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"JUST THIS TIME".
"JUST THIS TIME". To the Men of Newtown. OBSERVATION and information denote the extraordinary efforts which Toryism is putting forth to capture votes in Newtown. A little host of canvassers is abroad, the Tory candidate is making a house to house visitation, and almost the full force of the party organisation is roncentrated upon the town. There are shaky electors every- where, men whose principles and convic- tions are not sufficiently rooted in their consciences, and who, therefore, are prone to be influenced by persuasive personalities or deluded by plausible tales. But we feel sure that the intelligent, strongly principled men of Newtown, who can boast a governing conscience, will stand firm as the Bryn Bank against all the devices which may be em- ployed to induce them to act falsely by themselves and disloyally by the party of progress." "Do vote for us just this time!" pleads I the Tory canvasser, "just this time, please!" Ah, it is "just this time" that the vote of every working man elector is of vital account. Seldom, if ever, was it more precious than now. That vote is the measure of his citizenship. It represents his rights as a citizen born to a voice in the government of his country. These rights are at stake to-day. A vote for Toryism or for the personalities which plead so pathetically in its name means nothing more nor less than electoral suicide. Let the working people squander their franchise just this time," and Toryism will not trouble to beg again. It is only just this time" that Protectionists want to secure a number of Liberal votes here and there, and desperate are their efforts to capture them. The fate of Conservatism is trembling in the scales. With the aboli- tion of the Lords' Veto, Liberalism will enjoy an equality of legislative freedom, social reform would go forward, and Pro- tection would be scotched for ever. Hence the unprecedented exertions of the Tories in these Boroughs. Give them a majority just this time," and the democratic voter will speedily realise the lamentable and irrevocable blunder he has committed. He is being told not to fear Tariff Reform "this time," since Mr Balfour has promised to refer that question to the country before proceeding to interfere with our Free Trade system. But the sly, elusive, and delusive Tory leader has done nothing of the kind. All he has done is to promise that the H principles of Tariff Reform shall be sub- mitted for public judgment. Only the principles," be it remarked! Whether there is to be a tax on food, on clothing, on the requisites of the household, is not a principle. That is much too trifling to be honoured as a principle. Oh, no, Tariff Reform must not be looked at from such a mercenary standpoint. What we are en- joined to do first of all is to consider our ^'onial neighbours before ourselves. They must be knitted closer to the Motherland by our sacrifices. Otherwise, the Imperial outposts will desert us and go goodness knows where else. The "principles of Tariff Reform" are like those of Mr Balfour himself. They are inspired by selfishness. The principles of a man who sought to arrest intemicine strife in his party by affecting an open mind on the fiscal question are governed by a lust for power. Commanded over and over again within and without the House of Commons to state plainly what tariffs were to be imposed under Tariff Reform, he smiled and turned away, lest Free Trade Tories should desert him on the spot. Disgusted by this latest manoeuvre of the master thimble-rigger, one of the most pro- nounced Protectionist London newspapers has described the suggested referendum as an electioneering dodge to sweep Lan- cashire." Nor are other influential sec- tions of the Tory press content to subscribej to this unwarranted promise." It simply Joes not hold good. Every Nonconformist in these Boroughs remembers the same kind of trick which Mr Chamberlain played upon them in 1900, when he explicitly de- clared that that general election had for its sole purpose the public vindication of the Boer War. They do not forget what fol- lowed as the result of their misplaced con- fidence. The men of Newtown are not likely to prove themselves such simpletons a second time. If Protection be not an electoral reference at this election, why is it that the Tory hoardings in Newtown blazin forth the alleged iniquities of Free Trade in the form of caricatures designed with absolutely no I regard tor the existence of intelligent peo- ple ? If Mr Balfour's promise is to be re- presented as an honourable one, those pic- torial and epistolary travesties should dis- appear. There, however, we daresay they will remain. At any rate, we hope they will,, as an impressive illustration of the Tariffist degree of respect for facts and the truth. "Just this time" is the time when the men of Newtown must hold strong and, true to their threatened citizenship. The crisis which John Bright, Joseph Chamber- lain, Jesse Collings, and the Duke of Devonshire foreshadowed a quarter of a century since has come. Unless English freedom is to be a fraud and a sham," said John Bright, "the people will know how to deal with a titled and hereditary cham- ber, whose arroganee and class salfishness: have long been at war with the highest interests of this nation." Their claim to dictate the laws vtfiich we shall make, the way in which we shall govern ourselves, is a claim contrary to reason, opposed to justice, and which we will resist to the death," declaned the Birmingham oracle. It will be a national degradation if we endure any longer this intolerable inter- ference with the people's will. I am no re- former of the House of Lords (exclaimed Mr Jesse Collings) I demand its total aboli- tion as a legislative power." If Joe and Jesse have changed, what change has com over the lordly chamber? If any change tre be, its interference, its H arro- gance," its "selfishness," its inNstice2 have been intensified. over the lordly chamber ? If any change tWere be, its interference, its arro- gance," its "selfishness," its injustice** have been intensified. TSiere can be no masking of the one and only one ele&r mid straight iame. It ia whether the working man elector is to enjoy the full value of his vote equally with the high-placed Tory. In other words, is the constitution of a democratic country to be so planned, that whatever political party be in power, a Tory House of Lords shall always rule the roost? When they vote Liberal, the electors of Newtown and else- where- are considered to be acting under some temporary abberation, and require to be put in a straight jacket. For this in- sult they have now the opportunity of effec- tive retaliation, and we ask them to strike out manfully. Let their colours be shown as those of independent men. If pecu- liarity of circumstances ordain otherwise, let them remember that the ballot is posi- tively secret. Finally, we would re- mark that while a promise is a sacred thing, and ought always under ordinary conditions to be fulfilled, promises made under misconception or given as the result of misleading information, may be departed from with absolutely moral justification.
LIBERAL WILL WIN WITH WORK.
LIBERAL WILL WIN WITH WORK. MR. ARTHUR HUMPHREYS-OWEN is fighting a winning campaign. Liberalism in these Boroughs has been revivified by the clarify- ing breath of a champion whose principles and ideals form such a welcome contrast to those of the gentleman who previously endeavoured to represent it. In to-day's Express' are reported at length the series of inspiring speeches which Mr Humphreys- Owen has delivered during the week. They furnish excellent reading for every elector in sympathy with the came of political pro- gress. Enthusiasm reached its high water mark at all the Liberal candidate's meetings, and his warm reception throughout the con- stituency gives promise of a splendid victory. Yet we must offer a word of warning and counsel. Meetings are good enough, but they must be supported by thoroughly earnest organised work in all the Boroughs. We can well afford to imitate our Tory friends in the greater importance which they attach to canvassing, and the rounding up of not only every party voter, but also of every doubtful elector. That is the way to win. Liberals must not rely too much upon the moving spirit of their meetings. The electorate is a small one, hence the inordi- nate value of every vote. Every Liberal vote must be secured if success is to be made certain. Day and night the Tory canvasser is abroad and hard at work upon the doubtfuls, striving with a zeal which has an impelling influence greater even than that of party pride. Liberalism lacks the influence of this particular spirit. Its success depends upon individual and col- lective loyalty, and that alone. This loyalty demands much of every one, and we do not doubt it will be given for the joy of a memorable triumph..
RADNORSHIRE FOR FRANK EDWARDS.
RADNORSHIRE FOR FRANK EDWARDS. ON Wednesday of this week the people of Radnorshire should handsomely atone for the grievous mistake they made last January, when one of the finest characters which has ever represented our sister county in Parliament was temporarily rejected by a small majority. Alike most faithful and influential in the discharge of his parlia- mentary duties, Sir Francis Edwards made quite a model representative. His personal popularity with the leaders of the Liberal party was a valuable aid towards advancing the interests of Radnorshire, and this fact cannot be forgotten when the Tory candi- date, who has practically been a nonentity in the House, demands a renewal of public confidence. We cannot help thinking that twelve months ago the farmers of Radnor- shire deluded themselves by disquieting apprehensions concerning the operative effects of the Budget upon agricultural land, and that they imagined vain things from taxes on foreign wheat. By to-day they have surely emerged from the region of fears and fancies. Farmers, instead of losing, have much to gain by the Budget. As for their hopes of Tariff Reform, what can remain of them since Mr Bonar Law has just declared that the wheat tax is not for Protection, but for the sake of getting a preference with our colonies." And he adds quite frankly, I do not think it would benefit the farmers in the least." Is there a farmer in Radnorshire foolish enough to pin his faith to Protection after this candid confession by one of the most prominent of its apostles ? Is there an agriculturist within the four corners of that county who, for the sake of enabling Canada and Aus- tralia and other colonies to acquire a still greater grip of the British grain market, is willing to pay a higher price for all the necessary implements of his farm, for feed- ing stuffs and manures, for boots and cloth- ing, and all other essentials? We have repeatedly issued a challenge to any Pro- tection-persuaded farmer in Montgomery- shire to produce a balance-sheet which will show an increased profit under Mr Cham- berlain's scale of Tariffs. That same chal- lenge need not be addressed to Radnor farmers now that Mr Bonar Law has made the belated confession. Never in the history of agriculture did farmers suffer so severely as during the years of Protection. Will they deliberately ignore the lessons of those lean years by pursuing what Mr Chamber- lain himself onoe called a will o' the wisp ?" We credit them with more gumption. Will a single Nonconformist in Radnorshire deliberately cast his vote for a gentleman whose party spurns his claim to religious equality and compels him to pay for the teaching of doctrine which, if not repugnant to him, is at variance with his own ? Is there a Rad- norshire man, conforming to the "moderate" minded individual professedly beloved of Toryism at present, who can conscientiously tolerate the complete and permanent domi- nation of his country's affairs by a selfishly biassed bundle of irresponsible and arrogant aristocrats ? Sir Francis Edwards stands for political and religious freedom and equality to all men. Mr Venables Llewelyn demands as the price of his representation that Toryism in all things shall prevail now and for all time. Who can doubt what the choice of Radnorshire men will be
THE U REFORMED" SHAM.
THE U REFORMED" SHAM. IT has been stated that Mr F. E. Smith is under engagement to come te Newtown and speak for the cause of Protection and Toryism generally. Following osBge, ibis eloquent hopeful of the Tory party will be expected, like Jeese Collings, Sam Thomp- son, and others, to tackle the Express,' which the local Tories have seldom been courageous enough to attempt. Well, we shall be pleased to offer Mr Smith the congenial task of analysing his own speech. The other day this gentleman, in a moment of admirable frankness and equally ad- mirable reasoning, said the only fair Second Chamber would be one that would give the Liberal party when in power as good a chance or as bad a chance of carry- ing through legislation as it would the Con- servative party when in power." The most extreme Liberal asks nothing more than that. But does Mr Smith intend to tell the electors of these Boroughs that the Lans- downe-Rosebery plan of a "reformed" House of Lords is calculated, in his honest judgment, to realise that conception of fair constitutional government ? What is the plan ? It is to consist of three ele- ments. First, the present peers are to elect a section from among themselves. Then a section will be formed from among those who have performed admitted public ser- vice," such as pro-consuls, governors, field marshals, and others of that class at pres- ent in the House. To these two sections will be added a third selected or elected from outside the House. This is the new, remodelled," reformed," stronger Second Chamber which Mr Balfour flaunts before the country for the acceptance of democracy. Again we ask, does it consist with Mr Smith's estimate of a revising chamber in the strictest and fairest sense of the term ? As we pointed out last week, the Scottish Peers, in selecting their score of noblemen, re-elected every one save Lord Torphicen, whom they kicked aside for the sole reason that he supported the Budget, and simul- taneously represented the opinions of the Scottish people. That flagrant instance of political bias might incline a reasonable man like Mr Smith to doubt very strongly whether the first section of peers will make for a fair chamber. Will he, in fact, dis- pute the probability that it would be pre- dominately, if not exclusively, Tory ? Will he frankly vouchsafe the opinion that the second section of peers, composed of pro- consuls, field marshals, governors, etc., would not be anything like equally represen- tative of both parties ? So far, then, we should have the reformed House of Lords largely, if not wholly, anti-Liberal. What of the selected or elected" element ? Will he accept it as a reasonable view that Liberals could not hope to secure more than half of these ? So the remodelled House of Lords would be three-parts Tory. This is the stronger revising chamber desired by Mr Balfour, the avowed democrat. How does it appear to the man who desiderates a chamber from which Liberal and Tory legislation would receive equally fair treatment? Mr Smith will, no doubt, tell us when he comes.
£1.261 AN ACRE!
£1.261 AN ACRE! Welshpool Land Cannot be Bought at that Price. An Object-Lesson for Voters. I How the Tradesman is Hit. Bread-Tax or Land-Tax ? What Will the Colonel Say To-night ? Colonel Pryce-Jones, the Tory candidate for the Montgomery Boroughs, is advertized to speak at a political meeting in the Town Hall, Welshpool, this (Monday) evening. He will then have a chance to prove (if he can) that a tax on bread is more just and will cause less Buffering than the Budget taxes on land. Can he ? Unluckily for the Colonel, the Welshpool people had a startling insight last week into the value of local land, which they themselves have made valuable. Adjoining Severn-street-that road which leads from the railway station into the centre of the town-ithere is a garden, which extends from the street to the Lledan brook, and is bounded on its other two sides by houses with gardens attached. This particular plot of land formed a kitchen-garden for the Mansion House, the other side of the road, which itself has in its rear prettily laid out grounds, together with another kitchen garden. RARE CHANCE FOR A LAND-LOCKED TOWN. Last Friday afternoon, at the Royal Oak Hotel, Mr E. H. Morris, of Messrs Morris, Marshall, and Poole, auctioneers, offered for sale the whole property on both sides of the street. It also included a house next door to the Mansion House, which forms the offices of Mr Martin Woosnam, solicitor, and now contains the Welshpool Liberal committee room of Mr Arthur Humphreys- Owen, who supports the Budget and its land clauses. It is very rarely that Welsh- pool people have an opportunity to buy any land in or near the town, and this sale aroused much interest, as may be gathered from the following attendance:— Messrs G. D. Harrison and Harry Har- rison, solicitors for the vendor Dr and Mrs Arthur Crump, Messrs T. J. Evans (mayor of Welshpool),, J. W. Davies (but- cher), William Baker, Edwin Stockton, Charles Shuker, John Pugh (Marcella), H. Harper, Gordon Reed (solicitor), Captain H. M. Westby (Elmhurst), Isaac Watkins, Roberts (the Mansion House gardener), C. T. Pugh, Bert Hughes (Mr Martin Woos- nam's clerk), J. Pryce Jones, J. E. Swan, William Riddell, J. W. Wilson, Captain A. Bluck, G. A. Hutchins (county surveyor), and Llewelyn Phillips, solicitor, Llanidloes. The last-named gentleman attended as clerk of the County Education Authority, who want to buy a bit of land in Welshpool to build a centre for teaching domestic subjects MONEY FOR OLD-AGE PENSIONS. Mr Harry Harrison read the special con- ditions of sale, which mentioned two agree- ments: one was in 1879 between the late and the much lamented Miss B. A. Mytton and Mr Charles Mytton the other in 1896 between Mr Edward Maurice Jones on the one part and Mr BKchard John Edmunds and the Rev John Burd on the other, at which time Mr Edward Maurice Jones was owner of one part of the property. The con- ditions also showed that the vendor would pay the increment value duty." It may be noted in passing that this in- crement value duty is a tax of El for every complete £5 of the increased value of a site accruing after April 30th, 1909. It is a tax on land, and not on the buildings thereon in other words, on the site. (For instance, supposing the vendor's representative had filled up one of those terrible papers, "Form IV. for the garden, and put the value of the site at £500. If the garden were sold for £800, the vendor wtfuld sub- scribe a lump sum of P.60 towards such good objects as maintaining the Army and Navy and paying old-age pensions.) Though the great majority of the people at the sale were Conservatives, and have in the past been supporters of Colonel Pryce-Jones, it soon became clear that this was not a meeting of Conservatives. Least of all was it a meeting to protest against the Budget and against Mr Lloyd George as a robber of poor landlords, whose property, under Radical Government, would be dear at a gift. It was a business meeting, and Mr E. H. Morris, himself a Conservative, made an efficient and business-like chair- man. He always does on such occasions. A VERY ATTRACTIVE MANSION. Lot 1 was described in the following language:— The very attractive and commodious residence known as The Mansion House; situate in a commanding position, and being No. 24, Severn-street, containing eight bedrooms, dressing room, bath room, and two w.c.'s, four reception rooms, with the usual domestic offices and excellent cellaring. The principal reception rooms overlook the prettily laid out grounds, com- prising a spacious and well-kept lawn with flower beds and borders, gravelled walks and shrubbery there are also a small greenhouse, cucumber frames, and potting shed, together with a most productive kitchen garden, well stocked with choice fruit trees, and a special feature is a very fine mulberry tree, which rarely fails to produce and ripen a large crop of fruit. The whole of the grounds are enclosed with a high and very substantially-built brick wall with sand coping. At a convenient distance from the resi- dence is a range of excellent stabling, har- ness room, loose boxes, and coach house, with corn, fodder, and fruit rooms over, the whole lately in the occupation of Miss Mytton, deceased. Also adjoining the above, the dwelling house, being No. 23. Severn-street, com- prising five rooms and a lavatory, now in the occupation of Mr Martin Woosnam, solicitor, as offices." "PEER RULE MEANS LANDLORD RULE." The auctioneer remarked that if Mr Woosnam's offices were not wanted, the purchaser would have no difficulty in sell- ing them off at a remunerative price. If they got one-half what the property had cost, they would be satisfied. The property cost the late Miss Mytton nearer E3,000 than £ 2,000. Then the auctioneer cracked a little joke. The outside of Mr Woosnam's office has been boarded up, and Liberal election plac- ards displayed thereon. H I see," he re- marked, that they are decorating one por- tion of it to-day. That will add very much to the appearance. I see the decorations going on at the present moment." The Conservatives laughed. One of the placards thus referred to gave the warning: Peer Rule means Landlord Rule." Bidding started at EI,500, and at £1,600 the lot was withdrawn. The auctioneer mentioned, however, that he had had pri- vate inquiries about the premises. GARDEN AND BUILDING SITE, TOO. The garden had been divided into two lots-a footpath through the centre divides it into two portions, one of which is a little larger than the other. This local example of undeveloped land" was described in the particulars as follows:— "Lot 2. A piece of land, now used as a garden, but eminently adapted for a building site, situate in Severn-street, opposite Lot 1, and comprising 1,074 square yards or there- abouts, with a frontage to the street of 44ft. 6in. "Lot 3. A similar piece adjoining, containing 1,130 square yards or thereabouts, with a frontage of 47 feet, 9 inches. Water can be obtained from the Lledan brook, which runs along the other side of the wall at the further end of the gardens. Access thereto being through a door in the wall." I mustn't pretend to tell you what to do or what they are suitable for," remarked the auctioneer. You know the require- ments of the place better than I do (smiles). But I can't help calling your at- tention to the magnificent position of the sites. There is nothing like them in the town of Welshpool that I know of. If you can point out some building place in the town where there are more eligible sites for building purposes, you will enlighten me very much." RAISING A SMILE. The auctioneer then waited for a bid. Mr James Davies, the butcher, whispered something to the Mayor of Welshpool. Did he really think, one wondered, that there was some truth in what the Tory papers have been saying about the Budget ruining landowners ? However, Mr Davies caused a smile or two by offering £150 for the two sites! Promptly Mr J. E. Swan—one of the shrewdest business men in the borough- capped it. £ 200! The auctioneer turned to Mr Davies, and asked whether he could not begin with Z300 straight away. Mr Davies again con- sulted the Mayor, but did not accept the invitation. At once the auctioneer-who has had over 40 years' experience of valuing land, and probably knows more about the worth of Powysland property than any other man—exclaimed, "Then I say £ 300 myself. I can do with that at this price." Mr C. T. Pugh went £50 better, and the bidding became brisk. £ 350! £400! £450! Mr Pugh now rose £25. The bidding went up to E475 and £500. And then it stopped. The auctioneer spoke: It isn't much per yard. The frontages are of good depth, and likely enough to fetch from 8s to 10s a square yard. What are you bidding me ? 4s or 4s 6d per square yard Well, gentle- men, I am sorry to inform you I am not in a position to accept this price. We must proceed to offer them separately." (Lots 2 and 3 contain a total of 2,204 square yards. There are 4,840 square yards to the acre, so that £ 500 offered for this garden represents yl,ogs per acre refused for this undeveloped land). IN A POWYSLAND MARKET TOWN. Lot 2. Who says £ 250 for a start ?" inquired the auctioneer. Somebody offered £ 200 it went up to £ 225, and then Mr Swan said £ 250. The auctioneer now offered to take 10's, so Mr Charles Pugh said £ 260. There followed another bid of £10. Then Mr Pugh said E280 And a pause resulted. Gentlemen," said the Auctioneer, I am waiting for you. There is plenty of room yet between this bid and the value of that unique spot. Well, gentlemen, I am not in a position to declare it an open sale at that price. But Mr Pugh has the preference by private treaty." (In the proportion of S:280 for 1,074 square yards the vendors thus refused an offer of £1;261 per acre for building land, not in the cities of London, Birmingham, Manchester, or Cardiff, but in a Powysland market-town with a population of about 4,000 men, women, and children). Lot 3. I will start it at £ 250," said the Auctioneer. It is a little larger than the other. Gentlemen I am doing this to save your time, because it is useless other- wise. If we won't take E280 for the other we won't take £ 280 for this. It is useless to put it up unlese it reaches £ 400." At these words the Clerk of the County Education Committee and the County Sur- veyor rose to leave the sale-room. And a few seconds afterwards the Auctioneer de- clared the lot withdrawn, but invited pri- vate treaty. A MORAL FOR THE VOTER. Thanks to the Parochial Assessments Act of 1836, any person assessed for a "poor- rate" is allowed to inspect and. take ex- tracts from the rate-book of his parish. An Express' man, who happens to be a rate- payer in the parish of Welshpool, availed himself of the legal right. Last May a rate of Is 6d in the £ was made for the relief of the poor, and for other purposes charge- able thereon, according to law," including the cost of lunacy and pauperism, elemen- tary and secondary education, police pro- tection, etc. The whole garden, for which the vendors refused £ 1,261 an acre, is de- scribed as possessing a rateable value of £ 2 15s, and on it was paid only 4s 1-id poor rate. On the other hand, the present system of rating and taxing hits the professional man and the tradesman, in fact all-whether Liberals or Conservatives-who work with hand and brain in producing or distributing things that benefit their fellow beings. Let each ratepayer in Welshpool compare his demand-note with the above extract. THE CASE OF A BROAD-STREET BOOT SHOP. A boot-shop in Broad-street, Welshpool, owned by Messrs Stead and Simpson, is rated at 1:68. The poor-rate made last May meant £ 5 2s from this shop, 25 times as much as the garden, for which £ 500 was refused. So that the boot-shop is rated pro- portionately as though the premises were worth at least 25 times £500, or Z12,500, or four times what the Mansion House was said to have cost. The Budget, which Mr Humphreys-Owen supports and which Colonel Pryce-Jones opposes, will tax the landlords, who reap where they have not sown, and will relieve the working man, the tradesman, and the professional man of much of the rates and taxes they now pay. Colonel Pryce-Jones' policy means a tax on bread. Mr Lloyd George's policy means that a tax of id in the £ shall be put on every 20s of the site value of undeveloped land which is being held up at the rate of £],2]6 per acre. That on a garden valued at C500 would represent at least ki Os lad towards old age pensions, etc., What will the Colonel say to-night ?
COUNTY POLICE CLOTHING.
COUNTY POLICE CLOTHING. Sir,—May I, through your columns, thank Mr Newell for the interest he always takes in the trade and workers of the county. I notice that my name was mentioned at the Police Committee in connection with the contract for police clothing. Notwithstand- ing the snubs of Captain Johnes and Mr Price Davies, I say that Mr Newell was right. So far as I am concerned I heard nothing of the matter until Inspector Tanner came to me with a number of samples and inquired whether I could make the clothing at a certain price. I had not previously been asked to tender. I at once replied that I could not produce the clothing at that price, as I should have to pay nearly the whole amount of it for the making. Inspector Tanner having mentioned Mr James' name, I said that we both paid what was a fair living wage, and that the price quoted re- presented a sweated wage, but I added I had no doubt any of the tailors would be willing to do the work at cost price if only in order to give his men plenty of work during the slack season. I then asked the Inspector whether these people had been given the contract. His reply, which was Yes," rather amused me. I wondered, therefore, why he had come to me. It seems to me that the Chief Constable is anxious to send the tailoring work out of the county, else he would have given the local men a chance to tender. I think I can venture to say on behalf of all the tailors in the county that they would do the work much better, but since they do not employ German Jews, and the like, they could not do it at the price at which it has been allotted to a London firm. Thanking you for permitting this neces- sary explanation.—I am, yours faithfully, Broad-street, Newtown. GEO. ASTLBY. A CHALLENGE. Sir,—As a prominent Conservative of this town has challenged a statement made by Mr Humphreys-Owen on Tuesday night, which was to the effect that the intelligent young of the Montgomeryshire Boroughs were tending towards Liberalism, the young Liberals of Llanfyllin are prepared to invite six Tariff Reformers" from the town to meet six of their own number and debate upon the fiscal question openly in the Town Hall. The Young Liberals are prepared to pay half the fee for the hall.—Your truly, A YOUNG LIBERAL. P.S.—Should the above challenge be accepted, please communicate with the Secretary of The Young Liberal League, Llanfyllin." MR. HUMPHREYS-OWEN AND DISESTABLISHMENT. Sir,—In his speech on the occasion of his adoption as candidate for the Montgomery Boroughs, Mr Humphreys-Owen used words implying that the tithes payable on his estate are a compulsory subscription to the Church of England out of his own private purse. Were that so, it would not only smack of unfairness," but it would indeed be a great injustice. That, however, is not the case, as Mr Humphreys-Owen very well knows. When one of his ancestors bought these estates he bought them subject to this charge, and consequently he paid less for them than he would have done if they were not subject to this charge. The Church has as much right to this money as Mr Humphreys-Owen has to the remainder of the rent. This is a plain fact, and I trust you will publish this letter in the interest of truth and justice.—Yours truly, D. E. ROWLANDS. Great Wollaston Vicarage, Welshpool, Nov. 30th, 1910. BOROUGHS ELECTION. Sir,—I understand Colonel Pryce-Jones is again coming forward as a Protectionist candidate. We have to remember that Pro- tection means higher prices for food, cloth- ing, boots, tools, and nearly everything which we require. No one comes forward to guarantee higher wages or to guarantee anything to make up for these extra taxes. Tariff Reform, in my opinion, is no reiorm at all, only a scheme by which the rich can transfer their burdens OR to the backs of the poor. We who belong to the poor and working class pay at present more taxes in proportion to our incomes than are paid by the rich noblemen who have kicked so hard against the Budget. Colonel Pryce-Jones has pleasant smiles for us when he comes round, but we must not forget he is pledged to support the iood taxing party and the Peers against the people when he gets to Parliament. I hope every working man, amd everyone who has a kindly feeling towards the poor, will vote straight for Mr Humphreys-Owen, the Free Trade candidate.—I am, etc., A BOROUGH ELECTOR. Llanidloes, Nov. 90th, 1910. CAERSWS WORKHOUSE. Sir,—It is reported in the Express' for the 29th ult., that a Committee of the Guar- dians had reported in favour of a hot water system of heating. Would it not be wiser to wait till after the re-arrangements entailed by the con- version of Forden Workhouse into an asylum, be carried out, before laying out a large sum on a heating apparatus that probably would be useless, as is very likely, when a lot of inmates from Forden are taken in at Caersws ? Where is the danger with a good fire-guard around the fire ? Has any accident occurred ? There is only one other system more cheerless and unhealthy than hot water heating, and that is, hot air. The great benefit of open fires is, besides the cheerfulness—and surely that should weigh heavily in the case of old age—that they thoroughly change and ventilate the rooms, which hot water or hot air can never do. The air that goes to feed the fires, draws with it the vitiated air caused by the inmates. I very much question if, in the long run, open fires arc not much cheaper. When account is taken of the initial cost of the system, its liability to break down from frost and other causes, and the expenses of repairs and maintenance, I think the saving will be on the side of open fires. The Committee have no need to go to Wrexham, Carnarvon, or St. Asaph. Let them enquire as to the hot water heating at the New Church-street Council Schools in Newtown, or at the Intermediate Schools. Apologising for trespassing on your space this busy time, I am, A RATEPAYER FOR 30 YEARS. ————— INJUSTICE TO LLANMEREWIG. Sir,—Mr Miller says he wished I had dealt with what he sa'id and less with what he thought. I dealt with what he thought only so far as it was reflected in what he said. If I were tempted to try my hand at thought reading, I should look for a more fertile thinker than Mr Miller to experiment upon. If Mr Miller talks without thinking, or if he uses language which does not convey his meaning, that is his affair not mine. I have drawn the inferences which any ordinary reader would do from his words, and it would be much more to the purpose if Mr Miller used his faculties to prove I put a wrong construction on them, than setting up comic theories as to the relation of thought and speech. He says he did not say any- thing about being a Manager of Dolforwyn School. But he talked like a Manager. The liberal use of the personal pronoun we signified as much. And ,as a matter of fact, Mr Miller is a foundation Manager. Why he should object to figure as such I cannot divine. If he wanted to draw the veil over his connection with Dolforwyn, he should have held his tongue over the cost of putting the school in repair. Again, he says he did not say anything in regard to the building of Cefnycoed School. How could he state his case of alleged in- justice to Llanmerewig without alluding to the building of Cefnycoed ? Here are Mr Miller's words: We are called upon to pay a farthing in the £ towards building Cefny- coed School." A man whose memory plays such tricks with him is poorly equipped to champion any cause. The L.E.A. knew that children from Llan- merewig proposed going to Cefnycoed as the result of enquiry and not of canvassing. I trust Mr Miller's mental limitations will allow him to see the difference. On information quite as reliable as any- thing Mr Miller can furnish, the children from Llanmerewig who attend Cefnycoed have a better road than they would have to Dolforwyn. With respect to the matter of popular control, the claim of Mr Miller on behalf of Llanmerewig, which supplies about 8.5 per cent, of the children, to have the appointment of a Manager, would be unjust to the other contributing parishes, and having regard to the conditions, quite an impractical proposal. Mr Miller excuses himself by saying it is his misfortune, not his fault, that he is slow. Not a bit of it, He is slow for want of exercise. Wool-gathering is not exercise. —Yours truly, RICHARD JONES. Pendinas, Caersws, Dec. 1, 1910.
SEEN AND HEARD.
SEEN AND HEARD. Nothing extannate, nor not down injtht in ntlitt. TO COLONEL PRYCE-JONES. My dear sir,— Together we have fought and won some notable victories in local public life during recent years. We have engaged, too, in some stern political duels, but our wounds readily healed under the influence of personal friendship, and the scars we would not cover over as reminders of our stubborn stand for principles. Once again, unhappily, our arms are bared for contest. Would that instead, we were fighting shoulder to shoulder against the foe whose cause you champion. And why shouldn't we be ? You smile So do 1. And a mutual smile is surely creative of the mood for reasoned thought. During the past decade no one has seen more of your public actions than I have few have followed your trend of public con- duct more closely mostly all of the more important speeches which you have de- livered in connection with the administra- of our county's affairs I have listened tü, and the one feature I have all along admired is your transparent sympathy-a human trait I prize above most others. Why should not this naturally sympa- thetic disposition be employed in the direc- tion of that genuine social betterment aimed at by Liberalism ? Many of your professions and actions are Liberal in a marked degree, and, therefore it is, I have never been able to reconcile your attach- ment to a political party with which con- stitutionally you cannot really feel in har- mony. Indeed, I often imagine that your spirit yearns to be in the front rank of Liberalism, your heart rejoiced by an active share in the fight for a happier social state, instead of dragging along at the tail of a party thoroughly Conservative in the strict literal sense. In local affairs I have frequently beheld you furlongs ahead of the veriest Rad, bubbling over with an enthusiastic sympa- thy for projects of a real progressive char- acter. Here you were palpably enjoying the indulgence of your natural disposition. In Imperial politics your professed princi- ples and policies seem wholly antagonistic to this personal estimate of mine. Obvious enough it must be to everybody who knows you, that politically you are a Tory from expediency rather than from preference. I recall that gentle hint" which you con- veyed to the last Tory Government in tones that hardly suggested the gentleness of your dissatisfaction. I daresay there were other moments when this feeling of dissatisfaction possessed you, but the commanding claims of party subjected you. possessed you, but the commanding claims of party subjected you. We had a glimmer of your real self In that memorable Machynlleth speech fol- lowing upon the 1906 election. Your ad- missions on that occasion smote Tories with anxious misgivings concerning your party soundness, for well they realise that through the Colonel and he alone can %hej hope to win the Borougtis. Pity that your natural inclinations were not pe^nitted to pursue the transition towards which they were making. They hauled you back from the brink of- I shall not say conversioiv to Liberalism, but from the abyss of their hopes. And so to-day we find you in the arena still a Tory. You might easily have been the unchallenged Liberal champion. But I shall not indulge further in vain regrets. it was yours to choose; it is ours te criticise your choice. Sympathetic, you have also always struck me as a fair-minded man. In all things I be- lieve your nature would revolt at anything unfair or unjust. Then let me state a case and invite your pronouncement. Tom Jones and Jack Davies are neigh- «r«rS^ 1D++ WtoWi?" Their circumstances are pretty much alike, and so is their weekly income. Their rent is the same, and ™amo -anTnt Pay rates and taxes Being householders and ratepayers, both have a Parliamentary vote. That vote they possess on no other grounds. They do not hold it because of their political opin- io' f°r they belong to opposite parties. Otherwise only one of them would have the vote. It is because each fulfils the con- ditions of a good citizen that he has a say in the government. of his country. In other words, they enjoy an equality of citizenship. You agree? Very well; we shall follow them in their equality, and see where it terminates. In 1900 there was a general election, at which you were the Tory candidate. Jack, who is a Tory, voted for you Tom, the Liberal, voted against you. You were re- turned, and your party won the victory in the country. That was the Khaki election, you will remember. Permit me to sub- stantiate this statement by quoting the electioneering words of Mr Chamberlain:— ihis election turns upon one question, ana one question alone. Nonconformist^ temperance men, can venture to vote with impunity for Unionist candidates, if they approve of the war, because there is no idea on the part of the Government of deal- ing with any of the questions in which they are so concerned." As Mr Lloyd George said the other day, public Pledge, which no doubt induced thousands r>f "vu.V.1.1..LV.1.ll.&.t. ällU other Liberals to pass approval of the war against Krugerian aggression. But Tom Jones, being loyal to his Liberal faith, voted against you Then your Tory Gov- ernment proceeded, irrespective of public mandate, to pass an Education Act and other measures offensive to Tom's princi- ples, and the House of Lords accepted these without the slightest objection. Jack, the Tory, accordingly got full value for his vote, and something more. Six years later there was another election, at which Tom and Jack again voted for their respective parties. This time both Jack and you lost. The country's verdict went against your side. A Liberal Govern- ment, with one of the greatest majorities of modern times, came into office, after plainly submitting to the people the char- acter of an Education Bill and a Temper- ance Reform Bill. Both of these measures they passed by overwhelming majorities, and sent them up to the Lords. But the Tory complexion of the Upper House never changes. That House has no respect for change of public opinion. The men who compose it are the sons of Toryism, and being independent, politically and other- wise, they refuse to be swayed by the voice of the people. And so these two measures, as well as a democratic Budget, they un- ceremoniously kicked out of doors. Thus, although Jack Davies, the Tory failed to elect you and your party, he had the satisfaction of saying to his neighbour Apm, Your vote is never more than half the value of mine." Does this plain-stated fact consist with your ideas of fair play ? You may, perhaps, tell me that these were revolutionary measures. Accepting that extreme answer, I would reply that revolutionary or no, they were ratified by the country last January. party introduced and Fnf utl0nary measures during the last 100 years ? I am sure you would not wish to gainsay it. They passed their Education Bill m the very teeth of the great Nonconformist electorate who were askea at the khaki election to simply vin- dicate the Boer War, and fear naught of denominational questions. If the House of Lords is an unbiassed assembly, and a bul- wark against unauthorised legislation, should it not have blocked the Tory Edu- cation Bill and referred it to the country ? As a fair-minded man, you must answer in the aiffrmative. 2 As a Tory candidate wishful to represent a constituency pre- dominantly Nonconformist, you must feel decidedly uncomfortable upon the question. Again, is it your opinion that, notwith- standing the fallibility of human nature, political wisdom is perfectly portrayed in the Tory party ? If that is not your opin- ion, then why during the last century have the Lords rejected not a single Tory meas- ure sent up to them ? These are the very pertinent questions which the ordinary individual is just now thinking about. You will find them deucedly hard nuts to crack. The fiscal question does not concern them. What the Tom Joneses are determined to obtain is the same vote value as the Jack Davies and since you are tied to a party which would continue to deny them this, they are !Tag 7eT$their cro9S against you As a fair-minded man, you should not be STni (or the common & l citizenship, and I ain heartily sorry you are opposing it. Particular cir- rS°eS glVe you a large number ot votes you even may win by their favours, but as sure as the dawn of the! morrow creeps up o'er the head of the Breidden, Tom Jones is going to get equal with Jack Davies. That's but human nature it is a demand for simple justice and my dear Colonel, well you know it? Yours Faithfully, LuxE SHARPE.
Llanidloes Rads. and the Colonel.
Llanidloes Rads. and the Colonel. OUTSIDE A TICKET MEETING. On Friday week last the gallant Colonel called together his faithful few" for a confab in the Public Rooms, at 8 p.m. Invitations, issued with great discretion, were circulated amongst the true blues." News of the meeting were wafted abroad, with the result that before the appointed time a large crowd gathered outside the hall to witness the arrival of members of the conference. Local members were observed crouching in pas- sages, or peering round street-corners preparatory to stealing a march upon the waiting crowd, and bolt into the hall. One marched boldly up to the hall, and as boldly past, when he heard the booiag of the crowd, welcoming the appearance of some of the braver members, who passed in without any interference. He reached the sheltering precincts of a passage near by, and when the attention of the crowd was diverted to a little distance away for e. couple of minutes, rushed down, and into the hall. The arrival of the Colonel was greeted with a considerable amount of booing, but he was in no way molested. We was accompanied by the Chairman, Mr H. L. Onslow, Mrs Onslow, and Mr George Morris, the energetic secretary. The members who dared the booing of the crowd were verv few in number, a baker's dozen" covering the whole. The crowd awaited their exit, and booing was renewed. When the Colonel re-appeared he was enthusi- tioally hooted, and what has been described as disgraceful and exaggerated reports of which ap- peared in the dailies, was really the result of pushing by the outer portion of the crowd to get a view of the Conservative candidate. He and his followers experienced the usual diffioolty in getting through a crowd. When he got to the Trewythen the crowd sang, "Give Colonel the bottle to put the whiskey in," to the tpne of cc Ton y botel." The crowd waited outside the Trewythen, booing, when the Mayor appeared, and appealed for fair play, and immunity from molestation for the Colonel, who, a short time afterwards, left for Newtown by ear.