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THE CRETAN CRISIS. THE Cretan question continues to be one of paramount interest, and no one can forsee what will be the outcome of it. In all pro- bability, it will have far-reaching conse- quences, and it is not impossible that the state of many nations are involved in it. Lord Salisbury in the House of Lords, and Mr. Curzon and others in the House of Commons on Thursday, explained the policy of the British Government, and the attitude of the other European Powers. According to this explanation, it is proposed to give to Crete a measure of Home Rule, but it would be Home Rule qualified by a Turkish suzerainty. But let us see what kind of autonomy Crete is going to have. It will have, according to Lord Salisbury, a kind of self-government with Turkish soldiers doing police duty Most of us know by this time, what sort of 'peace' Turkish office's keep, especially in Armenia, Crete, and other out-lying portions of the Turkish empire. So well is this understood, that even the Concert of Europe'is in harmony about it, and it is proposed to keep the Turkish soldiers side by side with those of the European occupation to prevent the massacre of Christian Cretans by them So Turks are first put to watch Christians, and then Christians put to watch Turks. An admirable arrangement truly To show how un-British is the present policy of the Government, it is necessary to recapitulate shortly the facts of the Cretan insurrection. The island had for a long time been under Turkish mis-rule, so much so that the attention of the Sultan had been called bv the Powers time after time to the need of reforms. These he tardily promised and never performed. All kinds of dolays were invented to prevent the accomplish- ment of any real measure of reform. At last affairs reached such a point that the Cretans, although fairly long-suffering, rose en masse against their oppressors, and by the help of Greece, succeeded practically in clearing the island of its Turkish despots, Greece came on the field as a friend of free- dom, and without any hope of gain or re- ward. But the Cretans ware naturally thankful to their deliverers, and voluntarily offered to join their kingdom. Then up jumps the demon of international jealousy. The Powers who for many a long year, took no steps beyond a non-effective protest, to protect the Cretans from the horrible barbarism of the Turks, at once wake up and even use force of arms to prevent the successful defence of their rights by the Cretans themselves. They are not allowed to be a kingdom by themselves. They must remain Turkish subjects in spite of all their heroism and all their efforts. In this i-e. trogade and tyrannical policy, we are sorry to see Great Britain acquiscing. It is not Crete and Greece only we feel for in connection with this matter. The very serious position this country is dragged into by her adhesion to the European Concert is to us more important than all. The present European policy, with which Lord Salisbury agrees, or pretends to agree, is most threa- tening to all movements towards reform. We can well understand that the Czar of Russia ard the Germa.n and Austrian em perors cannot tolerate any movement for emancipation But is Great Britain the boasted land of the free' to forget all her traditions, and abjure all her national creeds? Rather than that we should prefer to see this country resuming her liberty of action be the consequences what they may. If Lord Salisbury did not agree with the European policy he explained, he went through the explanation without any indi- cation of disgust. In spite of all they have done, and the success that has crowiel their afforts, Crete must put up with only a slight and gentle amelioration of her condition. This is the way the Powers treat Crete after the free band thay have given to the Sultan and his minions The Turks murdered, massacred, and ravished without a gun being fired to protest or toprotect; but when a spirited nation bests the oppressor, the navy of the combined powers is used to check the conquerors! Then again, says Lord Salisbury, there is no feeling I havex found more strong- ly among the Powers with whom I have been in communication than that if the enterprise of Greece, which they stigmatise as illegal—and they use still stronger lan- guage than that-is to be allowed to result in the attaining of great territorial advan- tage to the Greek Government, the example will spread, the signal will be given, and the fire of civil war will be lit where there is peace now and we believe that if the fire of civil war is lit upon the continent of Europe and in the Turkish Empire, it will not be civil war alone with which we shall have to dea1.' So Greece has set a bad plexame By defending the oppressed, she has deserved a whipping herself, and she must not be allowed to have any' territorial advantage to herself. That Lord Salis- bury should object to the territorial, aqui- sition, seems odd considering scareely a year passes but that some country or other, often larger than Crate, is added to the British dominions. The I peace at any pries' party have always been sneered and jeered at. But was there aver such a 'peace at any price' policy as the above ? So as to preclude the possi- bility of civil war in Turkey, and war be- tween nations elsewhere, ail questions of right and wrong must be abandoned. Ty- ranny must be left severely alone, and the oppressor and the wicked must continue to flourish. Is Great Britain content wit.h peace at this priced Time will show. We do not know if Lord Salisbury expres sed his own opinions on Thursday, and Tuesday last, or if he merely acted as spokesman for the Powers, If the latter, it is high time that Great Britain should re- consider her position; if the former, it is high time to have a change of Government.


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