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Tom Mann's Great Meeting.

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Tom Mann's Great Meeting. THE SIMPLICITY OF SOCIALISATIONS GET CONTROL OF PRODUCTION AND USE PARLIAMENT, TOO. it will be a lon time before any one of the -2,000 odd Merthyr people w ho were present in the Rink at Tom Mann's meet-ing on Monday night will for get the wonderful two-hour analysis of the economic problem that that old veteran propagandist made as a plea for bigger membership oi the I.L.P. No meeting has ever excited the .same determination to know more about this subject that., a.8 expounded by 1r. ?e NI)otjn d e.( t b-v Il- Mann, led the whole people out of a sordid world of squalid grab, into the crisp atmosphere -of Mi L topia that was founded on historic evo- lutionary truth, and builded along scientific lines. Tom Mann had the meeting in the hollow of his hand from start to finish, and when at the ■lose he took the vote for and against Socialism there WAS not one of the huge audience who did not enthusiastically declare himself or herself a "warrior under the International Ked banner 01 the proletariat. Similarly unanimous was th,e vote in favour of the repatriation of the .J ew in JRaleistine under Socialist governance, a vote that. Mr. Maun took at the request- of the Jew- ish Socialist- Party awhile the three cheers that he led for "An early termination of the war: a smioessful issue of the class-war. and the/dawn of the day of happiness and hope," well-nigh lifted the roof of the Rink. Mr. John Barr very appropriately occupied the chair, since it was Tom Mann who some twenty-odd year* ago converted Mr. Barr to 'Socialism—a convert of whom Mr. Mann might We) 1 be proud. AFFAIRS IN AMERICA. tr. Mann preluded his lecture proper by a t 71 ,on tfie Hon. Bertram! Russell for his "Tribunal" article on the possible strike -breaking use of The U.S. Garrisons in Iviirofx-. Mr. Mann told 11. of }tis own personal experiences of the use of. the ■aniiwl force- (\i the American Government for the purpose-, of intimidation. He had made -statements quite as strong as ^Wnrade Russell, and felt, quite warranted and entirely justified n making such statements again. All could un- -ierxtand the necessity fcyr -t Defence of the Realm Act. to juevent excesses in any direction ■alculated to do harm to the well-being of tlv "people, but .he was unable to see that Bertram! Ru,ssel hat! done anything detrimental to the well-being of the people. Surely it was desir- able that we shnn)d have a hn<?h'd?<? of ihe condition- lhat obtained in ?h? various conn- "trios that were allied together to help in the prosecution of th(; w-,ii- If we were to take things for granted by placidly and docilely ac- cepting the statements put l>efore us by "superior persons,we knew where we should get landed. (Cheer*.) And what man or woman Was worth counting ix'side the matter of contri- buting towards the know led..re of first-lrind UTI- derstanding of thing- in fheir reality. He could not, see from the excerpts used hy the proseen- tion that Renrand Rus-eii had done ot her thani draw perfectly fair conclusions from facts a" they existed, and a, a.n ordinary man he desired i to express his indignation at the behaviour of 'the ^ntnoi'itits. ft we were not prepared to •express <«ir opinions on the governments of the day. what sort, of cattle were W. (Cheers.) THE FUTURE. Personally, he had no trust in the ( Govern- mem. in this country. He distrusted them be- •;ause he knew what, a mishandling of the food unit st.on they had made. And what was true of the food question was true in all else. The "mutual management" gag. that was excel- iently seen in the Whitley Report, was a mere device for muzzling the workers for a period of wars, and taking from them their power to strike. And for what piirl)ose To extend the productive eapaeiiv of industry. But that was what had cruised industrial crises in the past. There was only one clear course of which he had any knowledge that w as available for the workers, and that wa" to organise on an en- tirely independent basis—minus employers and tninus Government. t Cheers.) He was not arguing against the use of political influence or On the contrary he himself recognised that there were directions in winch we might ■resort to political and parliamentary action, hut "tvitfit he wa, primarily concerned about Wi' the reef heat; on of the economic difficulty, winch leant tlit industrial difficulties, because if these t,fikn the other big1 questions iould not fall into their proper places. The ^economic trou ble was that the workers produced, the product belonged to the other fdIow." The struggle of the iutme. U he had learned anything during, his .34 years of activity in the Labour and Socialist movement, was, who should control industry r. meaning who shall con- trol the product- of industry?, therefore, who shall regulate labour, decide upon output and rij()y output (Cheers.) There was only one reply. At present the bosses did it. and the? "Government wa.s there to stIppon them in the v doing of it; and to supply the armed forces if rieed be to enable the Capitalist faction to get their pound of flesh. The struggle was for the working-class to control the value they create*I by their labour. But we must have machinery to do it. What kind of machinery r He frankly admitted vthe de.siraoility of the necessity for utilising the power of the state in certain directions, because it would be the agency, for a whUe through which we couM b£'st. f1ínrtion to achieve the end in view. What- ever con!d be best achieved through that as?ncy ought M be done by that agency: whatsoever ,rx)-,ild be better done by another agency, we would bring that other agency into being to do. (Cheers.) This control of the product was a much simpler thing than many Socialists even thought. If at the point of production we agreed that we would control tha-t we were not willing to function as producers excepting on the condition that we were the controllers of our product, would settle the w hole business. It needed organisation where we worked. The capitalist class was getting together to agree "upon prompt and speedy action of a definite character. In the working classes the multipli- city of unions and officers, made it well-nigh im- possible to take concerted action promptly and effectively. It hardly needed talking about to make the wisdom of one common organisation for each industry obvious. Then not more than 16 or 18 organisations would be needed to effec- tively cover the whole field of industry. Given that the only problems were the e- sy ones of determining the output necessary to meet t.he needs of the nation, and with our great powers of production even now, he put the hours of labour at the extreme in estimating 30 hours as the working week; and with ever-increasing de- velopment in the means of production, these hours would grow shorter andd shorter. The income could be guaranteed, and the world made -a beautiful place to live for all.

I Kenfig Hill Notes

|Avan Valley Notes.I

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