Pioneer

TRADE UNION NOTES. SEE PAGE 3

I Labour & Foreign Policy. I PAGE 4.

Political Notes By F. W. Jowett, M.P. ARCHAIC LANGUAGE. If those who arc responsible for the precious- produetions which according to traditional usage are called Kind's Speeches were wise in their day and generation. tJiey would quietly chop out of the habir of using language that might have been appropriate in the days of William the Con- queror hut is out of place now. It is sheer non- sense, for instance, to say in the name of the King, that Parliament is summoned because it is imperative tor Me to .summon Parliament. Also, the phrases I and My Allies," My people," My Government." are not phrases that can be fittingly used in the public docu- ments of a democratic State, and. to refer to My forces in the field when the said forces are supposed to he making the world sftfe for Democracy is not the way to carry conviction as to the sincerity of the persons responsible for compulsory missions on which conscripted forces are encased. On the other hand, speaking of the Address in reply to the Kind's j Speech, which is annually debated in the House of Commons, to offer humble thanks to YOI" Majesty for the Gracious Speech is no pa¡1' of the business for which representatives of the people are elected. A less slavishly ser- vile text for Parliamentary speeches on public affairs might be found that would l, more in harmony with the spirit and intention of Parlia- mentary government. PROPAGANDISt TO ENEMY NATIONS. Viscount Northcliffe, who. as plain Mr. Harmsworth. rose to fame and fortune on the popubrity of Answers ha? been o?ere<! and has accepted the position of Director of Propa- gamb in Kiiemy Countries. |Tis duty, so he has himself stated, will be to use his knowledge of the enemy countries to direct the propaganda for the dissemination of full anc accurate reports of important speeches, statements of war aims and other matter among the people of the Cen- tral Powers and their allies. As, however,, the versions of important speeches and writings of public ilieli in enemy countries, published by Lord Xorthcliffe's pipers for the information of the British public, are frequently neithei inil no1- accurate, the German and Av.tri-ii Govern ITTr, wirl. no ..iolrbt, by publishing » lew se- let-ted exaui|)les taken from the Northcliffe Press, be able to give the people iii enemy coun- tries some idea of what they may expect from the new Director of Propaganda, and so discount in advance the effect of his activities, further- more, when the new Director ventures on the delicate ground of Allied war aims the enemy Governments will doubtless reply by re-publish- ing the secret treaties we have heard so much abort recently, and, if they do, there will be no need for furt her comment oil the matter. SHAMED AT LAST. I. At last the House of Commons has been shamed into making a protest against Mr. Lloyd George's treatment of an opponent in debate. I refer to the incident that took' place a week ago when • Lloyd George said in answer to an en- quiry'put to him by Mr. Asipiith that he bogged his right honourable friend not to for information winch the enemy '"would gladly pav large sums of money to get—thereby suggesting that Mr. Asquith was asking for the publication of military information that would be used against our own forces in the field. Of course. Mr. Asquith had made no enouirv wli. ell justified Mr. Li ovd George's suggestion, and it was a mere debating trick on Mr. Llonl George's part to implv that he had. Mr. Lloyd George was obvious!v surprised at the hostile demonstration mode against him on account of his unfairness. He did not know that lie had done anything -it was lllllhWrl for him to do. aiid, in faf-t.hf-bad done nothing more than repeat ins customary trick. But Mr. A«quith is an eN-P_ri'.ne Minister, and he has many friends and. political supporters in the House of Commons, and it is not ?mT<' the same thing to play a trick on him as it is t'? ta)\c advanTn? of otbo' and ?ss pow?rf'd persons.. The Prime Minister will probably take j thv, fact into account in future. QUITE TYPICAL. As J have said Mr. Llo.x d George regularly debate as he adopted in reply to Mr. Asquith on the occasion when he failed so badly. What he does is to pretend to opponent's case by means of suggestion rather than ?y means of quotation or proof. But it isahvaysano?ttrnsfoustrnvp?ty of an opponent's case that Mr. I?oyd George pt<-?"i?w!)?n it suits his purpose, and on this false ground he proceeds to convey the impres- sion that his opponent is devoid of patriotism, of honesty, or of spnsp. or, to cover him with ridi- cule if is fool. I CLAP-TRAP METHODS. j. J. Lloyd George not only employs the cheap flap-trap methods to which I have referred in }'eply to his political opponents in Parliament, He has so littlt, respect for his countrv as to speak i of it to the world a.t large, in reply to enemy statesmen, after the saiiie style and man- ner In the same speech in which he replied no )e?s unjustly, to the Austrian .Foreign Secrel tary. Count Czernm, and to the German Chan- cellor, Count HertHn?. The former (Count Czernm) he 8uggeted. quite m,¡tndy. had re- fused I to discuss a single definite question raispd oy President Wilson. although in point of fact Count Czermn had carefully replied to all the questions raised by President Wilson, and on several of the most important questions ex- pressed his unqualified agreement with Presi- dent Wilson. NOT STRAIGHT. I In reply to Count Hertling, Mr. Lloyd George deliberatelx twisted a remark to the effect that fi-ec,doill of the seas would be more easilv secured if I ii resid! ent AA ilson could persuade Great Britain to give up her fortified naval bases into a demand (which lie emphasised bv saying that it was made for the first time-, that all" the British coaling stations throughout the world would have to be given up. Mr. Lloyd George Knows very well that Count Hertling made no ii(,,Ii demand," and that the reference to Gih- aitai, Mnltn aud otlnfr naval bases was but a retort to Mr. Lloyd George's extravagant claim that the Central Powers must give up Alsace, Posen. Galioii. Trentino, Transylvania, Syria, Palestine, Arabia and Mesopotamia. Mr. Lloyd George's reply to Count Hertling and to Count Czernin, when compared with that of President W I lon. reported on the same day, reads badly. It is not straight. PROUD AND FLATTERED. I Mr. Lloyd George is flattered. He is proud. The Frenc h representatives at Versailles were not only willing to hand over the defence of the French (?p)ta! and the most ,'ita! pads of F rance to the British Army, br theA demanded n<? that the British Army she ta!? less, 1m l noL tliit the Fti-itisli !1(, .(1 less, l?lit I I{'an"that Great Britain is hoin? ]?it with the dog to hold. The soldiers, who wiH have to do th,- ho ding wiH be pleased to know t!m- .] r, ?joyd (;(n,?. is proud and flattered with MIS part of the job. CLUMSY FORGERIES. I ¡ Mr. J. K. Ma.cdonald did well to challenge, in the House of Commons, the authenticity of the series letters that appeared in the press re- cently, the object of which was to prove that the Bolshevik leaders were in German pay. The letters were said to have h?n suppli?j bv an anonymous informer, and the most damaging of the statements contained in them was to "the effect that the German Imperial Bank had cir- cularised G?'man ?anks in SwitxpWand instruct- ing them to pay onnnutod sums to nine pro- pagandists in Russia." The circulars were dated March 2nd. Lenin was one of the nine and Trotsky was another. Kameneff was also named. Ihat the letters are clumsy forgeries is clear for Lenin did not return to Russia lIntil April Trotsky was in the United States in March and did not reach Russia until midsum- mer. Kamaneff was an exile in Siberia. I A SINISTER ASPECT. I 1 he removal of Su' A\ tiliam Robertson from his- po^t as Chief of Staff threatened, at one time, to bring a bout a serious political cr sis, and. possjbjy, the destruction of the present I)it,ll I decision, however, to accept service in another capacity has smoothed matters over lor the Government and the crisis seems to have passed without sc!-tr,?,-?u}t. l!-si,.)uh))? tn?'?ol?rthntt?- ?pttT! t!?(??,,) ?)?. ?,i,? ? the House (,f Cott,Ioll,,1,1(,Il ,]I flip I ml'nt in /'("nnl rnih,?, !,? notL?n? ?L?. ?r.?nd.. Only ?.?n.on'?rsof t? Government woo are acquainted with the facts concerning the dispute 011 military policy which has led to So; illiam Robertson's removal from his post are m a position to jutl^re the military issue. But there is a serious constitutional issue involved in the case, and that is whether it is true, as has been staled, that the press has. been used as a too! 1w persons in authority for pur- poses which are not disclosed to piaiiiiiiiielit it- self. Tunc after time attacks in the Northcliffe press have been followed by changes in the Gov- ernment and in the command of the forces, and if is impossible to resist the conclusion that the dnpction of puMic polioy. as wpH as of the direc- tion of military operations, is passing into th? hands of Lord Northcliffe. and this w?h thf'1 connivance of the Prime Minister. It is this '.? pcf't 01" T h r'case that :ss) mstp)'an( menacing.) aspect of the case that is sinister and menacing. — ;—

Swansea Valley Notes Peace Campaign. The peace movement in the. Swansea alley doubtless inconsiderably augmented by the visit during the past week of such well-known propagandists as Mi's. Desparcl and Dr. Wattcr WaWii. London. Crowded meetings were the rule, liotli speakers lieing accorded enthusiastic receptions. The towns visited included Ystrad- gynlais. Ystalyfera, Ammanford. Cwmavon and Pontardawe. Wallhead's Release. Mr. R. C. AA all he ad wa+> released from Swan-! sea Prison on Monday and was met outside by Messrs. Bruce Glasier, Ivor Thomas, F. Rohert, I Dan Walters and Tom Evans, all pleased to see liiiii looking fit. Personal. Mr. David Rees, whose son. Mr. D. J. Rees, is secretary of the Glais IX.P., has been confined to bed for some weeks. His many friends wish him speedy recovery. ♦

What About Housing? COUNCILLOR STONELAKE DEMANDS ACTION. TO TUK KDlXOJi. Dear Sir.La.st week I visited the exhibition of plans of working-class dwellings 4t the Oity Hall. Cardiff, and alter careful perusal I found nothing to excite my admiration. 1 do not wish I came away savagely depressed. I do not wish to criticise the architects who competed. Thev are creatures 01 01,vumsT.ance, and, no doubt, too often have to sacrifice art to commerce in orclei to bring their plan into line with the pos- sibilities of an economic irnt." The thought 1 could noi shut out from mv brain whilst I gazed on those three-roomed hutches was something like this; "The nation owes its sa lvation to the working-class. These men cannot be allowed to come back to the hovels they left to fight for king and country. We must rp-Imild England, etc., etc." And. oh heavens! thought 1. this is how we are going to re-build England a recrudesence of the ancient evil. The nation, not even the social reformer— generally speaking— seems able to rise from the rut into which he has fallen. People seem to think, all a working-class family requires is room to eat, wash, and sleep. With a few ex- ceptions these new plans give just a living room, scullery and bed rooms. The space provided is very little, if any more than one gets in the okl-fashioned house com- prising a kitchen, side-bedroom and two bed- rooms on first floor. The architects have made the best of a bad job. But the best of a hn,d io., is not good enough. Now is the opportunity for the work- ing classes through their various organisations to demand th^ England's recoilstruetion must he on bigger and more generous lines than those suggested in this planning exhibition. It is not for liie or l you, workers, to go into detail, or-anticipate possible difficulties that may arise. A\ hen the nation is wide-awake means can and must be provided to do the right thing for the people.—- Youi*. faithfully. I\Vl'ONEI.AKE. I :(; H(, I -t Street. Aberuare.

I Railiaymeo and Man Power MAESTEG AND PORT TALBOT DEMANDS NEGOTIATION. At a well attended meeting of Locomotive En- ginemen and Firemen held at the Dockers' Hall, Port Talbot, i-ocently, the subjoined resolution was carried That this open meeting of looumot-ive men of Port Talbot and District endorse the action of the Executive Committee of the Amalga- mated Society of Locomotive Enginemen and firemen, in the-it persistent fight against sub- stitution of the men employed on the foot- plates of the country. Further we demand that the British Government- enter into imme- diate negotiations with the belligerent Powers on the basis of self-determination of all na- tions. no annexations and no indemnities. Should ,viieli action demonstrate that German Imperialism is the only obstacle to peace, we express our determination to co-operate in the prosecution of the war until these objects have been achieved. In the event of the Govern- ment failing to open such negotiations we pledge ourselves to act with the organised workers of Britain in resisting the man-power proposals of the Government." MAESTEG OPINION. The Maesteg members of the National Union of Railwaymen unanimously endorsed the ap- pewied resolution — "Thnt this meeting strongly protests against the repeated imprisonment and penal- isation of conscientious obejetors as a viola- tion of the cla uses of the Military Service Acts intending to safeguard the historic right of individual freedom of conscience and opinion, and demands their immediate release from prison and penal settlements.

What AreWe Fighting For I BRUCE GLASIER'S FINE IDEALISM AT II MERTHYR. I THE MISSION OF THE I.L.P. AND THE I LABOUR PARTY. Therewasahneideidism.a lofty aspiration, and a contagious enthusiasm about .J. Bruce Glasier's message to a packed Merthyr Rink last Sunday, that recalled the spirit of William Morris at, his f^st. The fine old veteran's Socialism is of his heart- as well as of his head, and whilst some of us may think that the heart is apt, a.t times, to erect Utopias, ot idealism that are incapable of withstanding the test of practice, we all fell under the spell which he wove so charmingly. For an afternoon we lived in the Britain of News from Nowhere, but its contiguity to to-day was proved by the topical nature of many of the problems which Mr. Glasier handled' with such erudition. •). Bruce Glasier's concept-ion of the I.L.P. is one that might make many of us ashamed of our materialism. To him tlie I.L.P. is entrusted with the task of leading Democracy out of the land of bondage into die promised land and as befits the Moses of the Labour Movement our t,t-sli is to breathe the rarified air of the high mountains as we map out tiie land and then to descend and conquer the jungle, cut the paths, and pioneer the way. Truly an ideal wordiy the man: for Bruce Glasier has been a prophet for more years than some of us have breathed: a .Socialist from the wee sma' days when Socialism, was a faith held by the few indeed. John Adkins, from the chair, must have felt something of this, too, when in introducing Mr. G1 a-sier, he referred to ilIa1 memorable Hink meeting of October. 1914. when Hardie. Mac- donald and Glasier, gave a lead to the I.L.P. that will ever make that meeting historical in the local annals of Socialism and when he re- ferred to the honours that national and Inter- national Socialism had conferred upon J. Bruce Glasier—honours for work done for tlw wnrld- wide movement. HARDIE. I M'\ Glasier was. as a personal friend, an ar- dent discipie and a fciinw-co'itr\nian pf Hardie, to of our great dead master. Those of it,, liliiclt in tonch with Hardie f{' his loss in a way we cannot easily express. In the old days always when Hardie came amongst us we loolie(I at Ill., (itlit-It, piercing eye, and wo wondered what new air-raid, wdiat new offensive campaign lie was plotting against the Capitalist enemy. And every morning we opened onr news]wipers with anxiety, wondering what fresh indiscretion lie was bringing ourselves and the Labour Movement into. We never had rest in- side, and the enemy never had rest outside while Hardie was with us working, fighting and strug- gling so arduously for the workers. Never until Socialism is realised shall we have a nobler tradition than we have had in the man who honoured you in his representation, and who was honoured to represent yon for so many years." (Ohcers. ) OUR OWN I.L.P. I I am glad to bring good tidings to AlertJiyr of our own I.L.P. Never in the history of our movement was there so much deep and vital propaganda being done by our movement. At the present time our branches are growing as they never grew Iwfon many of them have doubled, some of them have trebled and quad- rupled in membership on what they were at the outbreak of war. The zcal that has been shown and l he propaganda enthusiasm that been shown is such that. despite the fact that in many towns public meetings are impossible, and despite the fact that the Press ignores the everyday work of our movement, still the I.L.P. at the present moment is thp driving force of the Labour Party, and the chief driving and in- spiring force of the intellectual Democratic movement. A soldier writing to the Laoour Leader bade us be prepared to enrol 5.0C{I,noo mem bers of the I. L.P. when the men came back. (Cheers.) I think that is an exaggerated esti- mate. I cannot say how far-amongst the men at the Front the principles advocated by the LL.P. are popular; but. at any rate, it .repre- sents a point of view. When the men come back they will be able to come into our Labour movement, and they will 1)(. able to endorse the work that we have been doing, and they will no longer be the men they were before the war. I do not think the T.I,.Y. will ever have LOW,WO members in this country, prohrubly never 500,000. But that does not matter. The bulk of the peo- ple of this country never join any political movement Thev vote for parties, but they are rather reluctant to join organisations and pay. We are not so nnxious that we should have 1 .(XX),<"M)0 members, but we are anxious that t hose who ioin with us shall be earnest in our principles. shall share in the movement and have joy in the carrying forward of our propaganda. (Cheers.) THE WAR. I Proceeding to address himself to the general position of affairs to-day Mr. Glasier said. I cannot speak without saying a word about the war itself and the pivsent position. I am going to put-a question that has been put many times from this platform. I am going to ask you what the Allies are fighting for to-day? We went into this war because Belgium had been invaded. We went into this war, according to the state- n ents of 1Tr. Asquith and Mr. Lloyd George, in order to preserve the integrity of small na- tionalities and the freedom of Europe. What are we now fighting for:' AYe know that Bel- gium will be evacuated; we know that Germany is prej>ared to evacuate Belgium; prepared to make restitution to Belgium we know that Germany is prepared to evacuate all territory in Europe occupied during the war, if Great and the Allies are similarly prepared to evacuate all territories in Europe and elsewhere occupied I during the war. AYc • know that Germany is prepared to engage in a League of Nations to preserve the peace, that she is willing to agree I to the .institution of international law. and in- ternational tribunals of arbitration and of con- ciliation. And that is probably about the most that could be obtained were we to obtain what it has stated we are still struggling for-- complete military victory. (Cheej-s.) That is to say, if the Allies stili stand by the declara- tions they made at the beginning of the war— no annexations, and no indemnities. What then are we fighting for. I declare that my convic- tion is that we are fighting for secret treaties. (Cheers.) AYe are not fighting for the declara- tions made bv our Government publicly. but for the bargains made, some before the war. some subsequent to its outbreak. Mr. Lloyd George has not said that we are actually tiglit- ing for the restoration -of Alsace- Lorraine to France, but he Itas said that we will stand by France if she desires to fight for the restoration of Alsace-LoiT-iine. The la to Lord Salisburv declared that one of the three greatcrimes j of modern history was when Louis XIV. et 'France, without provocation, wrested from Ger- many the provinces of A1: eacc Lorraine. About i years later Germany, also by the power of the sword, wrested back from Fiance Alsace- Lorraine. and that became the greatest crime of the IRth Century. Now France wants to wrest back from Germany Alsace-Lorraine. Are we ?oin?toiiinhtonforthat.andi?. there to be no end to the French and Germans fighting for the restoration of Alsace and Lorraine: None! if we assent to the power of the sword. We ba\e agreed on oil- war aims, and practically the whole international Socialist movement has agreed, that the determination of the question of Alsace-Lorraine shall lie left to the j>eopIe of those provinces. (Cheers.) Are we fighting— as. appar<*ntlv. the Italian premier takes it for granted we are—to satisfy what is termed the legitimate ambition of the Italian nation, i.e.. to give not only tlie Trentino, but Dalmatia. a number "f the Aegian islands, and, probably, to obtain a settfement in Syria and to obtain possession of Tripoli Ttaty did not lift a finger to assist France and Britain on behalf of Bel- gium during the tenable first six months of the war, ft wiU be an amazing and astounding I thing if we of the British nation, or the French or the Belgians, should prolong the war by a single day jn order to fulfil the legitimate, or illegitimate, aspirations of the Italian Govern- ment. Are we still to go on fighting until ]I t Turks- T am perfectly willing for Constantinople to be in- ternationalised. providing you go all rouml but I do not see that it is just to internationalise Constantinople if we are going to leave Malta and Cyprus and Egypt and Gibraltar in the hands of Britain, and Panama in the hands of the I nited States. If the argument can be ap- plied to the Dardanelles Straits, it can also be applied to the Suez Canal, to the Straits of Gibraltar, and to the Panama Canal, and the other water-ways of the worlds. There is sim- ply no reason to doubt that if we are willing to make overtures for pence, or to make it known to the Germans that we seek no territorial ag- grandisement whatever. providing Gerfuany similarly renounces all conquests, that we can have peace to-morrow—or very soon. I know there may be in this hall, as I know there are tens of thousands in the country, people, who. while generally prepared to accept that state- ment, nevertheless have deep fear that the closing of the war at the present time would mean a virtual triumph for German Militarism, and nrove a danger to the future peace of the world. I am not going to say there arc no grounds for that. Germany does seem to hold the major position in the military situation. But Task you no1: to be afraid so much of Ger-1 man militarism. German Militarism did not begin with the beginning of the earth, and it is not going to last for ever. (Cheers.) There are civic powers in tli• world making for the break- down of German, and "every other militarism. If we have faith in our Democracy, in OUT prin- ciples, then our faith must be manifested in our works. No nation can be conquered by the sword if it has no wish to be conquered. We should have our football matches going on. and ouv pawnshops still active in. a few years even if the Germans were here or not. Nations wd] wei-c- o,- ii(?t. N- .i t on.- m"-I ] ] not yield to any military power. And the Ger- man nation was rapidly marching ty the con- quest of its military power when the war broke out. If the -\var could have been postponed another five years, it would never have taken place. There wa-s no question that the two most wonderful organisations at the outbreak of war were German Militarism on the one hand, find German Social Democracy on the other. (Cheers.) And the Kaiser had declared that'lie wished his military arm was as well organised as the Social Democracy. I heard Rebel declare in reply to .Taures. at Amsterdam, that they had 3.' mil- lions of votes, and that when they had 7 million they would be masters of the Kaiser and of German Militarism. Tn the elections before the war the Social Democratic vote had Increased tiii illion, and at the next elections it would have been 7.000,000. Then the apparent Ger- man weakness of sllhmission to tlw majority would- have been its strength, for as the leaders had time and again declared to him. if they had submitted to be ruled by a majority, they would not tolerate dictation oy a minority. Had time been given, the German people would have destroyed their own militarism, and to them must be left the task even now, (Cheers.) How many soldiers would have to keep the German people down. even if we took the Genu an na- tion and destroyed its army and navy? It would take from five to ten millions of men. and that would have to be an allied nrmy of oc- cupation, dependent upon the continuance of perfect amity amongst the Allies, a consumma- tion not justified by historical experience. LABOUR PARTY AN THE FUTURE. I Treating of the present Labour .Movement. Mr. Glasier said he had heard expressions of .doubt as to the wisdom of Keir Hardie bring- ing about the alliance of the Socialist and La- bour Movements which bore the name of the Labour Party to-day. These p<*ople had looked at the failure of leading men in the Labour Party, insidt, the House of Commons and out- side. to serve treixloui and Socialism and Demo- cracy dining the crises of its days of trial. The doubts had been due to the fa.1t that the La- bour Party was regarded as a Socialist Party, and the mistake was made of astsuming that only trade unionist had gone wrong from our point ot view. He wished we exiuld say that was ti-tie only of trade urnon leaders. He wished we had not to say it also of Socialist- leaders. It was not only men who had come into the alliance without having shed their Liberalism who had gone wrong, hut many of the elass- eonscious, Revolutionary leaders had gone wrong—Hyndman, lielfai-t- Hax, Dan Irving, Cunningham Graham," Aid. Sanders. Robert j Blatchford and all the rest-of them. And not merely in this country but in all other coun- tries. Had it been onh non-Socialist, trade- union leaders who had gone wrong we might have said that there was something wrong with the all iance with trades unionists and have sought only alliance ith Socialists. The weak- ness of our own Laoour Party had been found in every country, and was diVe to the common weaknesses of our human nature. He had grown weary of seeing the faults of other men. and he fdt that what he had to do. and to ask others to do. was to try to do right. ( Cheers.) There was no hope TOt Socialism, if it was to be the preserve of a select few highly gifted men. IVe muwt hope that. the whole people was going to become Socialists. And we were going to have all the labour leaelers—except the few who ac- cepted Government appointments, back with us three weeks after the close of the war. When the war was oyer and we had to fight against the profiteers ahd the Government—to fight for the very existence of the working cla.ss, we should not ask what was a* man's position in the war, but what- is his position now.