ?tahating by fighting. or when an enemy eaIs his coat allows him to take his cloak 4c If A Local Minister" thinks this is Sush," let him practise it for himself, and ili find it is a far di-fferen? thing, and 'req,lipe,s a greater amount of courage and T??sttan love than the wearing of an armlet "? seems to think that because he is not on Peaking terms with a man, he cannot feel ei- Olf- love or hatred towards that man. But ?. st Himself destroys this theory in Luke 6, i 35, saying" For if ye love them which j Ve ??- what thanks have ye. for sinners also ■ lt\ t hese that love them?" But love ye your ellc'raies and do good and lend, hoping for no- ?.? again, and ye shall be the children of the th^ • for he is kind unto the unthankful and ￼ I'vil Does this mean that we can kiM a gi? because he happens to have been born in ,adI. fft"'ent part of the world to us? Are we not &4 (,hil-di-en of one Father P And does not our their himself retain the right of judgment be- !"e,n 7E[is children? 'Vengeance is mine, I Will I?'p", said the Lord." It may be the st ate of most Britishers to-day. not to feel • love towards their German brothers, but it ^rtainly not the state of the true follower of 1riiie? of Peace. whatever "Local Min- ?t'" may think. He says the ideals of Ger' JJ.o8.lly are poisonous. He further states this is <i t a war between English and Germans, but ??ar of ideals." The pity is that the ideals 4 n°t kill each other, but the English and ,"?a,ns do. "Local Minister" says the com- (Jj ^ans do. Thou shalt not kill," was not I n to the seldier; and then he goes on to Ooj 't'^hY't himself bv 'aying. It applies equally to The Psa l ,ii-tist p,rop b e- or Tonyrefail." The Psalmist prophe- ? ^lat when Christ should come He would ??'fy the law," not the law of Moses, for the (? says he abolished all that. but the law of be 1' ?d He was giving his interpretation of ?'?. when he said that it was not neces- 1 a. man to break that law; but if a ?' ?? hated another, it was the same in i .8 sight as if he had killed him. "Local ? !p?'??" is right in saying these words were ￼ to those who did not kill in the way we "stand killing: but it taught them also, 1 at tb,?,.v were guiltv in God 's sight if they I Rt ?heir fellow-man. How much more then if • I Kev to the life of a man who had done them h a!r7n In his last paragraph A Local ''K; t gives us a, text to study, namely, Plendell unto Caesar the things that are Cae- ??r'? '?Bd to God the things that are God's." 1 (j0 0 gives us his interpretation of it, which ?d]o ??t agree with, for the reasons which I all ?deavour to show. In the first place, \1.r 11s eonsider the two persons brought before (ka r Hotioe in the text. What was Caesar, and ijjl^t did he represent? Caesar was tthe repres- '?tive head of Roman Militarism. He was ? ??issarv of Satan (whom Christ acknowled- 1 to be the "Prince of the World "), and Wu Satan Caesar was the head of all that ? picked and cruel. The terrible atrocities ? Rkii tted by Roman Miitarism under Caesar ?? ? the blackest spots in the history of the ? Caesar was the responsible and repre- tebttilt ^i. ve head for all the atrocities. cruelties, ,rs cor -nitte?d bv his followers upon '??ooent and defenceless Chhristians; and it • Under Caesar, the agent of Satan. that ?), ? Himself was put to a shameful 1 'Kth °n Calvary. Christ had the power ?ft? He might have overthrown Caesar and ?o?? ?y MiHtarism, but He never used this ? ? coercion was not a pait of His plan, .-ffe commanded that the sword should be ?tti its sheath, far all they who take up the )? ?ha.l] e?rish by the sword. To Caesar, ^P^vbo is but a type of many of our ?? rulers—we must render the things that L P: to Caesar. What. then. is due from the i ti n to this man? Not militarv service for painty for when Christ was béorè Pilate it)j5ade tkis quite clear when He said, My e??n ?is not of this world; if my kingdom e.N of this world, then would my servants ?". that I should not be delivered to the "—26. If a man is a. true fol- Kh of Christ he has presented his body as a ¡ ?? sacrifice in His service, and as he cannot ??od and the Devil at the same tim; if he '?% to rema in in the service and kingdom llt he must for ever eschew the idea of i? up arms against his fellows, even as a d of defence. for as Christ said His s?rv- ￼ not fight What then, is due to [ S from the Christian ? The question put to ? ?'ss: Is it right to pay tribute money to < 1'? And a- the money bears the image of ??r it really belongs to him, and it is the ￼ every man who holds money in his ? ?n to pay what is demanded by the ?.Money is the root of all evil, and the ?? has no rigIn to retain it for his own ? ?se; nor, in fact, worldly goods or pro- tti? ? 'If ai?,N kind. The things of the world ?.to the rulers of the world, and the HEijf M must be prepared to relinquish all J things when called upon to do so. Let L take all his possessions, aye, even his ?'? his service belongs to God, and if ? ?sks him for that, so that it may be fekjh* the destruction of his fellows, then he '49 for more than is due to him, and ,?t ?? us to give to Caesar the things that ?k?M to him, and no more. What is due to '?' ￼ person in the text—God. the Creator t Jeamer of all Mankind. I have already ? that theChristian must offer himself a ? ??crificc in God's service, and if he does lls first consideration must be, what is his ?a.rds God 9 And, afterwards., his duty tt the rulers of the world. If the rulers jjjl^oiid ask the Christian to do some- ,thleh is not in accordance with the law of i P \lU he must i^fnse. for God must come ￼ Caesar second. The wise men said, ICV r,. and keep the commandments, for '}¡B whole duty of man" and when Cae- i' its to <?o something which involves the tj?-of God's law, then he is asking for |Uf '^1 is due to him, and it is the ? te Christian to refuse. When the Apos- |w "Was before the Tribunal he was re- ?. Ito stop preaching the truth, and there- 1 1 ?th?r the dictates of his own con- I i? h11tPetelraRked them, "Whether it be the sight of God to hearken unto !on ?a ? unto God? Judge ve!" This is the position of the Christian to-day: he must put into the scale on one side God and His Son Jesus Christ, which means eternal life, truth, and the joy of Christ in souls redeemed; put into the other Caesar, and every attraction the world can offer. Into one scale put the loss of your own soul and the souls of those you might have been instrumental in saving. Into the ot,her for yourself and them a life that measur- ed with the life of God, weigh for time ancr eternity, and while you are thus engaged, listen to the voice of Christ. -%Yhat shall it profit a man if he gain the whole world and lose his own soul?" When we render unto Caesar more than is due to him, we are robbing God; when we wilfully break the commandments of God, so that we may render allegiance to Caesar, we come under condemnation of the word of God, which says. He that saith, I know him, and keepeth not His commandments, is a liar, and the truth is not in him. But whoso keepeth His -word, in him verily is the love of God perfected. Herebv do we know that we are in H:m. He that saith he abideth in Him ought himself also so to walk, even as He walked." If we are walking .as He walked, we shall give up ever thing at the command of Caesar, even life itself, rather than break the commandment of God by taking a brother's life. Christ was a martyr to Roman Militarism under Caesar, and His followers to-day should be prepared to suffer likewise rather than yield the principles planted by God in his heart, to the blood- thirsty militarism of any modern Caesar. T. YOUNG.
At Random. A certain man drew a bow at a venture." By W. H. EVANS. Life's more than breath or the quick round of blood. 'Tis a great spirit and a busy heart." So sings Bailey in his Festus." We are so im- mersed in matter so enshrouded with death in these days, that we are apt to forget those higher tenets. We desire to brmg everything to the touchstone of the practical. We love to see our way; to count the steps; to measure the road. All very well, but the ancient say- ing "Where there is no open vision, the pOO"- pie perish," is true. And this vision is not of merely material things; but of the spirit. hTe lofty ideals visualised by the spirit; the ideals that ever beckcn us onward and up- ward; tha,t sweeten life and consecrate endeav- our. How great is the need of such to-day! How can the race progress when its eyes are turned to the ground when it is groaning in bondage to error and falsehood ? Like the man with the muck rake, it forgets to look up, and so loses the vision of the crown—th e symbol of triumph-which is held over its head. But the ideal lives in the hearts of some. And wherever the ideal has kindled into activity the desire of the spirit towards righteousness, there do we see the valiant heart, the sturdy spirit, the unyielding and the dauntless will. And they a are needed to-day more than ever. In the fight of truth against falsehood every awakened soul is needed. If we desire peace we must work for it. If we desire that that peace shall be real and lasting then we must work to remove the causes of strife and discord in our social life. Peace is positive; implying unceasing action. It is not stagnation and ces- sation from activity, as some suppose. Stagna- tion is not Peace, it is death; and Peace is Life pulsating, positive, dauntless and full of the inspiration of the spirit. To incorporate that in ouir daily life calls for vigorous effort. How few there are who realise this. How little the militarist realises it. To him there is only one kind of force, crude material force. Moral force exists only as a means of exploiting the people. He only recognises it in order to de- ceive, for he is keen enough to understand that the people will not wantonly destroy each other. There must be something worth fight- ing for. The moral appeal must be there. The Ideal still holds good. And because of that the truth must be told to the people. After the fear which eats into the lives of the na- tions, there is the thought that there is some- thing that is worth fighting for. If it can be shown to the people that all they desire, and more, can be gained without fighting, they will cease to fight And they can gain more by peace than ever they can hope or dream of getting, by war. For war is only a waste pipe through which the life of the nations drain away. And, as long as we neglect the real things, the things which matter, so long shall we be slaves to facts. Facts are only bricks with which to build. Unless they are related to principles, they are of no value. There must be vision, some perception of the relationship of the various facts of life. Some understanding of historical sequence that we may appreciate the value of the facts of our social life. In a word we must clearly dis- cern that our social life is in a constant state of flux, and that without this flow of the spirit, this continual interchange of social sympathies and spiritual energes, there 03,11 be :18.0 health or wholeness m society. So while we declare the fact is the thing, we are apt to forget that a fac is but a truth rendered concrete, or a truth materialised. All life has relation to truth. Were it otherwise it wouldn't matter much if we did tell lies and deceive each other. It is be- cause of tihs relationship that falsehood brings such terrible penalties. As Oarlyle says: Na- ture will have truth, if in no other wav, then in revolutions and social upheaval. And if the relationship of life and truth is dsturbed, then we get the readjustment accompanied by all the horrors of war, famine and misery. And it does not require a very acute mind to see that all our miseries are due to this lack of understanding of the relationship of life and truth..For truth and iustice are one. And were you have justice and truth, you will also find happiness and joy, with a corresponding peaoe. It is to get this relationship understood in our daily life that the Socialist works. He has deals he desires to see them realised. He works to that end. And for him Socialism is more than a theory of scientific adjustment of the relationships of men; it is a religion be- cause it expresses his ideal of justice. And he feels it is worth working for. That once the burden of imcertainty and fear is taken from the people's lives, the greater virtues will blossom as the rose, and spread over the earth an enduring happiness. The rottenness which affects the lives of the people is the price we pay to falsehood. It is a high price, and falsehood is more expensive than truth. For falsehood binds, whilst truth makes free.
HAVE YOU PAIN? J. Swift, Attercliffe, Sheffield, says :—" The first dose^'gave me great relief. I can confidently say that one box of these pills has done me more good than all the medicine I have taken." Mrs. A. Wilkinson, of Nelson, states: My sister, who suffered from weak kidneys, took one box. and it has done h«r more good than nounds spent on medical men. HOLDROYD'S GRAVEL PILLS, a positive cure for Gravel, Pains in the Back, Dropsy, Bright's Disease of the Kidneys, Cost, Sciatica r is. 1rl" all chemists nost free 14 sjamos.— HOLDROYD'S MEDICAl. HALL. Cleckheaton.
May the Lord Deliver us from All Cant." By THOMAS THOMAS. There is a great deal of nebulous thinking and vain imaginings indulged in by Christian vindicators of the war. So utterly preposter- ous are some of the reasons adduced in support of the suicide of nations" as to reduce the in- telligence and godliness of the apologists to al- most their lowest denominator. If unbiassed judgment is beyond their poweaps, surely common decency requires of them some display of char- ity. To be obsessed by German iniquity to the extent of perverting the truth, and to bear false witness even against an enemy are not cal- culated to further the cause of Christianity or to bring sinners to repentance. For instance, A Local Minister in last week's PIONEER attempts to justify the war by claiming that it is not a war between English- men and Germans, but a war between two ideals." This is a very vague platitude; but it is an expression of faith uttered by many mini- sters, not the least of whom is the Rev. F. B. Meyer, who has said: "The war is a conflict of two opposing ideals: brute force against human kindness; savagery against Christii n civilisa- tion; the dark powers against Christ." Now, statements like these betray loose thinking as well as a jaundiced mind. Even from a militarist standpoint nothing is gained by belittling and misrepresenting the enemy, for should the Allies win. their victory will be all the more creditable when accompanied with the knowledge of having fought woemen worthy of their steel. But for Christian ministers who have gladly accepted exemption from military service to retail the putrescence of a corrupt and lying press, and to hold a whole nation guilty for the excesses of a, few is a very ignoble tking to do. Before analysing this rather far-fetched idea of a war between two ideals," it may be well to warn "A Local Minister" that he is walking a precipice when he claims that the only way to kill the idea is to kill the man who ern- bodies it." Ideas are not eradicated in that manner. To convert a man by bashing him over the head may have formed part of the philosophy of the pre-historic cave man, but such drastic remedies are considered futile and immoral to- day. Modern philosophy teaches a higher and more virtuous code of redemption, which is to "kill the sin, but save the sinner." This method of regeneration is, unquestionably, more in ac- cord with New Testament ethics but, of course, if Scriptures must be interpreted to harmonize with war, then reversion to palaeolithic customs is necessary. To be consistent, "A Local Mini- ster" has no choice but to advocate that drun- kenness can only be removed by killing the drunkard; that to abolish schism anostates must undergo an operation on the scaffold; and to destroy evil, all evil-doers must suffer death. We are told that this war is a conflict of two ideals, brute force against human kindness, savagery against Christian civilisation, the dark powers aganst Christ." Presumably, the rev. gentleman who uttered these words intends the terms brute force," savagery," and "dark powers, to be applied to the Central Powers; and that the Entente Powers embody hum- an kindness and Christian civilisation." His words can bear no other implication, for to say that two ideals are fighting is mere rhetoric: it is the men who represent the ideals who fight. Before attributing all the vices to one side and all the virtues to the other, the rev. and kindly gentlemen who pose as judges of na- tional morality would do well to define their standard of judgment. Assuredly, historians do Hot credit our Balkan Allies with nobler ideals than those which animate Bulgaria or Turkey. Because Servia and Montenegro have suffered in the present war is no reason to paint the inhabitants as stained-glass angels. Not so very long ago the Servian King and Queen were brutally murdered in their own palace bv their subjects. True, the present plight of the Serbians deserves pity, but because the invader has devastated their land is no proof of their superior morality. The records of the last Balkan "War ascribe to Servia deeds not quite in harmony with the dictates of morality. Had Servia joined forces with the Central Powers and Bulgaria with the Entente, then, probably. Bulgaria would be the nation. of lofty ideais. War never can decide questions of morality because it is an immoral thing in itself. No disparaging word is spoken in Eng- land against Rumania, but should that country elect to throw in her lot with Germany. then pulpit and press would suddenly awaken to the depravity of her people. Much sympathy is rightly extended to Belgium in her travail, but the ideals of her people remain the same as before the war, and to read of the Congo atro- cities does not place those ideals at a very high altitude. Many books are in circulation in England at present exposing the infamies perpetrated by Russia on inoffensive Jews and political prison- ers. Surely, because Russia happens to be fight- ing on the side of Britain at present, is no ar- gument in favour of her "human kindness"? The morals of a nation are not built or destroyed in a day; they are the accumulations of centuries. Morals, as a whole, are the reflex of civilisation, and the higher the stondard of civilisation in a country, the higher the standard of morals. In allocating measures or virtues and vices the mind should be rid of cant. "My country right or wrong" may express a natural national sentiment, but truth and justice demand a lof- tier formula. Before the war France was de- picted as a nation of Sabbath breakers; the French people were condemned as immoral; and fear was entertained by the religionists of this country owing to the growing tendency of Bri- tish people to imitate our Ally in desecrating the Lord's Day, and devoting the Sabbath to worldly pleasures. These tendencies may or may not be an expression of lofty ideals, but, assuredly, they cannot be deemed a result of Christian civilisation." Perhaps, in speaking of brute force against human kindness," the idea was to confine the application to Germany and England alone. There is, indubitably, a great deal of brute force dominant ia Germany, and quite as indub- itablv there is a great deal of brute force in England. To represent the two countries as ty- pifying "brute force" and "human kindness" is absolutely humbug. Are the Germans immoral because thev kill innocent children and defence- less women? If so, then Britain's attempt to starve the women, and children of Germany must also be immoral. The terrible havoc and misery caused by Zeppelin raids are counter- balanced in the scales of morality by the Al- lied aeroplane raids into Germany. Women and children are killed by these raids in all countries. If militarism was. and is an ideal of the Prus- sian Junker, it was not, and is not, the ideal of the German people. The testimony"of our soldiers back from the trenches proves this be- yond the shadow of a doubt. Moreover, why should we, in this country, whine about Ger- man militarism and German menace, when our superiority and preparedness on sea was equal to the German powerr on land? To lustily sing P-. rita-n-nit r.les the waves" may not be a boast & of mifitarv arrogance, but it certainly is an ex- pression of naval predominance. which, probab- ly, is as unpleasant to other Powers as a similar bombastic strain of Germania rules the land" would be to us. The savagery," the brute force," the "dark powers," axe applicable to all nations at war; and to talk about Christian civilisation to-day is so much rant. Kindness. forsooth! Precous little of that commodity is in circula- tion in England at present! When physical wrecks are forced into the army; when con- science has become the subject of ribald sneers when the military dictator is abroad tearing out the souls of humans, smashing up Habeas Corpus, and bestriding the country like a Colossus, it is vain mockery to taJfc about Christ. "May the Lord deliver us from all oa n t;! v
An Exceptional Case. WEST GLAM. APPEAL TRIBUNAL AND A TRADES COUNCIL SEC. THE INTERESTING APPEAL OF MR. A. J. LEWIS (NEATH). Our Comrade Albert J. Lewis, Chairman of the Neath Trades Council, and of the Socialist Society there, a consistent worker towards In- ternationalism and Democracy for many years, has sent us the following report of his appear- ance before the West Glamorgan Appeal Tribu- nal towards the close of last week. We are get- ting hardened to the callous disregard of con- science and the elements of fair treatment by the "judicial (?) minded gentlemen who have been so democratically selected to act as the arbiters of the consciences of men whose ideals and aspirations are so above them as to be beyond their comprehension; and, candidly, whilst we recognise that the claims of men like Mr. A. J. Lewis, Councillor Morgan Jones, and th0 Merthyr I.L.P. Secretary, Mr. Harry Mor- ris to total exemption, are so plain as to be obvious to the most biassed of our political opponents who have the least shred of common honesty left, we are not without some pleasure that they have fared as have so many younger and less able or public exponents of our faith. It might have been possible that some show of justice had been given to John Jones the nobody, whose conscientious objection was known to be sincere to but a few intimates, equal nobodies to himself, in oases such as those to which we have just referred it is impossi- ble to deny our charges that the most flagrant injustice has been done to men whose opinions were known to all; that the Tribunals are a farce from beginning to end; and that in such cases as the one reproduced here in which the, most tangible evidence of reliable public men is offered, the Tribunals, by their rejection of such evidence, prove themselves entirely unfitted for the task for which they were selected; and un- versed in the duties of citizenship of a nation that boasis of its infallible justice to the low- liest of its subjects. We have not a copy of the Act by us at the moment, but if we remember the clause relating to the composition of the Tribunals aright, it is therein laid down that a Tribunal shall con- sist of not less than five nor more than 25 mem- bers. If our recollection is correct, then we question the legality of the West Glam. body to give a decision in the case of Mr. Lewis, in view of the fact that only three members were sitting, including the Chairman (Mr. F. W. Gibbins, Neath.) The same remark applies to the case of Harry Morris, at Pontypridd, on Saturday week, when only four members up- held the Merthyr decision of "Non-com. ser- vice. Here is Mr. Albert J. Lewis' care:- The Chairman informed the Court that they had obtained legal advice, and had concluded that they could not grant "absolute exemp- tion. I had been certified for non-combatant service bv the Local Tribunal, and under those circum- stances, I asked the Chairman whether it was again necessary for me to state my case, see- ing they could not grant absolute exemption. I asked them to give me permission to appeal on the decision of the Local Tribunal. How- ever they decided that I must re-state my case, notwitshtanding the R70 Circular of the L.G.B., which I quoted. I pointed out the fact that the Local Tribu- nal certified me for Non-Combatant Service, and this was a proof that my case was valid and well-founded. Yet Non-Oombatant Service did not meet my case. I submitted that my opinions and actions in public life warranted my claim of absolute ex- emption. I had consistently believed, and had advocated, to the utmost in mv power, the ideas of International Concord and Peace prac- tically the whole of my life. As I grew older my mind broadened, and these ideas have gone deeper and become ingrained in my being, so that it is not a matter of would not" be- come a soldier; the fact is, it is a physical im- possibility for me to become a soldier. I feel I am obliged to go along the path that principles and conscience dictate. I do not take up this attitude in any light-hearted manner, and I feel my position keenly. I am not actuated by any selfish motive. My life proves this. By wav of disgression, and without prejudicing my claim on conscientious grounds, I informed the Tribunal that I had never shirked fulfilling my responsibilities and obligations. It fell to my lot, at the very early age of 20, to provide for my widowed mother and four children. I might have claimed upon the public funds, but by my own personal efforts, I bore the whole burden and maintained the home. I am Still the stay of the house, and support my mother and sister. Then, again, I am manager and in sole charge of my employer's business. I have been in his employ for over 16 years. I do the buying and selling, and carry out everything in connection with the business which is of a tech- nical nature. My employer has been unable, through continued ill-health, to attend to his business for over three years, and he testifies to this fact. Lastly. I might have put in a claim on medi- cal grounds. However, T have not claimed on any of these grounds, as I place my convictions before any other considerations, and I am confident that m case is wen within the Coscientious Clause of the Military Service Act. I wish to emphasise that I am not indifferent to mv country's welfare, otherwise I should hardly be able to hold my present public position. When the National Registration was taken in August last, Mr. Asquith assured the country that it had nothing to do with military mat- to1- but the idea of such service was so repel- laTit to me that aa a safeguard I entered my protest on my Registration Form. I maintained that my case is exceptional, and I desired to real f letters from the following gentlemen to substantiate my statements, bnt one of the members of the Tribunal (Ald. David Davies) did not appear to agree to reading the letters. However, the Chairman over-ruled, and I read extracts — Mr. T. Griffiths, Organiser of Steel Smelt- ers' Union, and member of the South Wales Tribunal under the Munitions Act; Mr. E. George Smith. Works Manager; Mr. C. P. Huins, Boot Stores Manager; Mr. D. j. Jones. Retired Contractor; Mr. H. H. Elvin, General Secretary; Mr. Ogley L. David, Dist- rict Councillor; Mr. Meth Jones, Miners' Federation Organiser; Mr. Matt Giles, Trade Union Organiser; Mr. David Richards, Swan- sea Town Councillor; Mr. Vernon Hartshorn, Members of Miners' Tribunal; an d Mr. David Williams. Swansea Town Councillor and ex- Mayor The following discussion then ensued — s' i Mr. Lewis: I simply bring itiese letters here to substantiate my claim. I don't think I can do any more than place before you the whole of the facts. I realise that it is a difficult matter to prove a conscientious claim, but I maintain that I am one of the exceptional cases provided for in the Act of Parliament. Ald. David Davies (Swansea): You believe in International Peace and an International Bro- therhood ? Mr. Lewis: Yes. Ald. Davies: They are very desirable tiling, I agree; but how do you think this war has been brought about, and how do you think we ought to have avoided it? Mr. Lewis: That is not a question for me to answer. It has nothing to do with an individual's conscience, and I cannot go into the, question of foreign diplomacy. Aid. Davies: But looking upon this war as a calamity which we unsuccessfully tried to avoid, do you think any able bodied young man is justified in refusing to go to the aid of his country ? Mr. Lewis: You suppose that I think the first is right, but I have no means of proving it. Aid. Davies Assuming, then, in this war——- Mr. Lewis (interrupting): I cannot assume anything. I base my claim on facts. -A Id Davies: If this war is a righteous war, is any young able-bodied young man justified in shirking his duty to his country? Mr. Lewis: I feel this: that I cannot take part in maiming my fellow-men or taking any action to facilitate the working of the military machine. Aid. Davies: If the Germans came to Neath and began murdering your mothers and sisters- Mr. Lewis: That is a supposition. Aid. Davies: It is a fact in Belgium and Northern France. What would you do? Mr. Lewis: The question does no; arise. I feel mine is an exceptional case. Aid: Davies: You say so because you are kept in peace and comfort through the suffer- ings of others. Mr Lewis: First of all. International Law- would prevent a man taking up arms, even as a protection, because if he belongs to tlae civilian population he is not allowed to do such a thing. Aid. Davies: But we ask you to put on uni- form and play the manly part. Mr. Lewis: My Conscientious Objection pre- cludes me. Ald. Davies But it does not preclude you from enjoying the peace and comfort for which your brothers are making sacrifices. Mr. Lewis: But I take it there are men in this country worthy of the name who hold the same views as I do. Aid. Davies: Do you belong to any particular bcdy? Mr. Lewis: I belong to the No-Conscription Fellowship. Ald. Davies: Then you belong to one of the most pernicious bodies in the country. Its mem- bers are going all over the pface distilling poison, and are greater enemies to Britain than the Germans. Mr. Lewis: The Conscientious Clause has been inserted, and I feel that the Govern- ment wish it administered in a tolerant spirit. I object to Mr. Davies' manner of conduct and his o bservations. (Hear, hear.) The Chairman (Mr..F. W. Gibbins): We con- « firm what the Local Tribunal have done, and give you the right to further appeal.
Taxation of Land Values. BARGOED AND DISTRICT TRADES AND LABOUR COUNCIL LEND ITS SUPPORT. A public meeting, under the auspices of the above, was held in the Workmen's Institute, Bargoed, Oil Tuesday evening week. when Mr. Eustace A. Davies (Secretary of the Welsh League for the Taxation of Land Values Com- mittee) gave an address on the objects and aims of the League. He pointed out that if land values were taxed according to their pro- pet' value, indirect taxes on food and necessi- ties of life would automatically disappear, throwing the yoke off the workers over to the landowners; would relieve the pressure of com- petition in industrial centres among working men for jobs, because the owners, on being tax- ed higher for land that was not bringing in any revenue, would be glad to dispose of same, and the fact that so many owners would be anxious to so dispose of this land, a healthy competition would be set up among them which would cause the land to be so much cheaper, thereby enabling the agricultural workmen to obtain small holdings. etc., at a reasonable price, and encourage them back to the land. Several questions were put to the speaker, which he ably answered, and the following re- solution was moved and carried: — That this meeting profoundly regrets that in this recent War Budget the Government have failed to recognise that those who hold the land should be specially called upon to pay for its defence. This meeting affirms that a direct tax on land values would open up the land to the people by bringing more land into the market and reducing rents to their natural level; that it would be a practical expression of the rights of the people to the land; and that it is the only tax which can raise revenue without hinder- ing production, or adding to the cost of liv- ing This meeting also views with grave ap- prehension the financial and industrial pros- pects of the country after the war and calls on the Government to make preparations at once for completing and brining up to date the 1909 .Finance Act valuations, as a. basis for imposing a National Tax on Land Values at the earliest possible moment. Mr. W. T. Lloyd (chairman), at the close of the address paid tribute to Mr. Davies for his having come to Bargoed on this occasion, and hoped to see him there an at some future date when the question had been more faBy discussed, and would receive, he hoped, more practical support from the workers of Bargoed and District. It was derived to send the resolution to both Mr. Asquith and Mr. McKenna.
This terrible war is killing a lot of businesses. Make it a personal resolve that the Pioneer" shall not be killed.