Pioneer

Our Philosophy and Theirs IT is a pity that our Comrade, John Scurr. did not develop in his address on Sunday his pacing allusion to the acceptance by the English press of the fallacious Prussian philosophy of the su b- jugation of the individual to the State, which he quite rightly characterised as a more impor- tant German victory than the triumph of Teu- tonic arms. There is no Social int. of any stand- ing at all who has not fought with all his might against this misooneepttion of the relationship of the individual to the race, and who has not seen in its mistaken altruism the greatest bar to the progressive evolution of Democracy. We in Eng- land have since the days of the classical econo- mists preached a natural doctrine the very antithesis of this falsf" doctrine, that has pre- vented the liberalisation of Germany, and which to-day threatens not only to de-liberalise, but also to devitalise Britain. Our national philo- sophy of exalting the individual at all events guaranteed us against, the altruism that made German militarism so powerful Per ill, though it was, equally with the German concept, a wrong basis upon which to construct a stable society. Yet in the clash of the two the German has tri- umphed, and has been accepted by the very organs of British s-uper-Indi-idiial ism an es- sentially correct philosophy for a civilised na- tion. It is easier to accept such views than to throw them off, and the apparant triumph of German ideology must needs be combated by the plain, straightforward presentation of the Socialist philosophy which offers to both British and German schools a strenuous and successful opposition, and promises results which neither can secure. It was almost certain that the Bri- tish view of the freedom of the individual, be- queathed to us by the laissez-faire, era in our politics, should follow that political doctrine into the scrap-heap when seriously challenged as it has been challenged now, by a virile, if mis- chievous and mistaken philosophy more nearly related to the theory of mutual aid than ours could of its nature be. But if to the superficial reader the German idea of the subjugation of the individual to the Sta-te. may read as a more co-ordinate philosophy in these days of industrial co-operation, we must remember that it is an entire misreading of biological mutual aid; for it merely succeeds in transposing the nation into the place of the ego; and when the nation, as in Germany, is dominated by a Junker class with an outlook purely militaristic and conquer- ing, then it produces a philosophic and political system dangerous in the highest degree to the individual freedom within the nation, and dis- astrous to the entire world. If that conception is to subjugate Britain and transpose her liberal individualism as the working basis upon which the nation is to be trained to regard the State, then the liberties that have been jettisoned during the war, will not only never be recovered, but will be the predecessors of still more liber- ties that will have to go. Our schools will be made to subserve the new philosophy our "drum and trumpet" history, bad as it is, will be ex- ohanged for the even worse rewritings of mis- taken zealots who will be the English prototypes of the German Chamberlains and Bernhardis; the whole of our institutions will be re-pressed into the new mould so that they too might pro- duce the ideal of a m-itional chorus of England over a.11; and our Parliamentary life will take on as a permanent feature its present unin- formed existence, robbed of the power it pos- sessed in the past, subjected to Bureaucratic departmental domination, and enslaved to the new conception of race domination and national expansion. That, is broadly what the new philo- sophy means, and those who espouse it offer us in return for our national acceptance of it- what? So faj- the preaching of the doctrine has not been undertaken in the light of its ultimate aspirations and probable results. It is at the moment a gospel of expediency. Presumably it is accepted because its apparent results in Germany have been increased efficiency and na- tional organisation. But it is efficiency at the cost of the priceless gift of liberty organisation that up to now has served ba.se ends. Its ideal .IS a foolish and wicked one: and one combated by the long history of British colonial govern- ment. With the passage of the years and the spread of .knowledge throughout the world the whole course of colonial history has come to teach everyone tha.t successful colonisation is dependent W upon the admission of the rights of the colonies to determine their own destinies. Are we then to submit to the filching of our liberties; acquiesce in the destruction of our Democratic institutions; be militarised and em- bark on conquest and plunder, kill and be killed to the end that having coloured more of the map red we shall then proceed to hand back that which we have won? That is what the facts would spell, but under the facts are the economic driving motives that would colour those spots red in the interests of the Capitalist Class of oitr nation as opposed to the interests of the capitalists of other nations. German philosophy means the more systematised ex- ploitation of the workers to the benefit of the shirkers, whether it be preached in Germany or Britain. Such a philosophy is no more the philo- sophy for civilisation than is the. anarchic wor- ship of the individual that has been the philo- sophy of British politics to date. There is only OIe philosophy of civilisation, and that is the Philosophy of Socialism—the philosophy r.hat neither worships the individual nor the S'tate, but, rather, assesses both aright and assigns to the one his freedom and to the other its func- tion of serving that freedom. That pliiloropli N, is the philosophy of equality, equality in its definition and not in its false guise of sameness, the equality that will give to all the fullest scope for the expression of the natural inequali- ties, that will sweep away the economic inequali- ties that to-day corrupt the earth, that conceives life as something noble to be lived, and substi- tutes co-operation in every field and department of human activity—economic scientific, and artistic—for the mad, bad competition from the fierce course of which wars are to-day born. Under its benign rule in the hearts and minds of men the world will belong to the peoples of the earlh, artificial geographical boundaries will be scrapped, and nationality will but be the ex- pression by which men are marked off in the dif- ferent tents of the same family- household. Na- tionality will be known in its expressive arts, its poetry, its folk-song and music, its strict por- trayal of racial traits; it will cease to portend, as it does now, the division of the world into armed camps, actuated by the false ethic of hate preached by a class under the influence of the lust for wealth. Out then and preach the glori- ous gospel of the Socialist philosophy, the philo- sophy of true Equality, Fraternity and Liberty.

Tribunals and Business Men IT is surprising at. thi" late day to find that the business men meeting in Ixmdon to consider the extension of the age limit under the new Mili- tary Service Act should have fallen into that specious and foolish error that plunged the na- tion into such bitter sectional hatreds during the agitated days of the married versus the single controversies. The remark ma-do by one of these gentlemen that Grandpa goes to the war whilst Johnny goes to the War Office, only secured the applause and endorsement, of Grandpa's cowardly sidt", his reason repu- diated it directly it was brought to bear upon the problem. kla,, tlit, cowardly side of nature has a, habit of expressing itself at, such times, a.nd a. clever recognition of this hateful side of national psychology has enabled the smart Alecs among our politician's to play the sections to secure their ends. Personally, we have an infinitely greater preference in thinking -of the healthy and vigorous man of from 45 to 48 as suitable material for the soldier's occupation, than we have of thinking of the callow boy of 18 to 181, in the same position, but our object is not to assist in the demarcation of the nation into age groups, each anxious to hide behind the. other; and each seeking an excuse that will camouflage the real cowardice that'actuates the antagonism. It is because we fo;P(> an acrimonious remembrance of these things after the war that we plead now that this folly shall cease, and that the much saner view of the Chairman of the Bristol Tribunal shall prevail when he says, in arguing for the retention of discretionary powers by the Tribunals: "We have compelled many men to close then- shops, lose their all and ,join up. but if this is to develop into a general procedure I apprehend the gravest disaster." It is foolish to pretend that age determines busi- ness iuiht. financial genius, or the technical efficiency* of good management. If grandpa goes to the war it is because urra.nd.pa has been thought fit to go by the Medical Boards, who determined Johnnie's fitness a-No and if Johnnie goes to the War Office, it is safe to say, within the limits of a negligible residue, that Johnnie had the technique that made him of more ser- vice to the nation there than in the front line trenches. The whole philosophy of compulsion is false as false can be. but if we are to have it, then let the burden be equal, and do not let us corrupt an already evil tiling still further by endeavouring to fallaciously argue distinctions that are the outcome of purely subjective1 desire, and have no objective relationship to the facts of life. What is wanted is not a panic cry of the young skulker first, or comb-out. the funk- holes—which no one seriously believes to exist— but the institution of a discriminating machin- ery that will really determine on jhe facts as they arc as to the relative communal value of a man in business, trade, occupation and so forth, and in the army. Such machinery the Tribunals were set up to represent., and to oiiii, extent they succeeded in their purpose. What is wanted now that the Tribunals are to continue, is to seek to make them more efficient in their work of discrimination irrespective of the foolish error of age prejudices, and panic fear. More- over. it should be clearly borne in mind that poverty-stricken in initiative as the Triounals as a whole have proved themselves, dominated as they have been by a misguided bias towards militarist desire, they offer much more demo- cratic freedom to the individual than docs the Government departments that wore to take their place. We do not want the soulless, name- less domination of bureaucratic nonentities we prefer the continuance of the safeguard of the seeming Democracy of the Tribunal, which we know. The English right, of determination by open court is too hoary an institution to be al- lowed to fall to pieces even under the fretful hysteria of war as we are learning to know it.

John Scurr for North Bucks INTERESTING CONSTITUENCY AND EN- THUSIASTIC BACKING. Amongst the many constituencies that arc to be fought in the Labour interest at the next General Election, none outside our infmediate area will be watched with more sympathetic in- terest by South Walian Socialists than North Bucks, where John Scurr will light our cause. The clever and popular sub-editor of the Herald regaixls bis chances optimistically, though the area covered by his constituency is large, embracing six towns, the most important of which arc WolveKon (Railway shops), Blotch- leys, Olnev—the home of the poet Cooper— (bootmaking), and Xew]>ort Pagnell; in addition there are about- 100 villages given over to agri- culture—there are some 40 odd polling stations. John Scurr informed us that the spirit is fine and ait-hough the has oiii.N been established some six or seven months, it is enthusiastically and earnestly developing a real movement that should "succeed in wresting the seat from the Liberal Party who at prpspnt hold it. ,Scurr's propaganda has done much to j consolidate the I.L.P. in South Wales, and judging from those successes lie should succeed in constructing machinery; and awakening en- thusiasm on his own behalf of the principles of which he is so capable an exponent, that will make the election light interesting and enjoy- able. We trust that both lie and his chief—Geo. Lan.sburv—will find themselves on the Green Benches when the results of the polls are next published.

I.L.P. To Fight Keighley W. BLAND TO CHAMPION NEGOTIATED PEACE IN BY-ELECTION. The eyes of I.L.P.ers all over the country will be turned with interest on Keighley, where for the first time since the outbreak of war the I.L.P. is fighting a by-election. The constitu- ency has already lieen fought three rum's in the Labour interest, and an. avei'ago of 3,600 votes cast in favour of the Social-Democratic candi- date. :\1r. W. C. Anderson was the first to champion the cause in a Parliamentary tight, and Mr. W. Bland, the present Party Candidate, did big work at the last election as candidate. Mr. Bland is an old member of the Party, a con- vinced and earnest trades unionist, and a popu- lar figure in his constituency. Mr. Bland, who will be actively supported by our M.P. 's, will fight the issue on an anti-Llovd George Govern- ment, and Peace by Negotiation ticket, a.nd the result should provide an excellent opportunity of guagmg the feeling of the-.community in general towards a sane peace. If Mr. Bland is to do full justice to himself and our cause, money is urgently needed, and towards this end Mr. T. I). Benson, the Trea- surer of the Party, has issued an appeal and ll- lecting sheets to the branches throughout the country. It is to be hoped that the response will be suM that Mr. Bland will have no cause to complain of the attitude of the Party in ? general towards the phicky ngbt that he is m?kin?.

Wanted "A Great Moral Gesture. THE EFFECT OF A LANSDOWNE GOVERN- MENT. Writing in t,lie current (April-June) Social- ist Rev iew, the Editor (Mr. J. R. Maedonald, is at his liest in an examination of the situation as it was at the beginning of the month. With us all Mr. Maedonald comes to the opinion that the pre-requisite of peace is a cliange in rhe British Government. He regrets that Labour cannot step in and take the reins owing to practical difficulties, and then goes on say What woidd be the pffeet of the advent of. say, a Lansdowne Government:- In Germany 4tllo from beneath referred to in the diplomatist's memorandum (reproduced earlier) would at once begin to heave, and by bold and plain pronouncements by us the heaving could be kept, going. A diplomatic offensive would soon enable us to reach Berlin. Austro-Hun- gary would give no trouble, but would indeed join in our attack, demenceau would speedily give place to a more pacific Premier, and the movement already started in Italy to revise the Secret Treaty would go far and fast. There would be a transformation scene a.mongst the Governments of Europe. The threats and the pressure of Allied Governments upon us would be seen to be without popular support, and our oountry would gain enormously in popular es- teem and confidence abroad. Thus it might be saved firnn the dangers of isolation and enmity. It would break the spell of unreality, and peo- ple. now knowing that their hopes are false and their watchwords meaningless, would find them- selves facing the truth, and at the same time they would find themselves in power. We should bring the peoples of Europe back to those all too brief hours of moral exaltation when the Russian Revolution first happened, and when Bliss was it in that. dawn to be alive, But to be young was very heaven! TOO OPTIMISTIC? I, Is this view too optimistic, or is there solid ground ior holding it? I Jielieve the latter. We are too timorous in reading the signs of the femes. Governments and captains loom too large in our view. We do not put enough trust upon what is surging restlessly behind them. I have been much impressed by a. letter from an officer which 1 have been privileged by a friend to read. He is a VOlln" man of tine tastes and sensioilities, and lie has faced the realities of war, not having fought, as so many have done, by proxy. He volunteered at the beginning with alacrity because he felt that our hands were clean and our hearts pure" but, in the long mo- ments of watching and waiting through which he has ,One since, he has pondered over the meaning of the mad tragedy. He writes — Fear, fear, kkah The avenues of life are simply choked by it. We fear the Germans, and the Germans endure what they are en- during for fear of us. and nothing but a great moral gesture of absolutely transparent hon- esty can save us from tht- uttor ignominy of a war of exhaustion and starvation. But still our politicians hug their lies and duplicity— all bred of tear—and think they save us by them. EUROPE TO-DAY. —— This is profoundly true, but why should this be :'0 Why should the end be utter igntininy' —ignominy for mankind, for mankind' s faith, for God himself? We know the peoples want peace. Wo know they want the right kind of peace. Sehe idem arm has ,aid: did not fight far the, dismemberment of Russia, the subjugation of Belgium, or for Ixmgwy and Briey. The Government's policy towards Russia i- not ours.' And again: The independence of Belgium must, .be se- cured We disapprove the utterance irom an authoritative quarter that we would be willing to conclude p?a<'? providing that onr victory was fit ref'o?'nis?. We do not de- sire the humiliation of the enemy or a peace by force." Dr. Adler has "poken for the Austrian*- in a similar strain, and the Austrian Government has apparently refused to join in German (-on- quests in R ussia. The newspapers with the largest circulation in both Empires are pacific. The recent strike* were, in Scheidemann's words. demonstrations in favdur of peace, freedom, and bread.' Hie three go together. We know that the Italians are not in favour of the war, and that. but for the invasion of their country their Government would have been in sore straits long before now. France only l'e- quires some incident to wake her up and demand an end. Her people too have struck, they have silng the Internationale' in the streets of Paris, her soldiers have been on the point of mutiny. And yet the ruler- rule in all coun- tries, and the desire of the people has no effec- tiveness. A great moral gesture of absolutely transparent, honesty would break the spell. The Professor at the breakfast-table tells of tihe peo- ple who went to shout all together, but. no one shouted because each listened for the voices of I the rest. That I, Euiope to-day."

W. C. Anderson, M.P., and Conscience. SPEECH SAVES THE CLAUSE FROM DEMOLITION. Thanks largely to the efforts of Mr. W. C. Anderson, I.L.P. Member for the Attercliffe Division, the exemptions of the conscientious objectors, sucli few as there are. have been saved from the wreck and ruin of the new Man- power Bill. It was in supporting, on Saturday, Mr. IjOU .Jones amendment that the preroga- tive of cancelling all certificates of exemption should only be exercised" in pursuance of an ad- dress from each House of Parliament, that Mr. A nders o n ry) adt) his great speech insisting upon the essentiality of the safeguard of Parlia- mentary control in these days of attempts to Prussianise our institutions and increase the power of the Government press-gangs. The bearing of the new machinery on conscientious objectors was especially to be watched, as was also the A -ay in which this clause would aggra- vate the situation in Ireland, where perhaps the tribunals would he formed from the Royal Irish Constabulary or be purely military. As the clause stood, by. means of proclamation, without first obtaining tiie consent or concurrence of the House in any way, all exemptions granted for any business, domestic, or other reason could oe Sir G. Cave said he was willing to exclude ex- emptions granted under pa,ragraph C of the old Act—namely, those of conscientious objectors, a class of men of very little military value. (Hear, bear. )