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I President Wilson's Speech.…


I President Wilson's Speech. PRESIDENT WILSON possesses the happy knack of coming along at just the right moment and saying what most of the world is thinking much better than the world has hitherto been aole to express itself. Unhampered, apparently, by the strangling weight of secret treaties and actuated by a broad humanism and a sane statemanship that seems to have disappeared from the Parlia- mentary life of the Cabinets of the Old World, there is always a frankness about his utterances that seems to move us visibly nearer the peace for which we all yearn. And of all his speeches, none have been more opportune than that of last Saturday; for the imminence of the new Military Service Act, with its extension of the age-limit, had re-awakened an interest in the possible avenues towards peace in the conversa- tions of a class of men who hitherto have not been so concernedly anxious for a termination of the war as their aspect would lead us to sus- pect now. Running through their criticism of the only avenue to an early peace, the avenue of negotiation, has been an active distrust of the German nation, a distrust that is professed to be based on the shameful treatment that was meted out to Russia in the immediate past. It was, as we say, opportune that President Wilson should eomo along just in the midst of those con- versations and say just the same thing only much better. For whereas the man in the street found it impossible to differentiate between the German Junker, the German artisan and the German politician; President Wilson did draw upon his wider experience and broader insight to mark off the differentiation for llA. He as- sured us that her statesmen have said that they were willing to sit down at a Conference table whenever her enemies were ready, and her Chancellor has said that he believed that peace should roe based on President Wilson's own sug- gested basis. But, he tells us, Germany is led by her military faction and her military faction desire to dominate the world by force of arms. Now, there can be no doubt about the sincerity of President Wilson's feelings in this matter; nor can his logic be impugned so far as it goes. The Statesmen of Germany do want peace; her military leadei-s victory. Unfortunately Presi- dent Wilson's examination did not go down deep enough. He did not pause to ask upon what the Statesmen's desire for peace was based, or upon what grounds the military toqk their stand ii disregarding the expressed sentiments of Ger- many's citizen delegates at the Brest Litovsky negotiations and commencing a military aggres- sive invasion and dismemberment of Russia. Un- questionably the strength of the politician and of the military clique is drawn from the same source, the vast mass of the common people of Germany, whose voice exalts the politician, and whose manhood is the raw material with which the militarist seeks to shape his end. If the German politician is willing to make a sane peace it is because he interprets the will of the people to be centred in the demand for a sane peace; if the militarist dares to embark upon campaigns of aggression and depredation it is because he, too, thinks that he can rely upon that great mass of the nation from which he draws, not alone his levies, but the whole of his power. And probably both are right.. The great mass of the German folks yearn, in com- mon with the great mass of the peoples of all belligerent nations, for a sane, sound end to the war; but they fear to trust the politicians and diplomatists of the enemy nations. They fear, as many an Englishman fears, that to make peace with the enemy is to sell the soul and honour of their nation, and in their fear they lack' the will to give expression to their hopes and wishes, and, hesitating, they fall the prey to the most autocratic military power that Europe possesses. But that cannot go on for ever • nav, it need not go on for long. As Mr. Ma< don aid said last Sunday, the immediate need is to break down this awful barrier of mis- trust and misconception. Just as we ourselves could not make peace overtures to the German Junta, neither can the Germans be expected to view hopefully a meeting with the politicians responsible for secret treaties that spell death to German nationalism; responsible for a pro- posal of economic war after the war that means the industrial damnation of the Central Euro- pean powers for generations to come. What is needed is a recognition by all the peoples that these things are not the things that matter; that German militarism will die at the hands of its people when they :io longer fear their neigh- bours that the partition of the left bank of the Rhine, and of Dalmatia and the division of Tur- key are not the things for which the Democra- cies of the Entente powers strive to-day; what is urgently wanted is a knowledge amongst the common peoples that the militarism of Germany and the unlawful desires of the framers of the Entente secret treaties are both based on class economies opposed to the interests of German, British, French, and Austrian Democracies alike. And the one way in which that under- standing can-omne is through the meeting of the leaders of those Democracies in a spirit of truth and in mutual confidence. Thence only can come the trust that to-day is the only thing wanting to secure peace; thence only can come the pressure that will curb German militarism and finally kill it; thence only can come the power that will force the entente statesmen to renounce their unholy desires for gain; and thence alone can come the great inspiration that will maké the peace a people's peace, broad- based on mutual appreciation, deep-rooted in trust and confidence, and solid against the wiles of the modern devita of the world-the rapacious Capitalists, from whose base- ideals alone grow the frightful realities of a world at war.

I P.R. in Glamorgan. I

Mr. Hartshorn and the Unofficial…

Clydach Miners' Leader.

Our Easter Conference.