The Montgomeryshire Express and Radnor Times

THE METAL INDUSTRIES AND FREE TRADE. A GENERAL VIEW. The fundamental difference in essential principle and in practical outlook between the Free Trade and Tariff "Reform" posi- tions comes out even more clearly, perhaps, in regard to the Metal Industries than in regard to (for example) Agriculture on the one hand or Textiles on the other. The unlimited variety of the Metal Industries, ranging from the pro- duction of the raw metals to the making of the most complex machines, gives the widest pos- sible opportunity for each individual Tariff Reformer to exhibit his. greed for specially securing, by Tariff Imposts, his own section of industry against foreign competition, and to exhibit at the same time his total indiffer- ence either to the effect of his demands upon the well-being of the nation at large, or, in- deed, to the interests of his fellow-manufac- turers who are engaged in a rather different line of production. It would be impossible, within moderate space, to examine in detail the elaborate treatises upon the metallic and the engineer- ing industries which have been i<ued by the Birmingham Tariff Reform Committee. For the present purpose, however, such examina- tion is altogether unnecessary, inasmuch as these Tariff Reform volumes are made up in bulk of the constant iteration, by hundreds of manufacturing producers, of one uniform thought and demand, namely: "Such and such a foreign competitor is able, for various reasons, to produce more cheaply than I can, and to sell in this country more cheaply. Therefore I think that his products when sent to this country should be Tariff-taxed in such degree as will force him to demand, from his British customers, prices so high as will en- able me to sell either at a profit or at a greater profit than now." ARTIFICIALLY MADE EMPLOYMENT CAUSES OTHPR UNEMPLOYMENT. The broad general plea urged in support of this demand for al! round protection of the metal and engineering industries is that the exclusion of the foreign manufactures (so far as the Tariff does exclude them) will result in these manufactures being produced in this country, thus affording greatly increased home employment to'British capital and labour. The broad general reply to this, upon the fundamental principles of Free Trade, is that the Tariff Duties may truly enough stimulate employment in those sections of home in- dustry favoured by the Tariff; but that they can only do so by raising the home prices of the protected manufactures; and the inevit- able result of the higher prices is to reduce employment in some industries at least as much as the Tariff Imposts increase employ- ment in other industries. The higher prices take Drooort,innately larsrer sums out of fba, pockets oi the purchasers ;i mc ^ruteoud articles. Therefore these purchasers are so much the less able to buy other commodities upon which their money surplus would other- wise have been expended; and the producers of the other commodities are proportionately deprived of employment. For example, let us assume that at present a British farmer is able to purchase certain quantities of agricultural machinery imple- ments from the United States for 10 per cent. less than the price at which he could be or is furnished with equivalent machinery by a home manufacturer. A Tariff Impost on the American machinery of 10 per cent. or 15 per cent. will presumably force the farmer to purchase, at the higher prices, the British in- stead of the American implements. Obvi- ously he must cut down proportionately his expenditure in other directions. And, as obviously, he is thus compelled to deduct from the employment of other kinds of labour the 10 per cent, or 15 per cent. which he has been forced to contribute towards the employ- ment of the specially protected British labourers who are employed in making agri- cultural machinery. WHO PAYS? As against this general Free Trade argu- ment, Tariff Reformers constantly argue that a British Tariff on imports would cause a pro- portionate lowering of prices by the foreign producers of semi-manufactured metals and of fully manufactured machinery—because they could not afford to lose the British market. Considering the immense variety of the metallic and engineering industries, and the wide range of difference in the profits of different manufacturers, it would be absurd for either Free Traders or Tariff Reformers to assert a universal rule as to the conse- quences in this respect of all tariffs. In some special industries, of the nature of monopolies or semi-monopolies, the margin of profit is doubtless wide enough to permit of some reductions of prices of the kind thus indicated by Tariff Reformers. But these "specialties" are, of course, exceptions. The great bulk of the metallic and engineer- ing industries are keenly competitive, ^hosa which are not already so mostly exist in -,in- stant apprehension of competition. Most of their prices and profits, therefore, are already cut to the narrowest practical working mar- gin. As regards these, even a 10 per cent to 15 per cent. Tariff would have the effect of exclusion. THE TARIFF REFORM DILEMMA. In this direction Tariff Reformers never fairly face the logical dilemma created by their own contradictory forecasts. If the foreign producer can afford to lower his prices far enough to meet the duties, then his products will come in as before, and there will be no additional employment for home workers. If the Tariff excludes his products, then these will not come; there will be no revenue from them; and the home purchaser will have to pay the extra price equivalent to the Tariff, which leaves him less to spend oik other things. LW, E. Y. F. T F.

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O'R TWR. DEFFRO, MAE'N DYFOD. Bu cysgodau'r hwyr yn aros Ar obeithion Cymru Fu; A newidiwyd yn y cyfnos Gymru wen yn Gymru ddu; Safai'r bardd yn y cysgodion, Gyda'i delyo yn ei law, A phroffwydai mewn alawon Fod y wawr yn tori draw. Deffro, fy ngwlad, mae yn ddydd ar dy fryniau, Bywyd a chwardd o dan wybren mor glir Cododd yr haul ar y duon gymylau A gadwodd dy dalent i hepi*n yn hir; Mae dy freuddwydion yn troi yn sylweddau, Addysg a'th gwyd i dy newydd ystad; Curo dy ddor mae ysbrydion y tadau, Deffro, mae'n ddydd ar dy werin, fy ngwlad. Goreu awen yw Gwirionedd, Goreu art yw Addysg bur; Ac i esgyn i anrhydedd, Gwell yw dawn na chleddyf dur; Deffro, a gwregysa'th lwynau, Cadw'th wisg yn ddi-ystaen; Mewn diwylliant a gwybodau, Cadw'th feibion ar y blaen. Mawr yw adnoddau dy gedyrn fynyddoedd, Bywyd y byd yw eu cyfoeth di-draul; Golud eangach dy wladgar werinoedd Frigodd i'r golwg pan gododd yr haul; Os bu canrifoedd a'u llaw yn dy erbyn, Os bu dy enw dan ddirmyg a gwawd, Heddyw ar wefus aflafar dy elyn, Derrydd yr edliw fod Cymry yn dlawd. Henffych iti, wlad fy nh&dau, Yn dy ddysg ac yn dy ddawn Cadw bellach dy faneran Ar y bryniau'n uchel iawn Mae yr hen delynau'n canu Cerddi'r wawr a gloewach dydd A Gwladgarwch yn cynbesu, Ar y ffordd i Gymru Fydd. DTFED. Cysurlawn ydyw yr hanes ddygir o'r amrywiol feusydd cenhadol. Gwneir gwaith llafurus. ft pnarnaus gan y csnhadon, ac y mae Yspryd Duw yn cydweithio ac felly ceir clywed am gynydd yn rhif y dychweledigion ac yn llafur a hunanymwadiad y Cristionogion brodorol. O'r ocbr arall pan edrychwn y tu allan i'r meusydd sydd megys cyfran fechan las ynnghanolanialwch gwag erchyll Paganiaeth ymleda ar bob llaw yn Asia, Affrica, &c daw gofid i'n calonau a chywilydd i'n gwynebau wrth gofio mor ychydig yw yr hyn a wnaed a chymaint sydd yn aros heb ei wneyd. Pell iawn ydyw yr eglwys wedi cyrhaedd yr ugexnfed ganrif o ufuddhau i arch ei Harglwydd, Ewch i'r holl fyd, pregethweh yr Efengyl i bob creadur. Yr un ystori sydd gan yr holl Gymdeithasau Cenhadol. Meusydd yn wynion i'r cynhauaf, a'r gweithwyr yn anaml, Drysau yn agored heb fod yr un gwr yn barod i fyteci i mewn. Y gwaith yn cynyddu ond y casgliadau yn annigonol. Cri o Macedonia, heb yr un Paul yn Troas i wrando ac ufuddbau. Neu os yw Paul yno nid oes dim i dalu y Jlonglog, nac i ddwyn traul y gwaith byd nes y bydd yno eglwys i fylied dan y baich, ac i hyrwyddo y gwaith yn ei flaen. Y rheol Apostolaidd oedd, wedi derbyn yr Efengyl ei helpu ymlaen. Gymaint ddylem ni ei wneud sydd wedi em breintio mor belaeth ganddi. Yn ngwyneb yr anghen presenol gyda acbosion daionus yr lesu, sydd yn cael eu llyfetheirio gan ddiffyg anan, tebygaf mai dyledswydd pob Cristion yw boli ei hun yn ddifrifo) a ellir dyweud am dano ef, Hyn a allodd hwn efe a'i gwnaeth. Beth. pe bai pob cyfranwr swllt, yn ystyried y cwestiwn a ni alIai rywfodd ei wneud yn ddau swllt; a phob cyfranwr haner coron, a ni allai yntau ddangos ei fod o ddifrif yn canu, Ar Ei Ben bo r goron, trwy ddodi coron i'r aasglydd oenhadol. Hoffwn weled yr enwau yn y rhestr o r lsat hyd y^ uwchaf yn ufuddhau i alwad y Gwr ^iar gwaith, Y cyfaill eistedd yn uwch i fyny. Dyma le i cbwi ddringo gyfeillion hawddgar yr lesu. Creclaf mai hawdd fyddai i lawer wneud hyn ond iddynt feddwl am dano, a rhoddi heibio er ei fwyn rai o'r pethau diangen- rhaid y gwariant arnynt. Teimlai y Parch John Itoberts yn ddwys wrth weled ar ei ddychweliad j.r wlad hon, y cynydd oedd yn moethau bywyd crefyddwyr yn Nghymru, rhagor yr oedd pan aeth ef allan i India y waith gyntaf. Wrthedrychardraulbywynyreglwysi teimlai yn ofidus wrth adgofio fel yr oedd y gwaith yn yr India yn cael ei rwystro o ddiffyg yr arian werid mor hawdd yma. Ceisiadau am athrawon naa gellid eu cyfarfod am nad oedd modd i'w cynal a'r pwyllgor gweithiol yn galw arnynt ddal eu dwylaw pan yr oeddynt hwy yn aiddgar i fyned i feddianu y wlad, ac i gymeryd gafael yn y pentrefi yn ezjw yr Iesu. Cwrddais a chenhadwr perthynol i'r Bedyddwyr yn yr India, adnabyddai y cenhadon ar Fryniau Khasia yn dda. Dywedai mai gwaith doeth ydoedd cyfyngu ein gweithrediadau i gyfran fechan o'r maes, a gweithio hono felly yn fwy llwyr. Trwy hyny gwnaed gwaith mwy parhaol, gwaith a erys ac a ymhelaetha fel y treulia y blynyddau. Dyna oedd polisi y tadau yn ol yr ben air Cymreig, Cowlaid fechan a'i gwasgu yn dyn. I Dyma ddarn o hanes gwr cyfrifol fu farw yn ddiweddar nid yw o bwyg i'r darllenydd pwy ydoedd eitbr y peth ydoedd. "Gyda gofalu am y tyddyn oedd ganddo, treuliodd lawer o'i amser ar ben pwll llif, i lifio coed a'r llif fawr, yn ol yr hen ffasiwn. A soniai am un tro, pan oedd gyda'r gwaith hwnw, iddo gael rhyw brofiad wrth weddio yn y dirgel roddodd raddau helaeth o sicrwydd byth wedi hyny na ddemnid byth o hono. Pethau fel yma a'i gwnaeth mor gadarn fel crefyddwr a blaenor i arwain yr oes. Yr oedd yn areithiwr dirwest rhagorol. Dywedai iddo fod yn yfed ei lasiad am flynyddoedd, ond iddo gael ei hollol argyhoeddi, pan yn llifio, nad oedd y ddiod yn gwneyd dim lies iddo, a rhoddodd hi i fyny am byth. Adroddai y drwg oedd y ddiod yn wneyd i'w gyfoedion, a'r diogelwoh oedd y llwyr- ymataliad yn ei sicrhau, nes v bu yn offeryh i dynu amryw i arwyddo llyfr dirwest." Y Gair wedi dod yn gnawd; o bob gwyrth y mae yn debyg mai hon yw y fwyaf. Nid ffrwyth dadblygiad ydyw y person yma; nid cynyrch naturiol-amgylchedd, ond dechreuad cwbl newydd. rtrwd loew, bur, glir, wedi ei bwrw i bwll llygredigaeth dynoliaeth. y mae yn rhaid i ni ddal ein gafael yn yr ymgnawdoliad, neu nid wyf yn gweled sut y gallwn ddal fod ein crefydd yn oruwchnaturiol. Ac os medrwn ni ei graspio hi, ni fydd dim anhawsder wedi hyay a'r un wyrth. Gweithredoedd Iesu Grist oedd y wyrthiau- pethau naturiol iddo. Fel yna yr oedd loan yn edrych amynt am ei fod yn cymeryd yn ganiataol fod y Gair wedi dod yn gnawd. Dim byd rhyfedd yn y gwyrthiau nid pethau rhyfedd ydyw y gweithredoedd a wnaeth y Gwaredwr a'i law, y peth rhyfedd yw fod ganddo law i'w gwneyd!— Y Parch Owen Owens, Lerpwl gynt. Y mae genyf hir argyhoeddiad nad oes achos mwy o ddrygioni moesoi a chorfforol na defnyddio diodydd alcoholaidd. Nid wyf yn cyfeirio at yr arferiad gormodol sydd yn cynyrchu meddwdod. Y mae arfer defnyddio gwlybyroedd eplesedig llawer llai nag sydd yn angeurhridiol i gynyrchu y cyflwr hwnw, a'r cyfryw ag sydd yn gyffredin ymhob gradd o gymdeithas, yn niweidio y corff, ac yn lleihau nerth y raeddwl i'r fath raddau nad oes, mi dybiaf, ond ychydig yn gwybod.—Syr Henry Thompson. Desgrifia E. Matthews, Siencyo Penhydd Nid hynod mewn rhywun peth ydoedd, ond yn mhob peth. Nid oedd ei edrychiad fel dyn arall. Gallasech feddwl ei fod yn wallgof; yn cerdded mor ddihafaroh a brysiog, fel pe bai wedi ei annos gan gwn drwy y llaid ar Uaca; ei lygaid yn fflamio yn ei ben. ac yn edrych fel dyn am ffoi o olwg preBwylyddion y ddaear. Yr oedd ar gefn ceffyl yn debyg ryfeddol i'r dychymyg sydd genym am berpetual motion-raswr gweithrodiad o hyd; pwt o chwip yn ei law, yn curo beujaydd a diorphwys, a'i goesau mawrion a gewynaidd yn ysparduno yn ddibaid O'r pryd y cychwynai hyd nes y disgyna. Yr oedd yn eglnr i bawb, bid a fyno, fod arno lawer mwy o frys na'r ceffyl.— Cofiant Siencyn Penhydd (6677). GWTLIWB.

The Reichstag rejected, by 191 to 136, the main paragraph of the Government's bill imposing an inheritance tax. It is statcA Princa Bulow'a successor will soon be announced.

TORY MEETING AT NEWTOWN. Colonel Pryce-Jones on Liberal Administration. A meeting under the auspices of the Newtown Conservative Association was held in the Public Hall on Monday. Col. E. Pryce-Jones presided, tad the chief speaker was Mr Cuthbert Smith. On the platform were the Ravs T. G. Roberts, Aloehdre, and S. Davies, Dolfor, Messrs William Watkins, Sidnay Powell, Woosnam Savage, S H. Jarvis, H. B. Swift, T. A. Forster, W. Alderson, S. Powell, G. H. Ellison, W. Pryce, A. R. Breese, and A. W. Barrett, and among the audience was Sir Pryce Pryce-Jones and Mr Heap, of Mellington Hall. Colonel Pryce-Jones, in opening the proceedings, said that most of them, especially on the Con- servative side, were very much opposed to the Budget, and thought it a very evil measure, and he for one believed that if it passed it would make trade much worse than it was, and that it would add to the unemployment in the country. It was because their superiors-he meant their political leaders-were anxious that the feelings of the country should be tested as to whether the Government were right in launching this revo- lutionary Bill that the meeting was called. They knew very well when the Government came into power he was one of those who asked that they should have a reasonable time in which to show whether they were good or bad. He was in no hurry to see them turned out, but the Government bad been in power for three or four years, and, as a party, they believed in short Parliaments, a great many of them in triennial Parliaments,—and they had bad a taste of their legislation; and. as a business man, he felt that the people should hear what sort of a Budget was proposed. Mr Asquith and Sir Edward Grey were very sound men, very able men, very distinguished men. It one read their speeches and relied upon what they said, one would almost be safe in say- ing f. I will follow you." Their last two speeches were very able speeches, and he could almost say that he agreed with every word they said in defence of the Budget. But why was he opposed to the Budget ? Why was it that he could not see his way to support Sir Edward Grey and Mr Asquith; It was because they were car- ried off their legs: because they were driven further than they believed was right for the good of the country. He did not say that that was the case only on the Budget. They all believed in old age pensions, but a charge of some eight or nine millions a year, which meant a debt of some two or three hundred millions sterling, had been imposed on the country, and yet two or three millions a year were spent in a direction that might have been saved. Pensions, too, were granted to people who had savings of seven, eight, or nine hundred pound, and yet those who were more deserving, those who had received a little relief during the year from the Guardians were deprived of old age pensions, and no one under 70, though he might be unable to work and had a large family, was entitled to a pension. He was against a Government which brought in schemes like that at such a huge cost without getting the maximum amount of good out of what should have been a good measure (hear, hear). Let them take. again, small holdings. The Government had made a hash of that matter, and, in fact, it was making a hash of almost everything it brought forward, and, although they should retire in about three years, they knew how difficult it was to turn them out. He was satisfied that the Budget would defer the matter he had at heart, which all in Newtown specially fought for at the last elect ion-tarriff reform (applause). They wanted the foreigner to pay his toll when he came into that country (applause). We had to pay toll when we went into the foreigner's country, and we did not want them to come to our sports with- out paying their little gate-money. If the Finance Bill became law, he believed it would defer tarriff reform. Not but that tarriff reform would come. It was bound to come, and the sooner it came the better it would be for em- ployers and employed. Mr Cuthbert Smith at once denounced the Budget, which he described as socialism, incarnate and revolutionary. Refarring to the Liberal party, Mr Smith said he did not believe there really was such a party (laughter). They might find several Liberal politicians, some of them honest, and amongst those he counted Mr Asquith, Sir Edward Grey and Me Haldane. They would find among the rest the rag, tag and bob-tail. Englishmen used to be proud that they could use their fiats, and did not believe in the stab in the back. The Budget was the weapon of the assassin; it was a stab in the back; it was vindictive legislation against those who disagreed with the Government (cheers). The Government gave us the Old Age Pension Act. Nobody complained of that; it was a Conservative measure, but the Conservative were anxious to know how to pay for it. The Liberals gave the measure, and were now going to hit somebody to pay for it. He charged the Government with revengefulness, and said he was only surprised that they did not tax the bishops and clergy, and the congregations com- mitted to their charge, but he supposed that was not needed, as they were going to deal with the disestablishment of the Welsh Church next session. Dealing with his charge against the Chancellor of over-budgeting, Mr Smith said such over-budgeting was a very shocking state of things, and was open to very grievous abuse. Mr Smith also dealt with the proposed land taxes, which he denounced as unfair and vindictive. Mr Sidney Jarvis proposed: "That this meeting protests against the proposals of the Chancellor of the Exchequer contained in the Government Finance Bill, because they are unconstitutional and revolutionary in character, as they impose excessive burdens on industry and are injurious to the general interest of the country, and make no proper provisions for the unity and defence of the empire. It, therefore, pledges itself to use every constitutional means to prevent the passage of the Bill into law." The general class of the people, Mr Jarvis said, should bear their share of taxation, and it should not all be put on the shoulders of the rich. Mr T. A. Forster seconded the motion. The Chairman then invited questions, after which the resolution was carried.

A Golf Course for Llanfyllin. SPLENDID GIFT BY MR. LOMAX. Llanfyllin people are deeply indebted to Mr John Lomax for many benefactions, to which he has now added by laying out a nine holes golf course in Bodfach Park, the free use of which is given to the local golf club just formed, and also to visitors at a small charge. The course was opened on Saturday afternoon by Mrs Marshall Dugdale, when a large company of invited guests were t entertained by Mr and MisslLomax to tea in the pavilion. The guests included, the Mayor (Mr T Edwards), Mr and Mrs Marshall Dugdale, Mr W M Dugdale, Captain Westby, Mr J Lane (captain of the Welshpool Golf Club) and Miss Lane, Mr W W G Phillips, of Berwick, the Misses Verdon, Welshpool, the Rev L W and Mrs Davies, the Rev D Jones Llanfechain, the Rev W T and Mrs Merlin Davies, the Rev Sylvanus and Mrs Jones, the Rev Chas. Jones, Dr, Mrs and Miss Felix Jones, Dr Watkins, Mrs Openshaw, Mr Herbert Openshaw, Mr Goolden, Mrs Luxmoore, Mr and Miss Thos. Jones, Mr and Mrs D Davies, Mr and Mrs Hawke Dawe, Miss Lyddiatt, Mr Hubert Watkins, Miss M. Watkins, Mr J P and Miss Williams, Mr Authur Pughe, Mr Ellis and the Misses Roberts, Miss Jones, Sergeant-Major and Mrs Kirby, Miss Ryle, Mr and Mrs J T Evans, Mr Whittingham, Mr Yates, Mr R A Jones, Mr Mr Jos. E. Jones, Miss Jones, Miss Aubrey Jones, Mr Ellis Jones, Mrs Brook, Miss Lewis, Mr John Davies, Miss Lizzie Ellis, Miss Williams and Miss Saint. After the formal opening an exhibition game was given by Mr Lane and Mr Phillips. The entrance fee has been fixed at a guinea for gentlemen and half-a-guinea for ladies, this fee to admit all the members of a family residing in the same house; while the annual subscription is 15s. for gentlemen and 7s. 6d. for ladies, the fees for clerks, school and shop assistants residing in the town being reduced to one half, while visitors to the town are to be permitted to play on the links at a oharge of a shilling a day.

TREFEGLWYS. IMPORTANT NOTICK.—A. H. Bennett, Draper, Caerawa, attends room adjoining Bed Lion Hotel, Trefeglwys, KTKBT WTONBSDAT, from 12 till 6, wifch a .good assortments Geaeral Dtapery Goods,; at lowest town prices for cash.

"OLD MILES. The Big XTns and the Budget. Who Pays ? It's Like 3ELUSsia 1 CHAPTER XVIII. It is very difficult to estimate what will be the effect of the Finance Bill on landed estates, if it becomes law in its present shape. It is certain, however, to have the effect of diminishing employ- eo"ln ment, decreasing wages, and necessitating the reduction or entire stoppage of all voluntary payments. • • • • • It has been my custom to pay consider- ab'e sums out of the incomes of my estates for charities, gratuities, and pensions, but, if the burdens contemplated by the Finance Bill are to be imposed, it is dimcult to see how these payments are to be con- tinued and the authors of this Bill should surely pause before compelling landowners to consider whether they are not compelled to make a serious re- duction in payments upon which the comfort and almost existence of many of the workers on their estates depend.-The DUKE OF SuTHMLAND-of Lilleshall House, Newport, Salop; Stafford House, St. James s S W.; Trentham Hall, Stoke-on-Trent Dunrobm Castle, Golspie, and House of Tonrue Sutherland-who possesses a family motto Frangas, non Fleotet (•' Thou mayest break, but not bend ") and who owns one million rfyree hundred, and fifty eiqht thouand six hundred acres of land, or 22 1 times the area of Montgomeryshire. On my way to Groespluan Common" last Monday afternoon (writes an 'Express' man) I turned at tho foot of the Red Bank into the Welshpool Reading Room. For some days I bad not missed that distinguished column in the London Standard,' where dukes and marquises and earls and lords had been voicing their ven- detta against the Budget One poor Irish peer, who had sold his 40.000-acre share of the Emerald Isle, will not be troubled by the land taxes. But," (he wrote gently) It is obvious that the increase of the income-tax, the super-tax, etc.. wiil very materially affect my ability to assist in under- takings of public benevolence." Equally obvious. -P 11 J. 1'1 i"lo 1. or course, it was tnat tne super-cax or ol in tne A would not affect-materially or otherwise—any- one who has not an income over X5,000 a year or J296 a week. Then in the same column I had read a sentence from the Earl of Abingdon's epistle- blood-curdling in its vagueness—that The blow aimed at the security of the land by the threat "of unworkable and vindictive proposals must have a far-reaching effect upon interests, to the "casual observer, not apparently connected with the land." The very same column had also I contained a promise by the Marquis of London- derry, that if the Budget enforces him to MAKE "CONSIDERABLE REDUCTIONS" he will make a statement at the annual dinne)- of the tenants and employees on the Wynyard estate at their agricultural show in August. And it flashed into my mind that the after-tea speech- making at the annual fete of the Welshpcol Primrose Leaguers in Powis Catle Park on July 29th, will be an excellent opportunity for local magnates to make some such festive statement also. But that was a day-dream. Coming out of the Reading Room last Monday afternoon, climbing over the Red Bank, walking down and up again towards Old Miles's cottage, I tried to digest what I bad just read-a letter from the Duke of Sutherland, from the largest landowner in Great Britain. Sack men Lower wages Cut down or cut off subscriptions towards hospitals, nursing institutes, dispensaries, agricultural shows, golf clubs, Friendly Society fetes, Church Defence funds, curates' funds, railwaymen's tips-tipf that eke out impossible wages—together with all other voluntary payments." Then I submitted to Old Miles" the Peers' plan of a terrorising campaign against the Budget, which the Duke of Sutherland worded in a style of ducal dignity. The Powysland peasant's counterblast was immediate and drastic. Like a thunderstorm, it cleared the air. The answer came from a citizen now in his 81st year, who never had a day's schooling, not evon in a Powysland National School. The answer came from a rural toiler who learnt to read his Bible after getting married, when he began going to the Wesleyan Sunday School. But in spite of that—or was it because of that ?-his answer went to the VERY HEART OF THINGS. As soon as ever he would begin to drop his men and lower the wages," observed Old Miles." "There comes in a force. The land should be taken off him. I should soon tell 'em that what you've been paying to charities out of your large incomes you are only paying it out of what was due to other people, and you are only paying back to 'em part of what belonged to 'em The land he is holding other people ought to have. But he has it in claw, and he calls it isn. Woe unto them that join house to house, that lay field to field, till there be no place, that they may be placed alone in the midst of the earth!' He had no business to add house to house, and field to field, as my Rook here says. He says he pays so much owt o' it. Take so much owt o' a man. and allow so much in charity It's all very well! A man here has four acres of land, and me living here. I go and take the four acres of land off him-it would be worth so much, and I just allow him a little out o' it. The man ought to have it, and then he wouldn't want my little back owt o' his own. I would soon get at 'em, if they'd come and talk to me here. I wish I'd been educated a bit. If I'd been, I should have spent night and day but what I should have been as hot a member as was on this earth-only one. It's no use them coming that stroke Oh! They munna think- as poor old Samuel Davies said, when he was alive; his shop was in Welshpool by where Bowron's is now-they munna think WE ARE ALL DUMMIES! I should like to be permitted to have one o' 'em in a room, him and me and you there, and I'm allowed to speak what I like-same as the 'Postle Paul with Agrippa, Paul, thou art per- mitted to answer for thyself.' And he was pleased as he had the privilege to do so. Education, as I told you, is good to those that will use it, and it will bring fellows just now that they will turn on these big uns, and there will be a regular uproar through them! They will be bound to reform, and they are bound to put the men into summat, else they will have the place turned upside down. Education is good— I wish it had been sooner. But the working classes has been the biggest fools this earth has possessed. It's a blessed eood job if they were all turned off, and then—the men would rise. There where I blame the Government. If we have a Government, the Government is the head, and, if the Government allows it, of course, the gentry will do what they like here. That's where it is! It's like Russia! The old Tzar is the head. He's allowing all this masquerading' Mid trouble and starving there to go by the Dukes and others in authority, and, whilst the Government allows that, it will never be no good. There's no justice for the outlying-ers at all. Punish 'em Kill 'em Do what they like with 'em. I was thinking—here's our King. Well, he's the head in this country; he's put in authority and power; if he allows the gentry to do just what they like with the inhabitants, what can you expect ? "The question ought to be asked, 'WHAT'S PARLIAMENT GOING TO DO for these men that's turned off ? The big uns has been awake too many years to keep us down and work for what they please to give us and surrender to what they please, and make stepping stones. I should have liked to be a man qualified for Parliament in my young days! Well, as the beggar they like! We dinna live now like they used to—for 900 years—else I might see a good del,' nor I dinna wish to for one thing, but I should like to see-not as I'm pleading for myself now, it will be no benefit to me. But I've always pleaded for my fellow men; I've always been an enemy to the big uns. I told Mr when I was with him, and he axed me a thing. I told him right in his face, as I tell you, It's a lie, sir! He went out of the shed pretty quick. I put the things all straight-it was on a Saturday night-everything right up to the knocker. And I says to his groom, When you see Mr give him the key of this vinery, and give him my compliments. No more on his place! I'm not going to be accused of wrong-doing by nobody.' No man shall put me under their feet, when I can work. They wouldn't have had the land if the working men worked together, and not have it. But, as I told 'em when leaving one place, He can drop your wages to 69 a week, and flog you every day, you wouldn't .tir! Well, I'll shift 1' I've had good bmith-blem the Lord,— and a good biaio, but no eduoation to help it. My head's been on the right way, but I haven't had the privilege to work it out proper. If we have a Government, why should we be pressed by the big uns, and take every bit of land out of THE POOR MAN'S HAND? We cultivate it up like this, and they go and sell the land over your head. As I was told when I went and asked for two or three slabs, I No! We want you out!' I don't want war and bloodshed, but what will you do when you can't go on with- out it? Let it go to the Government and to Parliament that men must have land and they must return to the land, and if the landlords won t put them up cottages to dwell in, < we will, and you must pay for it!' They binna always going to leave a few men govern this world and everything to please them, for them to have their hundreds and thousands of pounds and acres out of other people. We have got no Govemment-l will stick to that and say it. We don't want to be rich, you know, but we want the Government every tribe was to have his heritage, and every elder a sitting in it. We want Government right enough, but they should govern as they should like to be governed. David prayed that there-or Solomon, which was it?-that there should be no complaints in the streets or lack of any corn or beast, or anything, that there should be no complaints among the inhabitants. David —or Solomon-wanted all to be fed! They're not like that these days. But these big uns munna begin to boast too high, sir. You see, like old Pharoah, he wantedWI when he had the children of Israel all them years in bondage. And the Lord'll strike a plague on these big uns that they won't recover! Oh: It will increase now. It's begun. It will be carried through. But we WANT A FEW GOOD FELLOWS more in Parliament. There's none of these men can come and ask me for a vote now, else I should have to tell them a bit. I don't see why a man should be deprived of his vote and all his power because they are relieving him a bit. They have got the man down. If a man's been having any- thing to do in any affairs of the world, he's cut off at -once. It's an abominable shame And the men as a big un sticks will never vote for him again Ob, no! That's what a landlord said one day to his agent: ( Wasn t there used to be a house here (, ( Yes.' Where's it gone ? "'Gone out of repairs and drawn it down.' And what have you done with the land F' H C Put it to the next farm.' Oh That's how my votes is going!, Why should I throw my labour and strength and m mey away frr a landlord ? Let it go for the benefit of the world. He has no rights to it. I've no rights to pay him id. if I had justice done. Then I should have been better able and qualified, if a poor person came to my door, to give him a few coppers and a bit of meat and summat. Oh! The poor is crushed down; the big uns can say what tbV like and they will find it out directly—they will certainly have the poor in a state they will either FILL PRISONS OR WORKHOUSES. And the big uns will be responsible. There was a man here at my door on Saturday-he used to come here and always had something. Talking, "V ery sorry' I said, I have nothing, I hadn't a copper neither. Have you a tater ? he said. I gi'ed him a few taters I had in my bag. Have you any pension ?' I said. No, can't have a pension. Had relief.' I see that very unfair—as the old fellow told me-I knowed him for years— giving the 5s a week to people as has got cows and money, and others, as has nothing, has nothing Well, take up with it! My timb is short. I don't want to be stirring. I want rest now, but no rest for me, most is the pity Some of the big uns dinna read the signs of the times. It's like an old woman as lived near here-the old lady had been well-to-do with the gentry, and her used to get a bit of money off the gentry. Her 8aid, 'I thought the sun was never going to go down on me!' But it did go. Her thought her was going to be a lady always. Oh I've seen a good many has passed away since I've been on this etrr.h Scripture tells us, Woe unto the man that puts darkness for light and light for darkness.' That's what the big uns is doing continually, and trying to put into the hearts and minds of all others. And then they can have th-ir cwn sweep, you know! They're trvinl, to gAt th^ mftn -to HaIimva tViaf "tV" u.pfi all dependent on them, that we canna do without them. We can do without them very well, if we had what belongs to us instead of then, having it! I can do without the landlord in the garden, but he canna do without the rent, and we are under compulsion to give it him or kick out on the patch The Saviour says, How much wiser are the children of this generation than the children of light!' They can scheme, but the children of light goes on with honesty. There's no one so blind as them that willna see (To be continued).

Borough Member in Danger. POLICE PROTECTION. I hear says the London correspondent of the Western Mail' that the authorities considered it advisable to place Mr Rees on the list of those who require police protection as the result of the assassination at the Imperial Institute last week. This, you may be sure, is not sought for by the Member for the Mont- gomery Boroughs himself, and probably he knows nothing about it. But the authorities, whatever may or may not be said in public, take a very serious view of the murder of Sir Cuizon Wyllie as a political crime, and the country would be rather surprised and just a little uneasy if it knew the protective and preventive measures that have since been instituted. Mr Rees has taken a very bold and conspicuous part in combating the Parliamentary crusade which some of the Radicals have been carrying on, and he ib by no means in good odour with theaative agitators." In the House of Commons on Monday Mr PeAs asked the Home Secretary whether he could give the House any information regarding the tragic assassination of Sir. W H. Wyllie and Dr Lalcaca. Mr Gladstone: All the necessary information haying a bearing on the circumstances connected with the lamented death of Sir W. H. Curzon Wyllie will be brought out at the trial. In the circumstances, the hon. member will appreciate my reasons for not making any statement at this stage. Kr. J. D. Bees Interviewed. Mr J. D. Rees, MP., told a < Daily Express' representative on Saturday that he does not believe that Dhringa had Sir William Curzon Wyllie in his mind when he was sent to the -1 At Home" of the National Indian Association to assassinate some one. It is my conviction," said Mr Rees, that he went to a place where he knew he would meet Anglo-Indians, with the intention of assassinating whichever person present was most prominently associated with India, whether in an official or a parliamentary capacity. Of all the officials mentioned, Sir Curzon was least likely to have given rise to any personal feel- ing such as Mr Keir Hardia has suggested might account for the crime. Sir Curzon was a sort of official host to Indians in London, and he filled his office admirably. Indeed, he was doubtless selected for his duties because of his concilatory manner, temperate judgement, and kindly disposition. At no time during Sir Curzon's life did his work place him in antagonism to the Congress party, the disloyal Brahmins of Poona, or the mal- content Babus of Calcutta. No one with even the slightest knowledge of the scene or the actors in the tragedy would sug- gest that any personal grudge against Sir Curzon played any part in the circumstances." Mr Rees has strong views on the subject of Krishnavarma, the arch-conspirator who conducts his dangerous propaganda from the safety of a suburb of Paris. "I have always thought" be said "that Krishnavarma brought himself well within the purview of the criminal law." Mr Rees haa been the recipient of several threatening letters from persona connected with the Indian sedition movement.

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