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-----------------CHURCH SERVICES.

CATHEDRAL.

CHURCHES.

dfOlCtSK.___ -------".----.--

[No title]

THE DIOCESAN SOCIETIES.

CRICKET, I.

THE FRIEND OF THE FOREIGNER,

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THE FRIEND OF THE FOREIGNER, The following article is explanatory of the ques- tion which we last week referred to in an editorial note. It so aptly describes the position which the Liberals have taken up, which is such a striking reproductiou oi the tactics of the party seventy years ago, that the article will be read with interest All able article in the Nineteenth Century warns Mr Gladstone and his friends of the dangerous line of opposition to which they are committing themselves. Seventy years ago, when the Ministry of All the Talents was driven from power, after failing to vindicate the national interests against Bonaparte, England was com- mitted to that single-handed struggle for the liberties of Europe, which has just been averted by the genius and courage of Lord Beaconsfield. Furious at their defeat, the whole party rushed into a malignant and unpatriotic opposition to the Government. By standing up for every country except their own, they acquired the name of •l Friends of the Foreigner," and from that moment their return to office was an impossibility. The nation fought itself out of its difficulties under Tory guidance, and the Liberals expiated their want of patriotism by a long detention in their bitterest purgatory—exclusion from place. Mr E. D. J. WilsoD, the writer of the article we refer to, and, we presume, a Liberal himself, com- plains that u the Opposition at the present day has reproduced with painfully-curious exactitude H the errors which shattered the Whig party two generations ago and established the supremacy of the Tories for a quarter of a century." The parallel is really striking. Then it was a French despot, as it is now the Russian, whom the Friends of the Foreigner never ceased to defend aud adu- late. Brougham raved, as Mr Gladstone now rates, against the selfish doctrine of British in- terests. The war in the Peninsula was pursued with as much jealousy of national success, and as much solicitude, for the national foo, as have been just exhibited in the recent debates. The Edin- burgh fleciew denounced the victory of Talavera as an imposture aud Lords Grey and Grenville were not ashamed to repeat the outrage in Par- liament. The City actually protested against Wellington's peerage Jeffrey predicted we should never see our men back again and some of the faction opened a traitorous correspondence with the enemy to help out the prophecy. Napoleon knew all that passed in Euglaud he read the London papers and was told that we were trem- bling for our army in Spain. Convinced that we should only be too glad to accept any peace he might dictate, he was determined to u drive the H leopards into the ocean." When Sheridan separated himself from his party like Roebuck, his lofty oratory was sneered at, and it was hinted he might have cause for his patriotic zeal. Brougham lost all patience with the trash and twaddle that talked of supporting Ministers when their measures deserved it how was the party to be kept together ? Lord Grey deplored that the people had gone crazy over the victory of Vittoria. The Treaty of Vienna was treated to hole-picking criticism now lavished on the Treat} of Berlin. It could not last a twelvemonth though, as a matter of fact, it ensured the peace of Europe for forty years. Dr Parr proclaimed the English Government the real and implacable dis- turbers of European peace he could nut go to bed without praying for the success of Bonaparte. Lord Byron, who could fight for Greece, did not disguise his sorrow for the battle of Waterloo and Robert Hale, in the unpatriotism of Dissent, lamented that crowning victory as putting back the clock of the world." In short, the Opposition seventy years ago was a marvellous forecast of the Opposition to-day. The same sneering depreciation of English arms and iuterests the same feverish anxiety for foreign sensibilities the same servility to despotism abroad, coupled with downright insolence to the Sovereign at home—in a word, the same subordin- ation of patriotism to party and personal jealousy, which now fires the eloquence of Mr Gladstone, and is duly echoed by his admirers in the Guardian and the Nonconformist-all this has appeared, and been judged, before. The existing generation have forgotten this discreditable passage in Liberal politics but the nation, true to itself, is even now re-sealing the exclusion of the Talents," who place their own arrogant pretensions above the honour of their Sovereign and the interests of the Empire. Lord Hartington's motion was intended to rally the motley erear who have succeeded to the place of the Greys and the Grenvilles, of Tierney, Romilly, Brougham, and Russell but the people do not fail to observe that the rally is again on the anti-national ground. To disparage England and prefer the foreigner, was the aim of every speaker on the Opposition side. The noble Marquis may have been as much ashamed, as Lord Grey was, of some of his followers. Mr Gladstone's endeavour to stir up the jealousies of France and Italy, and Sir Wilfrid Lawson's epithets of cutthroats and savages applied to the Qneen's Asiatic forces, could not have been agreeable to the heir of the House of Cavendish. Still, they expressed the pur- port and spirit of the resolution to which he lent his name. It had no other purpose than to lessen England's great position in Europe because it is due to a Tory Minister, and to impede the public service because it is administered by a political rival more successful than themselves. Ou such slippery inclines it is the fate of the highest minds always to follow the lowest. Mr Gladstone runs away with Lord Hartington, and both fall into the arms of Mr Chamberlain. The coarsest and meanest forms of selfishness always come to the front when the national greatness ceases to lead. Perhaps nothing can be lower than Mr Gladstone's exertions to enflame all Europe against us. Turkey and Greece are warned by turns of our perfidy; Austria is insulted, France is provoked to jealousy at our acquisition of Cyprus, and even Italia Irre- denta is pressed into the shumeful cause. No one should know Italy better than Mr Gladstone. He knows the insignificance of the Republican faction now seeking to discredit the Monarchy by a popu- lar outcry against the result of the Congress. He knows that the flame is fanned by the opposite faction in revenge for the triumph of the present Liberal Ministry. These political factions no more represent the Italian people than England is re- presented by the combination of Ritualists and Dissenters. Yet Mr Gladstone seizes onan "insane" clamour for other people's property, raised by two antagonist extremes for their own party purposes, as the voice of outraged Italy. He would incite a national hostility rather than miss any possible blow at his political rival. If Lord Baaconsfield's crushing retort should fail to put an extinguisher on this sort of oratory, the great Liberal party must expect to undergo at the hustings the fate to which it has doomed itself in the present Parlia- ment. An iudignant people has but one judgment for the Friends of the Foreigner.—John Bull.

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CORN.

--JTiaDc and <5omma tc.

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general.

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THE COLLECTIONS IN DENBIGH…