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I What About The Rates .1 Where Mr D. W. Jones Got Lost. t i PAGE 4.

Political rnotes -ir By F. W. Joweit, NI. P. THE NOTTiNGHAM CONFERENCE. -All.. W. F. who, chairman of the Labour Party this year, presided at the sittings of the Labour Party Conference last, week pre- sided also at the special sitting, held before the regular sittings commenced. to hear the ad- dresses of tit(- fraternal delegates. Having re- gard to tlie views he expressed in his chairman s address at the opening of tlw regular conference, Mr. Purdy must have been very uncomfortable; at the special sitting when lie realised the signi- ficance of the reception given by the delegates and the public to the representative of the ltiis- s ians, M. Litvinoff, to Longuet. the French Minority Socialist, and to Mr. Macdomild. hach of these spea kers received an ovation and only references favourable to international solidarity and peace were received with en: bus i a sin. V MR. PURDY'S BELLICOSITY. I But Mr. Purdy got /his own back next day. Finding himself in the privileged position which an evil tradition gives to chairmen on .such oc- casions, he took full advantage of his oppor- tun?v.for !?- !itt-raU\ wallowed m bct)?'?'- language, winch gladdened the heart oi the penandinkh?ht?r-.otltn' v?itow press and earned for ithnst.ttth?htt?sin.? and patronage afterwards liberallv bestowed upon hilll hy the Earl Curzon in his lordship s most approved J superior oratorical style. A DUCHESS CHAPERONE. I Mr. Purdy. when li(, ili?, common people from the tank on war 'Ft ti Ik?l S3UW week, wa? cha?t'on?d by a Duchess. 11 PONTIFICIAL ORATIONS. I. I Someday, I think, the Labour and Socialist -toAr+e • *Jw-. Sj boLsh the custom of opening their conferences with a chairman's address in the nature of a pontifieial utterance, which is, after all, but the personal opinion of its author. The purposes for winch a chairman is required at a conference are Lo ensure that the business of the conference is car- ried on in accordance with the arranged order of business, to determine points of order in case of dispute, and, to ensure, so far as his influence can affect the proceedings, ample consideration of important matters and the saving of tilllP where possible. For these purposes the let's a chairman's views are obtrivded the letter it is for till conference, but the present system, sanctified and .stereotyped by long usage, does not lend itself to this very desirable end. Realizing, instinctively, the importance of these considerations, chairmen of conferences usually take care to speak with teserve when touching, in their addresses, on matters in regard to which it is known that the "conference over which they preside is clearly divided—and much more so when it is probably ho-,tile-,tnci if they are ex- pressing their individual opinions on points ill- dispute, as they are quite entitled to do, they direct the attention <>f the public to that im- portant fact. I N,ilt clo .;o without offence to Ir, Purdy-to express the opinion that the chairman on this occasion made no effort to follow the usual practice in this re- spect. f AN 03SCURED PEACE. e I The press, in reporting the proceedings ox tlie conference, and commenting on them, took full advantage of the chairman's address, and treated it as the considered expression of the t-onferen(eview in regard to the main issue which divided the conference. The most remark- able thing about the conference has been conse- quently obscured. The fact is that the confer- ence was, in temper and attitude, if not actually, anti-government and ziiiti-will, so nearly ap- proaching this condition as to appear so to many of the leading supporters of the Govern- ment and the war. The conference preferred to avoid a direct vote on the question of with- drawing from the Coalition Government, but the reason tor this preference was that it did not want to give the Prime Minister an excuse for rushing an election on the old 1 egister and be- fore the .Franchise Bill is passed into law. On its merits the Coalition would probaoly have suffered defeat for nobody dared to defend it. The conference, however, showed its temper by its severe condemnation of the British "Fisher" League, with which a few of the Labour Ministers are connected, and by the censure passed on Labour Ministers who opposed the oOs. minimum wage for agricultural labourers. I WAR AIMS. The War Aims resolution submitted to the conference as representing the views of the la- bour Party Executive and the Trades Union Congress Parliamentary Committee was allowed by the Conference to take the place of all reso- lutions on the agenda dealing with peace nego- tiations and peace terms. This course did not meet with the approval of a considerable nnm- ber of delegates who wished to support more drastic resolutions in favour of immediate peace negotiations, but the chairman put the question before the dissentients had time to in- tervene. and the official resolution, as drafted h." the two committees referred to, was passed amid some confusion. Among other resolutions swept aside by this procedure was the I.L.P. re- so lution, but the points of difference oetween it a.nd the resolution put from the platform were not very material. 11, DIPLOMACY OF I.L.P.. Events have marched -so rapidly since the Rus- sian representative inaugurated the system of honest and open diplomacy at Brest, that no re- solution dealing with steps to end the war re mains up to date for many days together. In my vjew. therefore, it was a wise policy on the part of the l.L.P. at the conference to allow the best possible agreed resolutions to be parsed by the conference rather than press for resolu- tions expressing more accurately the I.L.P. view. The Nottingham conference would probably- have passed a stronger peace resolution than the agreed one actually adopted, but it would have carried weight because there would have been a large minority, and the debate preceding its adoption would have made it less easy for delegates whose views are rapidly changing and becoming favourable to a negotiated peace to change their attitude. MR. PURDY'S CONTRADICTORY ATTITUDE. Although. Mr. in his address co the conic re nee began by expressing his opproval oi the Labour Party'* policy for ending the war, he took lip a position quite contradictory to its object before he had finished. The L3 1»011 1 Party lias deliniteiy decided upon certain pro- cedure leading to negotiations for ppaee. quite apart from any consideration a* to military operations in the meanwhile. The first step provided for in the Labour Party's policy is agreement oetween working class organisations of Allied countries oil ims. The second step is agreement between working-class organisations of all the belligerent, countries. bun agreement has been reached, so far, im- mediate peace is to be advocated irrespective of the military .situation. li-I of till." clearly defined policy Mr. Purdy argued d..at negotiations could not begin until Germany has evacuated all the territory now occupied by the German Army. Mr. Purdy, therefore, by mix- ing up his ]>ersoTial opinions with the Labour Party's declarations made it appear that the Labour Party demanded a militarv victory first and then negotiations for peace--7n other words he adopted the fight to a litil-.Ii policy aad omitted to make it clear that he was speaking for hiiiiseli and in opposition ro the declared policy of the La bour Party. X ¥ HIS INCORRECT INTERFERENCE. I Another point to lie noted concerning Mr. Purdy',s address is that he adopted the Prime Minister's war aims and inferred that they are the same as the Labour Party have adopted. This is not so. The Labour Party has recognised that there is a difference between its own war aims and the war aims as.stated by the Prime Mkister, and has safeguarded itself by t'lie -1 -is i I)v tili(? terms of t lie ^-agreed resolution passed at t-ho conference to prevent any misunderstanding on the point. Thw firs: sentience in the resolution makes that clear enough. It reads as follows: lot tlii. representing the organisations affiliated to the Labour Party, welcomes the statements as to war aims made by the British Prime Minister and President Wilson, in so far as they are in harmony with the war aims of the British Labour Movement and make for an honourable and Democratic peace." THE REAL DIFFERENCE. That there is a great difference between the statement as to war aims ma tie by the Prime Minister and the war aims of the British La- bour Movement has been clear from the first, but this difference has been emphasised since file Nottingham Conference by an official announce- ment by Lord Robert Cecil that the Government has no intention oi following; the example of Russia, and i epudia-fcing the secret trpaty made betwceB Great Britain, France, Italy and Rus- sia on April 2fith, lUlo, in which Italv is pro- mised vast extensions of territory ;.1t the ex- pense of other nationalities, including some of the small nationalities for whose riglite the Allies claim to be fighting. The general effect of the extensions of territory promised to Italy will be, if the treaty is enforced, to convert the open sea of the Adriatic into something nearly approaching the jmsition of an Italian lake. The Prune Minister did not mention this obligation to which the .lflie; have committed themselves when he published the war aims of the Govern- ment. He took refuge in obscurities in dealing with Italy's claims in order to avoid mentioning them. But the obligation still holds good and will continue to bind the Allies until the treaty of April 26tli, 19] 5, has been renounced. And yet, All-. speaking as if he were express- inrt the views of the Labour Party, declared at the Conference that until Germany and her allies accepted the Allies war aims the war must go on. V 3* I A MINORITY VI-W. Having regard to the efforts of the press to make it appear that Mr. Purdy expressed the views of the conference over which lie presided it is necessary to make it abundantly clear, not only that his views were in distinct conflict with the considered decisions of the La (four Party, but, also, that his views were only shared by a small minority of the delegates at- the Confer- ence. The majority has made progress since the Conference met at Bristol two years ago. Mr. Purdy has stood still in the meantime. How deep and wide the difference is between Bristol and Nottingham may be made clear by the re- minder that at the former conference a resolu- tion against secret diplomacy was voted down by an overwhelming majority. At Nottingham the delegates were overwhelmingly in ffirour of a people's peace and no wore secret diplomacy. One of the chief objects of the debate on Na- tional Ex|>endibi!re in the House of Commons was to place on record the assurances of Minis- ters and ex-Ministors that the leaders of both the old political parties will not consent to any- thing in the nature of repudiation of whar they call national obligations. In other words, the sacred ark. of finance is not to be touched whnt- ever else happens as a result of the war. Mr. Asquit-h and the rest of the political leaders spoke with evident sincerity on this point, and we may take it for granted that the assurances given to financiers will be treated more seriously than some other assurances have been treated tll,it proiiiise not to con- script widow's sons or ruin small tmsinesses, for instance. T 55 NORTHCUFFE'S PRIVILEGE. In the Home Secretary admitted that although i publication of any account of the sinking or a hospital ship ni tll(' Bristol Channel had been j forbidden, the Daily Mail alone, of all the newsjKipers in the country, had defied the cen- sorship in th<- matter. To a further enquiry as to what action the Government intends to take against the only newspaper which defied the censorship on the occasion referred to, the Home Secretary merely replied that the conduct. of the newspaper in question had been brought to the notice ot the conference of representatives ot newspaper proprietors. Only this, and nothing more. If a Socialist or Labour newspaper Jiad deliberately defied the censorship the police would have taken possession of the type and confisc ated all available copies of the offending issue. Lord Northcliffe, however, whose other name is Alfred Harmsworth. is virtually king in this country as well as proprietor of the "Daily Mad. which make's, all the difference so far as his treatment by the Government is concerned.

Ex-Inspector Syme. I SENTENCED AT BLACKWOOD TO SIX I MONTHS' IMPRISONMENT. SUB-P(ENAS FOR PREMIER AND HOME I SECRETARY REFUSED. Charged at Blackwood on Friday with making statements in an Abertillery speech alleged to be contrary to the Defence of the Realm Act and prejudicial to his Majesty's forces and his Majesty's Allies, the U.S.A., Ex-Inspector John Synie, formerly of the Metropolitan Police Force, was sentenced to six months' imprison- nient in the second division. Mr. Horace Lyne was solicitor for the prose- cution and Kx-inspector Syme conducted his own defence. For the prosecution it was stated that when defendant was before the Newport justices in respect to his wish to suo-poena a, number of witnesses, who included Mr. D. Lloyd George, Sir George Cave and others, the bench decided that none of these individuals could be material to the case as they were not present at Ex-in- spector Syme's meeting at Abertillery. Addressing the Blackwood Magistrates defen- dant said that his application at the previous hearing was made on the clear understanding that lie was to visit the offices of the clerk to the court at Tredegar where the sub-pcenas would be issued. This he did—the formal prac- tice under such circumstances. Taking him lie- fore the court at Newport was inerely a subter- fuge on the part of the Public Prosecutor m order to get behind the Blackwood justices, and was an illegal and unwarrantable interference with the course of justice. Had there been any objection then the objection should have been raised at Blackwood. When his application was! made at the Clerk's offices at Tredegar no ob- jection was raised, and he left for London under the impression that the sub-pcenas were to fol-j low him. The whole matter was illegal, and lie understood had occurred because the Govern- ment was putting pressure on the clerk. Mr. Davies (magistrates' clerk): That is an absolute falsehood. It was absurd (continued defendant) for the prosecution to act under D.O.R.A. The prose- cution had described his speech as seditious. A passage in that offending speech was: "A lady had told him that one thing she admired about Mr. William Brace was his moustache! That was supposed to be a seditious charge! His'long I service in the force had taught him the pro- cedure in these matters. The bench at Newport could do nothing that oould not be arranged at Blackwood. Ex-inspector Syme then applied again for a further remand to bring the witnesses he con- sidered necessary to court. Mr. Lyne, opposing the application, made a statement that the suggestion of pressure having oeen put bv the Public Prosecutor on the jus- tices' clerk was an absolute lie. The bench, after a brief retirement, imposed the sentence stated above.

General Smuts and the German Colonies Replying to Mr. H. B. Lees Smith (L—North- ampton), in the House of Commons on Tuesday. Mr. Bonar Law said that in his address at the Central Hall on 28th January, General Smuts did not make any declaration as to the future disposal of the German colonies. He referred to a declaration alreatkv made by the Prime Min- ister on behalf of the War Cabinet. General Smuts simply laid down certain broad principles of policy in Central Africa which should be ob- served, and expressed hi8 own personal point of view.

Imperialism or Inter= nationalism ? MR. CLEM SUNDOCK ON THE CHOICE OF THE MOMENT. I RfNK MEETING DEMANDS ARMISTICE. Tile Ruik was again crowded on Sunday after- noon when. under the auspices of the J.L.P,. Merthyr Branch, C'lem Bundock (sub editor of the Labour Leader ") made his how before a Merthyr audience, and Mr. J. Maxwell. was seen on our platform for the first time. Councillor j), Parry occupied the chair, and a I tJ. close of a fine chainnanie address, moved tlie following resolution, which was seconded from the audience, and pa-ssed with acclamation at the close of the meeting: — "That this meeting of Merthyr citizens teel that the time has come for the British Government to take the necessary steps to stop the war by calling on its Allies and the Central Powers to declare an immediate armistice on all the lighting fronts, with :1, view to negotiating an early and a general peace on the lines of the Russian formula, it, also further demands that facilities must be granted so that the accredited representatives of Labour can ittend. and take part in the peace negotiatjons." ( ouncill'ir .Kraiicis made an inspiring appeal for the l.'JO New Members Campaign. A SUGGESTION ON MAN POWER. I Clem Muiidock opined in connection with the man-power proposals, now agitating the trade union movement, that Sir Auckland Geddes might have considered the raising of the age limit to 4-3 and TIiti, lian-t, secured thousands who deplored loudly the fact that they were just a few months too old. (Cheers.) If that was insufficient then the experiment of Austria had proved that at 55 a luau was not too old to withstand the rigours of modern warfare, and if then tile i-equl si-te number had not been ob- t-ained he might have been compelled to i-allse the age to 70, by which time they would have enrolled all the ardent warloi-s in our midst— and. incidentaUy the period of Peace by Nego- tiation would, liav-o^een well within sight. (Ap- plause). In truth, the problem of man-power, so far as it affected the people of this country, could only be solved by the adoption of the prin- ciples of the resolution which had been moved that afternoon. (Cheers.) There was only one way out of the immediate troubles that were affecting the great mass of the people in this land, and that was an immediate peace by nego- tiation which was possible as soon as the Gov- ernment was convinced that there was a large enough body oi opinion in this country behind it to force, it into action. THE FOOD PROBLEM. I There was, unfortunately, a vital force oper- ating in the countrv which might bring the people to realise the necessity of peace far more rapidly than platform argument could; and that was the rood problem. Under modern conditions of n-arfilre--in -whieh not small sections of the nations were sent to face each other, but mil- lions of men were set face to face, and millions more of men and women were eninged in fur- thering the effort to maim and kill-it was oh- vious to the meanest intellect that you could not safeguard the food of the nation and the essentials of human life and existence. Indeed, why should we concern ourselves with human lite, when all the nations- of Europe wear su- premely concerned only with human death? If it were justifiable that men without quarrels should go and kill eacbv other on the battlefield theu why should we complain if people starved at home? THE NEW ATMOSPHERE. I Still, he felt that we met at a time more l favoura ble to peace by negotiation than any which had preceded it during the past three years. The re was undoubtedly a change in the atmosphere of Europe which was making it in- ei-ea-ng l y diffi(,iilt fo-i- creasingly difficult for Militarists, Imperialists and Reactionaries to continue to dominate the will of the peoples. The movement towards the enlightened self-expression of the peoples of Europe be,gan with tha,t glorious revolution in Russia, whoso greatest characteristic had been its bloodlessness. Tlie I.L.P. demanded that the Government of the country should show by its actions that it reaJly and enthusiastically supported the Bolshevil: Government in its movement for International Peace and for the welfare, and happiness of the people. That re- volution so magnificently began, had had its effect on the peoples of Germany and Austria, where the strike movements had spread t-o such an extent, and had revealed a determination so fixed that the German Government—true to all the traditions of Imperialist and Reactionary Governments in history—had began to suppress it ivitli military power and military domination, ] and had extended the censorship so that the peoples of other belligerent countries might know nothing of the expansivencss of the move- ment within its own bounds. There was far more in common between the reactionary Gov- ernment of Germany and the Government of Hi-itiiii than there was between either and the Russian Government, and it was in the interests of the reactionary classes in both nations that they should take steps to hide from the peoples tlip extensiveness of the movements towards a people's peace and the assertion of Democratic opinion in the immediate political crises of the world. But that movement, starting as it did in Riissia, and spreading as it had to Austria and Germany, c-alled upon the people of Britain to prove themselves loyal to the international solidarity of Labour. (Cheers.) The choice at the moment was clear. It was the choice be- tween British Imperialism or the international working-class movement of the world. He con- fidently left that choice with the people of Merthyr.

r Steps On The Way. i By Members of the National Guilds League, li Acacia Road. London, ,W, ). Jr IJ. often said that for the worker to em- brace the idea! ot Natdonal Guilds will involve a. change of heart. Ihists true, hut Jt\vi)I in- volve abo something hardly less dimcult to the reformer—a change of mind. The trade union- ist who looks forward beyond Trade Unionism iinn itably becomes conscious 01 the need for putting his house in order. Tt is not only that many hundreds of thousands of workers still re- main to he organised, it is that the Trade Union Movement itself is for the most part not a movement at, all, but a gigantic muddle. the blackleg-proof union, complete recognition by the employers— these are obvious aims for the Trade Unionist who aspires to a share in the control of indus- try. but side by side with this prosecution of strategy should go the effort to secure tactical advantages which would be themselves instal- ments of control. The word conciliation bears a sinister significance to many of the more active spirits in the Trade Unionist world, for they are aware how in the past the machinery of concoliation has been used to hamper and even to enslave the worker. litit tlle el- I of "conciliation are cunable without resorting to the" scrapping" of all machinery for negotia- non. Indeed, the remedy lies not in restricting negotiation, hut in extending its' scope to cover the questions of discipline and mana-gement. Let the existing Boards oe stripped of their danger- ous features the external control entrusted to the "impartia —a nd impossible—Chairman, and the long time agreements and similar traps designed to infringe ujton the worker's right to strike. In these circunistanceh Boards of Ne- gotiation might become valuable not only as a first, instalment of control under the condi- tions of to-day. but as a useful training ground for more ambitious advances in the future. But the movement towards control must be made not merely by the reform and extension of the ma- chinery of Negotiation, but by action in the workshop. The power to reject a foreman must lie extended into the rig-ht to elect one, and the f nions must aim at hrillg-iug all such offi- may he able to insist that- these men shall be ciabs into their ranks, so that in the future they responsible first of all to their fellow,-the workers—whom they direct. ?loreoAer? Labour must strive to secure th?t while ri'I nnd sold, i .?),? least noi be purciiased pit?ce-me?d: the workers' associations shou!d be entrusted with a lump sum to be divided amongst their members ac- cording to principles laid down by themselves; t-lllh substituting a collective standard rate for the individual standard rate of to-day. Such are steps which Labour may take upon its true path forwards, but their successful achievement will not in itself const-ititte the attainment of a goal; that will only be reached when the workors definitely reject the status of wage- and vindicate their rights and respon- sihill-ties as the parrner of the nation. We are aware that many of the schemes for national ic-eonstruction after the war have included projiosals for ''giving the workers a share in control." It is important, however, that La- bour should examine all such proposals closely, lest by accepting them at their face value they walk unwittingly into the spider's parlour of profiteering. Schemes for "Industrial Parlia- inen-t-s or orkshop Control must not even be looked at if they involve the weakening of Trade Unionism as an encroaching force or bribe the worker.- to compound the felony of Capital- ism. The employer will be prompt to offer the Tilost anuring "concessions of control" if he is assured that these will make the wheels of "his" business run more smoothly. But the control which will bring the workers nearer to emanci- pation will be that which they win themselves at the expense of Capitalism. The ideal of Trade Unionism must be INVASION—not admission. The true goal 'far La.fwmr is not National Trusts in which the Trade Unions would be partners with Capital for the purpose of pro- hteering. but National Guilds in which they would be partners with the State in a, real na- tional service of industry. But the Trade I nions if they have the spirit and the enter- prise for such a role, must prepare themselves for it here and now, for there is not a moment to be lost. Another "partner" has presented himself at the doorstep of the State ready to filch from the Trade Unions their birthright of national service. Tiie Chambers of Commerce are taking sweet counsel with the Government upon the outlook for industry after the war- counsel from which the industrialists themselves are excluded. The danger is lest the opportun- i ty that peace will bring should be seized not by the workers hut by their enemies, and that the upshot should he' not the chartering of Trade I nion ism but the chartering of profiteer- ing, not the nationalization of capital, but the nationalization of labour. Capitalism invested with all the sanction of a recognized state part- ner will "he a far more difficult foe to combat, and in the servile State which would result, the workers' chains would be padlocked with authority. In reply to such a menace the Trade Unionist must raise a bolder challenge than the old parrot cry for Nationalization. Nationali- zation might well bring certain advantages to the consumer, and adroitly handled by an alert Trade Unionism, might be made the half-way- house to producer's control." But to Labour in its crucial struggle for status, Nationalization is not enough. Industry in a free society can never be subject to a purely external control, and it is only in striving for an industrial Democracy which shall cover every phase of the worker's industrial life and carry with it burdens and responsibilities no less than privileges and rights.. thai, Labour will set out on its true path.

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