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Public Control of Foodstuffs. THE EXAMPLE OF SUGAR. I By W. C. ANDERSON, M.P. There have been at one time or another many speculations as to the probable effect of war on the food supplies of this country. We import rood stuffs to a value of between £ '21KJ 000,000 and £ 300,000,000 a year, and no one could have told with certainty a year ago to what extent our food imports would- be ar- rested or dislocated. The question has often been considered and statesmen have often been warned that many new departures were neces- sary if the economic position of this country was to be entrenched. Here is an extract from the Report of the Royal Commission on Food Supplies, which sat some years ago: — We do not apprehend that any situation is likely to arise in which there would be risk of the actual starvation of our population into submission. Put we do regard with concern the effect of war upon prices and especially, therefore, upon the condition of the poorer classes; for they will be the lu st to feel the pinch, and it is on them that the strain of increased prices would chiefly fall. At the Gamblers' Mercy. like a good many other interesting docu- ments, this Report, I imagine, was duly pige- on-holed and allowed to accumulate dust. So- cialists have pointed out hundreds of times the dangerous absurdity of not developing to the full the resources of the land of Great Britain, and of remaining so largely dependent upon speculators abroad for our food supply. Had more of these warning counsels been heeded, the nation would have been stronger in its hour of crisis. Though involved in war, this country will probably not have to stand the test of an effective blockade but our people, in regard to their food, have been the prey to stock-exchange gamblers in America and else- where. and they have been robbed by the shipping interests. Yet it is impossible to in- vestigate the matter without 'caching the conclusion that as regards foodstuffs Britain might be practically a self-contained island, provided always that no vested interests were allowed to block the way. As typical of much else, I take the case of sugar. in the early days of the war, the Govern- ment, it will be remembered, were faced with the possibility of a shortage or stoppage in the supplies of sugar. To get over a difficul- ty in which both industrial and military issues were involved, the jrovernmcnt decided to be- cojiie sugar brokers; they entered the market, and bought 900,000 tons at a cost of CIS,000,000 —thus ensuring supplies for 6 months. This was done by a Royal Commission specially ap- pointed by the Government to deal with the sugar question. The principal refiners agreed to stand aloof from the market, and the only extensive purchasing of raw sugar was done by the State. By arrangement, this raw sugar was supplied to the refiners at a fixed price, who, in turn, sold it to the merchants also at a fixed price. Dashing Experiment in State Socialism." This wise and firm policy. which the Na- tion described as "a i-eall-v dashing experi- ment in State Socialism," put a stop to sugar gambling and panic prices. Before the Govern- ment intervention, retail prices had jumped from 2d. to od. and 6d. a pound, and sugar would soon have been beyond the reach of working class households; to this day, there is an advance of 70 per cent. on pre-war prices. There has been some criticism of the Govern- ment action, but, apart from what was per- haps legitimate criticism on points of detail, the censure had come, in the main from sugar speculators who have done very well for them- selves as it is, and would have done even bet- ter had they been left alone. Naturally, the experience of the past twelve months has quickened interest in the question of our sugar supply. Can Britain grow its own sugar, or any large proportion of it? Is our climate favourable? Is our soil suitable for su- gar beet culture ? Would farmers and the na- tion find the industry profitable? It is impossi- ble, I think, to examine the facts without be- ins persuaded that, the affirmative evidence is overwhelming. Seventy or eighty year's ago, only about 5 per cent. of the world's sugar was manufactur- ed from beet, but the industry has grown enor- mously, and in recent times beet sugar has formed four-fifths of our sugar imports. Ger- many, Austria. the Netherlands Belgium, France-all have established the cultivation of this root as a paying and expanding trade in this country, on the contrary, we have been content to let hundreds of thousands of acres go practically out of cultivation, running to wild grass, and many of our farmers are so cautious and conservative that they would al- most sooner go into bankruptcy than investi- gate a new idea, or ?aunch in a fresh direction ?-t- do something of which their grandfathers might have disapproved. Tragic Lack of Enterprise. I In the year preceding the war, we imported over I V million tons of beet sugar to the value of 20 million pounds. From Germany alone we imported 46.5,(M tons of refined beet sugar, an-1 470 000 tons of raw beet sugar. In Ger- many they have 341 beet sugar factories in Russia 294: in Austria 201; in France 209; in Belgium 68 in England we have one beet fac- tory at Cantley in Norfolk, and even this has only been kept going in a dead-alive condition, and has produced less sugar than would be re- quired for a decent-sized town. Government and farmers alike have dis- played a lack of business enterprise. Here is an industry which other countries have found profitable in more ways than one, yet we have left it severely alone, t' ough no informed per- son would pretend that we are developing to the full the resources of the land. Any far- mer who ,knows how to grow mangolds would I

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An Open Letter to Lord II Northcliffe. My Lord.—It will appear to be the merest presumption on my part, i am sure, to venture to address any remarks to your august self, I and particularly so when they partake of the, nature of advice. You, my lord, may perhaps be regarded as the uiost powerful potentate in these islands to-day, while I-pardon the liber- ty I take in even noting the contrast—am a mere nobody. To add to that sufficiently iiii- pardonable sin, I hasten to add that 1 also happened to be a convinced Socialist, and an enthusiastic anti-militarist to boot. it is very probable that this iast-mentioned infirmity of mine will occur to you, m your present state of mind, as being quite the most reprehensible of my transgressions. I say "prabable" be- cause a most cursury glance at your journals leads to the conclusion thai provided one finds it possible to be. a Socialist and militarist at the same time--a. somewhat difficult operation, I adlllitit is more than likely not only to av- ert the disastrous calamity of incurring your displeasure, but even of receiving your august blessing. But let, that passv I hinted a mo- ment ago at tHe exalted position which you appear to occupy in circles into which lowly individuals like myself do not dare to venture. It is my lord. a striking proof or the powet you wield that one finds in the appointment of a distinguished Field Marshal to the control of the War Office with a seat in the Cabinet- they tell me you have regretted that step since, but that is surely a mere detail in the hounding (pardon the expression, mv lord. wut note the truth) out of the Admiralty of an officer related to the Royal house, in the crea- tion of the necessarv atmosphere favourable to the formation of a "Coalition Government, and in the too successful persecution (a mere de- tail, you may sa,y, in a "free" country) of in- noc^nt aliens—tar less blood-guilty than youi- self, as many believe. Pardon me, my lord, if it should happen that some of your other equally notable "triumphs" have been over- looked. It may be taken for granted. I pre- sume, that vou are satisfied with the conscious- ness of having triumphed—to parade them is obviously alien to your nature. But, like Alexander—you will. I have no doubt, forgive that innocent soul for challeng- ing your right to pre-eminence in the sphere of conquest—you seek more worlds to domin- ate. You have imbibed too freely of the spirit of militarism. You are intoxicated with it, and as is generally the case, I have observ- ed, with those who indulge too freely in simi- lar things, you thirst for more, and will not be denied. And it is in respect of this morbid taste of yours that I would crave the liberty of a word of counsel. You have, I observe, recently \lecided to em- bark upon a compaign for educating the people as to the necessity for adopting the system of conscription in this country. Far be it from me, my lord, to desire to interfere, even to the remotest degree, with your" educating the people. God (and your lordship) knows they badly need educating." I am not con- vinced however, that you are always the only competent person to dictate the curriculum of instruction. Indeed, were it not almost too impertinent, I should suggest that it would not be a bad idea for you to ioin the class yourself sometimes and leave the lecturing to others, perhaps more competent than your- self. But lest you may suspect that I object to your undertaking the task thus gratuitous- ly. let me hasten to urge most respectfully that such is not the case. It used to be understood in this liberty-loving and most Christian coun- try of ours that any citizen has the unchallen- geable right to urge upon the nation the de- sirability of adoption — conscription (let us sav.) Yon are a citizen, and so one freely ad- mits your right to urge it. On the other hand, you and those who collaborate with you, must. of course, grant the same privilege to others who may choose to oppose it. But. while you do so, my lord, may I remind you that it is eminently desirable that you should be quite candid with your "audience." Will you. to put the matter bluntly, be good enough to tell them frankly what conscription -Dieans- Will you state plainly to them why 7ou desire it? Will you confide in them as fellow-citizens and confess to them that you are so enamoured of the German model as to intensely desire its be- ing copied in England? Will you, my lord, be good enough to particularise as to what safe- guards you propose to introduce (if, indeed, you degire any) for preserving the independence of the individual, and the prevention of that most deplorable of calamities in a democratic country, viz., the erection into a position of unchallengeable supremacy of the military caste, as opposed to the civil, m the land? Perhaps it would not be out of place, my lord to inquire what specifically would be the position of the commumty of miners, let us ay, among whom I ha^ o the privilege of liv- ing in the very likely event—aid you but know. as intimately as they have cause to know, their employers—if they decide upon the with-holding of their labour, that is to say, a strike? Would you care, my lord. to honour us in South Wales with a visit to answer that simple question, in the only way that it must be answered? I doubt not that it, would be wiser for your lordship to prefer the safety of your own drawing room than to run the J gauntlet of their indignation. And, let it not j ue forgotten too hastily, recent occurrences have not added to the respect in which even Acts of Parliament are held in those and simi- lar circles. Y ou may take a horse to water, but you cannot make him drink," was a re- mark not infrequently heard in these parts du- ring the last industrial crisis; I feel sine the philosophy will be noted by your lordship, for this is no flippant jest, but a terse statement of a profound truth that you and your confed- erates are in constant danger of forgetting. The English democracy, believe me. may be patient and long-suffering, but a point will inevitably be reached beyond which they will not be prepared to go. in your intense desire to securely attach new -hackles to the -iilbs of an already over-burdened democracy, you throw discretion to the winds. You are prepar- ed to flout the the lilost honoured traditions of our race. leu are allowed to trample ruth- lessly under vour feet everything that is left of our much-boasted liberty. And no one says you "Xay." Each morning your organs parade your commands as if they were imperial ed- icts. Yon exercise tilc very attributes of roy- alty. My lord beware. let your ambition overleap itself. The liberty you alfect is fast degenerating into Jicence the exercise of which hy men occupying your exalted position has not been unconnected with some of the bloody revolutions of the past. It is on record 1 believe, that you associated yourself with the present Attorney-G eneral. Sir Edward Carson, in his campaign of rierce protest against what he was pleased to call the violation of his constitutional temples through the operation of a measure of self- government for Ireland. Some of us recall the bitter addresses delivered bv that brilliant ad- vocate in defence of his position. The example, be it observed, has been the more carefully no- ted because it was set in such exalted quar- ters. Can you blame men if thev seek to imi- tate You choose to challenge the principles of thousands of men and women no less earn- est than yourself; you outrage their feelings; you trample under foot their mo;t sacred con- victions, It is as well that you should learn that opposition to your iniquitous campaign grows daiiy. We will have no conscription. We hate the militarist spirit that dominates the German nation we shall hate it none the less in England. Nay, if the strife on the Conti- nent will teach us anything it will most assuredly be this-the utter idiocy of brigading and regimenting the strongest and the most virile among the population, so rllat they may be utilised at the bidding of militarist cliques, as fodder for cannon. My lord it is not the .natural destiny of man That he should be born, reared and tenderly cared for in order that he might, in early manhood, be trained in the an of destroying his fellow-man. He born for higher purposes than ou in your wisdom, have conceived for him. His calling is to serve his brother man. and not to kill him. The only possible gospel for him now, as ever, must be the gospel of love and sacri- fice—not that of hatred and force. Perhaps you have not heard the testimony of the man who probably possessed the finest military ge- nius the world has ever known. and used it frankly for militarist purposes. I refer to Xa- poleon. Let me quote it to you: "The more I study the world the more am I convinced of the iJÙlbiJity of brute force to create anything derable." I mean no disrespect to your obvi- ous military qualifications, my lord, when I express preference for Xapoleon's striking tes- timony. The campaign upon which you have set your mind may be permissible from the jxiint of ab- stract right to prosecute it as a citizen. I do not question it. I think it ill-timed. In some respects I think it unfair to attempt to foist it upon the country when so many of its mem a.re abroad and unable to express their judg- ment upon it. But my misgiving does not occur to me OIl the ground of expediency. I object to being converted into a machine of ^destruction. I resent being called upon to abandon a faith that I learned at my mother's knee. Xay more. I refuse to allow you and your satellites without protest to perpetrate, under the cloak of patriotism, the blackest and most infamous betrayal of the highest and best interests of the working class, in particu- lar, to which I belong, and of the nation at large—for what? To be plain, my lord. in or- der that at the day of reckoning, which you know will arrive on the morrow on the de- claration of peace, your class interests may be better safeguarded from the wrath of an awa- kened and disillusioned democracy. I am not. sanguine enough to believe that these simple words of mine will in the least degree mitigate the strength of your determi- n?- ;o be nation to pursue your course. So be it. my lord. The sentiments I am herein only too feebly expressing, represent very faithfully the thoughts of thousands in this country to-day. We do not. seek to embroil our country in this hour of struggle and stress. But if it should come, my lord, beware! A nation that finds itself betrayed is not always in a mood to be tolerant to those who have wantonly outraged its confidence. Again, my lord. beware* § A WORKER.

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(■hanging universe. It is that fact which the Socialist perceives. The recognition that hum- an nature is capable of change carries with it the vision of a better world. If man is capable of acts that are bestial, he is capable of acts that are angelic. The Caliban of human na- ture is susceptible of transmutat'on into the delicate Ariel of onr dreams. And even Caliban had his dreams and visions of a better day. And may not the Prospe,ro of Socialism, with its magi wand of a truthful economic. yet transform the face of the earth and make it a dwelling fit for the gods? For there is much power in a great idea. And, ar all, the change of human nature is a mental and spiri- tual one. The conception of great ideas, of jiving thoughts, prompting the desire to ex- press them, carries with it the seeds of the coming time, when truth shall rule, and all men be free. socn learn bow to grow beet, and indeed there is a co-operative organisation, the Sugar Beet Growers' Association, which exists for the pur- pose of giving help and instruction to farmers. Experiments already made have proved be- yond doubt the suitability of our climate, nor are there lacking large tracts of that deep, friable loam in which the best beet lfourishes. It has been demonstrated that in the right soil in this country beet can be grown to the extent of from 12 to 18 tons an acre, and that the yield of sugar is from 17 to 19 per cent. The Board of Agricu lture is satisfied that acre for acre we could equal and perhaps exceed the production of the Continent, and that British farmers may. if they so desire, with- out difficulty and at little cost grow the crop for themselves." It is claimed for sugar beet that when fitted into the rotation of crops, it has great value in cleansing and enriching the soil, thus adding to the yield of barley, wheat, or whatever may follow. The leaves, tops and pulp are used either as cattle food or manure, and have a commercial value of at least a pound an acre. Farming, even in the more moderate qualities of soil, it would be possible to obtain for sugar beet culture a net profit of from C.5 1N- to £6 an acre, and by intensive methods of cultiva- tion, that profit can he increased. Chance for a New Industry. We have here, then all the elements of an important, new industry which, as it was fostered, would do something to revolutionise rural life and conditions. Rural factories would be built in beet growing districts, such as Yorkshire, Lincolnshire, Surrey, Norfolk, De- von and Cornwall, and each factory handling 50 000 tons of beet could give employment to between 300 and 400 men. To t large extent the work, not only the factory work, but the drilling, the manuring, the harvesting and tin transport, would have to be done è> on col- lectivist or co-operative lines, and would set up a novel and intimate connection between field and factory. Any wide and vigorous ex- tension of the scleiiic- would stimulate light railways, the manufacture of machinery and appliances, th- building of rural cottages and vihages, emploment >11 or in connection ^/vitli the land. and that social education and inter- course, the absence of which has tended to make life and work >i the country monotonous and bleak. Surely it is no small matter to increase sub- stantially the wealth of the country, to bring out more fully the wealth-producing capacity of our fields and to scatter numbers of addi- tional workers over rural England under con- ditions that should make for independence and self-respect. A Cabinet Minister stated the other day that "the effect of peace can hardly fail to be at once or after an interval, wide- spread depression in trade, great unemploy- ment. acute distress and, among the poorest, widespread misery." if that he true, it is as necessary for us to think out these indus- trial and economic questions as for a general to look to his trenches and defences. If anything is to be done, the Government must give a strong lead to farmers and to the, nation. At present, though many people rea- lise the possibilities, there is a sort of dead- lock. The farmers will not move .until there is a guarantee of faries to take the sugar beet off their hands the factories will not be built until there is a guarantee of a plentiful supply of roots. The co-ordination and stimu- lus should come from the Board of Agricul- ture. There will "never be a better opportunity to promote co-operative organisation, and it should be the business of the State it would pay the State handsomely—to see that the necessary cajiital -is forthcoming for the first factories, that the whole enterprise is suffi- ciently organised, and that technical instruc- tion is within the reach of all farmers anx- ious to obtain it. Lord Denbigh ha,s suggested that the Development Fund mght purchase some 5,000 acres of suitable land, with a fac- tory easily accessible by road, rail and water, and might lease all this to a co-operative as- sociation of farmers, labourers axd sugar pro- ducers for an extensive and educational ex- periment. It is certain that in its early ex- perimental years, the industry would not be subject to excessive duty. But with sound management and direction, so many economies could be effected that practically from the start the industry would bo able to hold its own, without resort, at any rate. to artificial and tvrannnous protection, I-Licli as might be employed to enrich the land interests at the expense of the industrial population. Necessity the Mother of Change. I The cost of erecting and equipping two large sugar-beet factories would be £ 41)0,000, and this financial aspect will perhaps be seen in its true perspective when it is remembered that! our war expenditure j, about 3 million pounds a day and that by national action we could remove all anxiety as to our future sugar sup- plies, help forward the much-needed rural re- vival, and establish 'irmly a new and profitable industry. If it is argued that all this involves dras- tic departure from customary tracks, I can on- ly reply that under stress of necessity we are departing every day fiom the beaten roads departing in most cases never to return. A chicken that has never seen the light of day may be satished with the confines of its shell, but no chicken that has emerged from the egg ever desired to go back, or could go back if it did so desire. Parliament has passed much emergency legislation for the defence of the realm, and in the inference behind the legisla- tion is that the interplay of private interests cannot be trusted to carry forward the work of the nation in war time. An Act was passed last year authorising the nation to requisition in cases of need, food, forage and stores for the troops. Another Act empowered the Board of Trad e to require any person to make a re- turn giving particulars oi any article of com- merce of which he is the owner, authorising officers to enter premises to ascertain what goods are available, and imposing a penalty not exceeding £ 100 for any infraction of the Act. Another Act prohibited the exportation of certain articles, and yet another regulated and restricted the slaughter of animals used for human food. The Unreasonable With-hol- ding of Food Supplies Act, 1914. vests power m the Board of Trade to take possession of any foodstuffs unreasonably with-held during the war. The control of L the railways was taken over by the State. The principle of the State regulation of prices has likewise been ad- mitted. It is therefore, much too late in the day to object to this or that change because it I involves a break with past methods. For we are in the grip of necessity, and necessity is the mother of change.