Pioneer

J. H. Thomas on Ireland I HOME RULE FOR THE FOUR KINGDOMS. I Mr. J. H. Thomas, M. P. was the principal guest entertained by the Irish Club in London on Saturday, on the occasion of the St. Patrick's Thomas'said In the course. of his speech, Mr. Thomas said: Unless we settle this war on a democra-tic basis and have a people's peace, a permanent peace, and not have militarism vitally and em- phatically destroyed, the alternative is an armed Europe, with all its horrors, and an end to de- mocracy, freedom, and liberty as we understand I it. IWOIKO r\€ ttt Un iU. T are not so resigned. The German Socialist Ma- jority have under-valued the spirit of the Ger- man working-class. It is not at all certain that this spirit is net undervalued even now. In any case, the best policy of the Allied Socialists is to encourage this spirit and, if possible, to help the German working-class. The second declara- tion of Vorwarts is an error. The Inter- Allied Memorandum does not indicate as a con- dition of peace the creation of a federated Aus- tria. The Memorandum says only that this federation is desirable and depends upon the effort of the interested nationalities. The Memo- randum further declares clearly that the dis- memberment of Austria cannot be considered as a war aim by the Inter-Allied Labour and Social- ist Parties. In order to meet the views ex- pressed by the Socialists of Hungary, the Memo- randum points out that it would be illogical to shut Austria-Hungary off from all connections with the sea at the very moment when the En- tente Powers are demanding such a concession for Serbia. The third declaration is only a re- petition. of what is said in the German Majority Memorandum delivered at Stockholm Alsace- Lorraine is German as an ethnographical whole.' This conception does not agree with the attitude of Hebel and Liebknecht in 1871. If ethno- graphical arguments only were to be considered, the German Government could claim annexation of German-Austria; but it is precisely this dif- ference of conception that must be examined at the General International Congress. It will then be seen that the conception of the German Ma- jority Socialists is only accepted by themselves. I am even convinced that this conception is not shared by all the Majority Socialists. THE REAL MISSION. The question, in a word, is not to know whether the German Government is ready to make concessions, but whether, after the deci- sion of an International Conference, the Ger- man Socialist Majority will make common cause with us in an effort to remove a cause of conflict which has poisoned political life in Europe for many years. The Minority Socialist, Haase, in a debate in the Reichstag on February 27th, said that the reactionary parties declare that a re- ferendum would give a majority to Germany in lie t d cl e(l, Alsace-Lorraine. If this is tried,' he added, I do not understand why they refuse the refer- endum. AN INCOMPLETE TRANSLATION. There are other reasons why I think the at- titude of the German Socialists towards our policy has not been fairly represented. The translation of the Vorwarts article which has circulated in the British press is not complete. '•I wo passages have been omit-ited— one at the be- ginning, the other at the end of the article. At the beginning of the article the writer says that lie has not the full text of the Memorandum be- fore him aU that he had was the summary given given by a. telegraphic agency. This explains the error about Austria. In a final paragraph, the writer declares that if the Inter-Allied Me- morandum was not in the nature of an ultima- tum, if it did not go further than give indica- tions and a direction to discussion, the docu- ment may be favourable to the conclusion of a lasting peace. The German Socialist Journal does not say at all, as suggested by some papers, that the Inter-Allied Memorandum is a danger to peace.' The writer says it, would be a danger if the proposals embodied in it were an irre- durible minimum. But we know that the Memo- randum is not a document of this character; it is not an ultimatum. This was clearly stated on tho last day of the Congress in the presence on tho last, day of tbt- (- of the whole press. When Mr. Arthur Hender- non spoke of the irreducible minimum,' he was not thinking of territorial questions. The phrase referred only to the general conception of peace; it indicated the nature of the principles we are endeavouring to apply. The p(hra.se signifies that we cannot accept a patched-up peace-—a peace which would be merely a truce and which, like the last Balkanie arrangements, would bring us face to face with new conflicts to-morrow. On this point all Socialists agree. A RIDICULOUS ASSERTION. 'The wo omissions to which I refer, whether deliberately made or not, had the effect of giving a totally false impression about the attitude of the writer of the Vorwarts article. The wrfter depended for the documentation of his argument 11 port telegraphic summaries of the memorandum, which may not have been accurate as sent from this country, and which may have been further falsified when published in the German press. It is this sort of literature which moved Herr Stresemann, the German Nationalist, to say in the Reichstag on February 27th, that the Inter- Allied Memorandum had an aggressive character, and that caused a Socialist paper in Bremen to declare very ridiculously that Mr. Henderson follows the policy of English imperialism. This sort of representation reached Its climax m the documents recently published in the 'Petit ParisÍf'n,' which was intended to prove that the Bolshevik leaders were in the pay of the German Government—documents which were later shown to be a complete invention, and that were circu- lated in the British press without any retraction. Haase said in the Reichstag that on all fronts there were gentlemen who work with false do- cuments. That is true; it is the reason why corrections are necessary. The divergences of opinion are sufficiefltly great, but it is not neces- sary to increase them. When the Governments feel that the time for public negotiations has corner they will find many points of agreement and the most astonished people will be those who formerly accepted these inaccurate statements."

The Irish question was an international one, and a solution had to be found. Let them free themselves from prejudice. Let. them lie big enough to realise that a mere compromise might find a temporary solution, hut would not provide a permanent one. They ought to be big enough and bold enough to realise that this running would must be healed, so that at least they would be able to say that one result of the war was certainly a benefit to our Empire. And if the principle of self-government was given, then it ought to be applied fearlessly and boldly, and in giving the remedy to Ireland they should be equally prepared to give it to Scotland, Wales, and England, and leave the Imperial Parliament to deal with those Empire problems the solution of which the war had rendered both necessary

Our Discussions This Easter. IMPORTANT DEBATING GROUND FOR NATIONAL CONFERENCE. THE INDUSTRIAL QUESTION ON THE TAPIS. There can be no doubt that the coming Easter Conference of the I.L.P. at Leicester is destined to be one of the most important in the history of the Party, if only from the fact that a serious attempt will be made to crystallise within some- what loose limits the principles, method, means and programme of the Party. It used to be the ooast of Hardie that the Catholicity of the I.L.P. was such that the Utopian could work in its ranks shoulder to shoulder with the most dogmatic of Marxians; that its branches were big enough to admit all who subscribed to the general formulae of The Socialisation of all the means of production, distribution and ex- change," irrespective, of the methods and means by which the units of the party sought to accom- plish this great task. That was perfectly true during the formative years of the party, though with the growth of our numbers, and, in parti- cular, the percolation of the Socialist ideal downwards through the many strata of the in- dustrial democratic world, prior to this war a feeling was growing amongst a goodly section of the rank and file that such points as the atti- tude of the Party towards industrial Socialism would ultimately have to he faced with a more definite national pronouncement than that hazy conception which had served so long, and which, even to-day, enables one member of the Party to declare that the Party's constitution makes no provision for active participation in industrial work, and allows another to declare that the I.L.P. is unfettered in its industrial activities. Those of us who drew inspiration from Hardie took the latter view because we knew from ex- perience that he himself was ambidexterious in his use of the two weapons. He would hit hard with the one, and use the other to the limits of its potency in the stage of utility in which lie found it. THE RESULT OF THE WAR. But the war has had a dual effect, that ur- gently demands a restatement along more de- finite lines than has hitherto been the case. First- of all the war has justified and proven the soundness of the principles of Socialist criticism, and thereby has quickened an interest in the movement, that has resulted in an influx of convents; and a.t the same time has stimulated those already inside to a more careful examina- tion and education in the foundations of our cause; secondly, on the industrial field the war has accentuated the class-war, and thereby has still further augmented the ranks of the only political paJrty that has dared to preach the doc- trine of the class-war, and give a sane interpre- tation of the factors that evolved the classes, as well as point the way to the inevitable pro- gress of the future. That is one side of the dual effect, of the past four years on the Party. On the other hand there has been an influx of re- cruits irom another souvc "n influx of what one iiiighi describe, fv} of a, better term, as reiigo-idealistic, recruits, niese persons whose enthusiasm has given the Party a, decided dy- namic these past three years, arc for the most part the remnant of a Radical left wing, who during peace times were unwilling; to travel with us because they doubted our practicability, be- cause they believed in the superior power of a. religious system, or for some other reason. They came in because they were pacifists, and because the I.L.P. in splendid isolation amongst the poli- tical parties of the nation held true to the ideal that was first with them. To-day many of these scoff at the Materialist Conception of History, laugh at the Labour Theory of Value, and de- clare themselves such good disciples of Tolstoy that they would even refuse to use the weapon of industrial stlrife-the strike. I have heard them. Of course, we had both elements before, but the issues were static. There was no occa- sion to quarrel; a broad toleration was possible so long as Socialism, working; as a dissatisfied minority in the State, was called upon only to preach the doctrine of a. better world system, to propagate the ideal of the Co-operative Com- monwealth of mail. But the times that have emphasised the weight and the difference of the two sections, have also brought about a state of affairs nationally and internationally tha.t has rendered the future of politics a mystery, and tha.t seems to many of us tp call in particular for the practical application of our Socialist theories at no very distant date. What was good enough for propaganda days when our future seemed far away, has ceased to be definite enough in days when a new movement is appar- ent in trades unionism, and when the future world seems almost. within our grasp. In parti- cular, what should be our attitude towards In- dustrial Unionism, has become a question of fre- quent discussion and no little warmth. It was something of a. realisation of these facts that caused the conference at Leed s lafit year to request the N.A.C. to re-state the principles and methods and means. The intervening twelve months have made that pressing question still more pressing, and the publication of J. R. Mae- donnld's "Socialism After the War," with its tentative endorsement of Guild Socialism, has shown that our leaders also recognise the reality of the problem, and the urgency of solving it by the careful elueiditation of the best means and methods, that is, that proffer a. solid solution, and offer no grounds for a plit in the Party as a whole. THE PRINCIPLES OF THE PARTY. It will be seen that the N.A.C. in undertaking the revision of the principles had to weigh care- fully the composite nature of the Party and its divergent schools of thought. Under the cir- cumstances their work is well done, though it carefully evades that direct pronouncement on industrial affairs that those of us who favour a more active campaign on this field could desire. But the amendments allow of this field being well opened in discussion. For instance, the opening sentence of the first resolution The I.L.P. is a political organisation," has produced an amendment from Glasgow City revising it to read" A Political and Industrial organisation," whilst on the other hand Urmston takes objec- tion to the following passage because it contains the words" indust.rial assoeia,tions": "To this end the private appropriation of the means of labour and production, which results in the un- deserved poverty, over-work, and waste of life for the many, will give place to the collective ownership and use of land and capital, in order that the public services and the general indus- try and provision of wealth may be carried on by the State, municipalities, and industrial as- sociations, • for the common and, as far as pos- sible, the equal welfare and happiness of all." Two amendments run in the direction of Guild THE STATE DEFINED. City of London so thoroughly disagree with the N.A.C. 's definition of the State that they call for the deletion in toto of the concluding sentence of the first resolution reading, By the St,ate, the I.L.P. means the community or- ganised for the collective well-being, and express- ing the general will by the voice of the whole body of citizens, men and women possessed of equal enfranchisement, through the medium of their elected Parliament and local administrative bodies." METHOD AND MEANS. There is but one amendment to the section known as "Method and Means" in which the Party's activities are laid down as propagandist and educational, in the direction of civic and national self government; towards the earliest possible realisation of the Socialist State, while the attitude of the Party towards reformism is declared to be expediency—to further all mea- sures making for the raising of the status of the worker, the increase of collective industry and service, the radical improvement of education, and the advance of the general industrial and political welfare of the nation. That one comes from South Islington and shows that there also the industrial question has agitated the mem- bers, for it seeks to strengthen the resolution by pledging the party to co-operation with trade and industrial unions and the utilisation of in- dustrial weapons to enforce the political de- mands that the paragraph represents. PROGRAMME. Bow and Bromley call for the delet-ion of the "Programme" section, which reads: "The European War has so deeply disturbed and changed the economic conditions of the nation that previous proposals relating to terms of wages, pensions, taxation, and industrial reform are re Adored obsolete. Fresh proposals will therefore have to lie formulated when it is seen how far these economic changes are likely to continue after the war—the scope of .such pro- posals being in accordance with the increasing political and industrial organisation of the workers, the advancing standards and ideals of life, and the growing capacities of the State." One cannot help feeling that Bow and Bromley are justified in their demand in view of the pure- ly negative nature of this programme," and prohahly the best course to follow would be for the N.A.C. to withdraw it as a resolution, and use it as an addendum, to their report to Con- ference leaving the final drawing up of the programme until time shall have developed a solid earth upon which to build a. constructive positive one. INTERNATIONAL POLITY. No one takes exception to the concluding mat- ter headed "International." Indeed, it would have been surprising if anyone had taken objec- tion to it in view of the fact that it displays just, that cautious feeling of the way that is es- sential under the conditions. It reads: "Reali- sing that war is not only an appalling crime, hut constitutes the greatest menace to civilisa- tion, the I.L.P. believes that no higher duty rests with the Socialist and Labour movement than that of rendering war impossible. It de- mands the repeal of Conscription and opposes militarism in all forms. It opposes the appro- priation of territories and the subjugation of native peoples, the imposition of tariffs, secret treaties, and all policies ca lculated to provoke animosity and strife between nations. It warmly supports the establishment of International Law and the International Federation of States. For these ends and for the unification of the world- wide forces of Socialism and democracy, the I.L.P. works in co-operation with the Socialist International." The amendments proposed to the party consti- tution exhibit pretty well the feature-, of the matter already dealt with, and are characterised by additions to the resolutions originally sug- gested emphasising the class nature of society, and calling for an increasing use of the indus- tria 1 weapon, together with several indications of the attraction which the programme of the Guild Socialists is exercising amongst our mem- bers in all parts of the country. THE GENERAL RESOLUTIONS. In the body of the general resolutions one finds the hardy annuals and the reaffirmations of our peace policy, and international faith; our protests over the treatment of C.O. 's and poli- tical offenders, and suggestions for the payment of the national debt by steeply graded income taxes. Education, Housing, the Liquor Trade, and the rest of the features to which we are all so used at Conference make their appearance' with very little alteration in their familiar make-up. THE SOLDIERS' CHARTER. The most important and novel of the proposals embodied in this section aJ'e those contained in the Soldiers' Charter," a conjoint effort of a. r--onj o i nt e ffort. of the Agenda Committee, Leicester and Lincoln. In this there are several amendments, but only of minor importance and strengthening the various clauses. The resolution reads: That this Conference affirms: (a) That the pay and separation allowance and pensions of soldiers and sailors and their de- pendents should be substantially increased, and should be based on rates of civil wages and should respond to the great rise in the cost of living. (b) That the pensions paid to discharged men should be in respect of injuries receive d without regard to the wages they may happen to be earning, and that the wages paid to such men should be in respect of work done and of the standards of the trade and district, without re- gard to any pension they may be receiving. (c) That more generous provision should be made for the industrial training, especially during apprenticeship to a. trade, for the chil- dren of deceased sailors and soldiers. (d) That, seeing that soldiers have civil duties and responsibilities, the fullest possible measures of civil and political liberty should be granted to them. (e) That all medical examinations should be conducted under humane conditions and should have regard to the warmth, comfort, and per- sonal convenience of the men concerned, and that full regard should be given to a man's life medical history. (f) That the death penalty in the Army should lie reduccd to the narrowest limits, and that in no circumstances should a soldier be sentenced to death without the means of legal or other adequate defence, and courts-martial should in- clude representatives of private soldiers. (g) That the system of placing unfit men in Class W., Army Reserve, which sometimes affects adversely their pensions, wages, industrial status, and freedom, should be abolished, so that men no longer serviceable to the Army may receive their final discharge. (h) That self-governing organisations of dis- charged soldiers should be adequately repre- sented on all Committees dealing with the ad- ministration of war pensions and similar mat- ters. (i) And that the I.L.P. Members of Parlia- ■>•^1+ ».nrMiino+nrl +r» ni-oso +Viic nrrV'TSimmP nnon

I Merthyr Teachers' Salaries I SECONDARY SCHOOL ASSISTANTS AND FISHER GRANT. View, of the secondary school teachers upon. the amounts allocated them from the Fisher Grant in salaries were presented the Merthyr Education Authority on Wednesday through a letter sent on their behalf. The teachers ex- pressed satisfaction with the fact that the com- mittee had increased the maximum salaries of graduates and had removed the unfair in- enqualities in the remuneration of non-gra- duates. Keen disappointment, however, was felt at there being no declaration of the committee's intention to increase the grant allocated to salaries in 11)16-17. Many of the teachers, it was stated, did not receive adequate and imme- diate relief. Mr. Rhys Elias (Director of Education) inter- polated that the teachers accepted the improved scale from 1916. They could not be working under the old and the new system. It was further intimated in the letter that having regard to the fact that the official grant was mainly to be used for the betterment of salaries to teachers they did not think the authority justified in retaining the greater por- tion of the grant for 1916-17 to be utilised for any other purpose. To accept as final the scale as it stood at present would be contrary to the policy of their union from whom the committee might expect to receive a communication in the near future. A letter, similar in terms, from the assistant mistresses' association, was read, in which it was pointed out that not quite a half of the grant had been spent in salaries. During the resultant discussion Mrs. M. A. Edmunds said that the teachers had been led to'believe that the authority were keeping back figures from them—an erroneous impression- and that the money 'had not been spent but re- tained. That was where the poison was. Mr. W. R. Harris (Borough Controller) ex- plained that the teachers had been privileged to -see the reports of the whole figures. The com- mittee would have been better off to give them the whole grant. Let them do as was done in Pontypridd and other places—tell the teachers they should have the grant on the old scale and the grant paid when it was received. The Mer- thyr Authority were not only giving them the grant but thousands a year in addition. Eventually it was decided to reply that the matter could not now be re-opened.

Another C. O. Dies. INQUEST ON HUNGER STRIKER ADJOURNED. An inquest was held on Saturday at Hull Gaol on William Edward Burn, thirty-five, a con- scientious objector, who, it is understood, had been on hunger strike. The Governor stated that Burn was convicted by a district court-martial at Cleethorpes on November 8th for disobeying the lawful com- mand given by a superior officer, and was sen- tenced to two years' hard labour. He was re- ceived into the-prison on November 16th and died there on March 14th. He gave his trade as a weaver, and belonged to Failsworth, Lan- cashire. The Coroner said lie had directed an unofficial doctor in conjunction with the prison doctor to make a post-mortem in the public interest. The hearing was adjourned.

I Theatre Royal Commencing on Monday, March 25th, there win he a great attraction at the Theatre Royal, Merthyr, as Mr. Seymour Hicks' principal Lon- don company will occupy the boards with that screaming farcical comedy, Broadway Jones." FroJll the very start to the finish this play goes with a. swing, and has delighted huge audiences in every town it has visited. How the audience revels in the absurd situa- tions brought about by "Broadway Jones' projected matrimonial alliance with the ancient widow, and how uproariously they cheer when the great Gum Trust Company is metaphorically knocked out by Robert Wallace I There is plenty of genuine, clean, bright, sterling fun. A Scream in Four Acts," is the sub-title of Broadway Jones." Usually one shuns the self- proclaimed II scream "—here the very truth of the description will be a pleasant surprise to those who have not seen the play, and a glad reminder to those who have. People in need of an evening's laughter would do well to seek it in the adventures of Jockson Jones," that gay dog of New York, who went to Connecticut and was tiy-ned into an industrious man of business. A joke, too, which makes everyone rock with laughter, is a business meet- ing, and Broadway Jones calls to Judge Spots-wood (who is wearing a check suit) in an official tone, "N-o-A, then, Judge, put your checks on a seat and we will begin." I believe that even if one couldn't, hear a word of the play, one could by watching Broadway Jones'" quick movements and amazing changes of expression understand and thoroughly enjoy the whole of it. Loud laughter prevails when Jones," in a fit, of temper, shakes his pen full of ink al! over Peter Pembroke's waistcoat, and then realising what he has done, with a queer smile, takes up the blotting paper and blots it clean. The caste will include Miss Constance Luttrell as Josie Richards." Miss Elizabeth Watson as Mrs. Gerard," Miss Isobel Broznan as Clara Spotswood." Miss Adela Measor as "Mrs. Spots- wood," Mr. J. C. Btick,toiie i, Ju(Ige Spots- wood." Mr. John Duncan as "Peter Pembroke," Mr. Gordon Paine as Rankin," Mr. Arthur Bawtree as Robert Wallace," and Mr. Charles Hanbury as Jackson Jones." The play will be stages on an elaborate scale, and big business should be the rule during the company first visit here. For the present week we have had two power- fully written and cleverly presented melodramas, Always Welcome," which did big business from Monday to Wednesday, and "A Gipsy King," that opened auspiciously on Thursday night. POLITICAL RECONSTRUCTION. Burton-cn-Trent. Lincoln, and Saltley express their dissatisfaction with the new Franchise Bill in the following comprehensive resolution: "This Conference demands, (a) The Abolition of the Monarchy, the House of Lords, and of all titles and State-granted honours (b) Adult Suffrage for all men and women; (c) payment of all registration and election expenses from na- tional taxes of all candidates who poll one-eighth of the total number of votes oast; and (d) the revision of the system of Parliamentary Govern- ment to ensure democratic control of the Exe- cutive by the elected representatives of the people, and for this end urges the establishment; -Ir f-- vF t^