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(From the Morning Herald.) The new Ministerial" crisis" in France is spoken of in terms not only confident but exulting, by some of our Contemporaries, Whig and Tory, as affording as- surance that the peace of Europe will be preserved. We wish we could participate in their satisfaction, and rejoice in their joy. We cannot. We fear the event which brightens their columns will throw additional room upon the prospects of Europe. It will be for- tunate indeed if the cause of their triumph be not the commencement of a struggle in France that will effect every State in the civilised world. The resignation of the Thiers Ministry, under the circumstances which have led to it, is an ap- peal to the nation on the policy of the late Cabinet touching the Eastern question. If that policy has, indeed, as in some quarters has been stated, only a rabble of needy adventurers and desperate democrats for its supporters, the result of that appeal will be in e favour of peace. But if the great majority of the nation be, as we fear it is, more disposed to adopt the warlike tone of M. Thiers than to second the pacific advances of Louis Philippe the struggle now forced on 119 is likely to issue in the most deplorable consequences; those consequences being either a revolution in France, a war with England, or both. In case of the triumph of the war party in France there would still, perhaps, be a possibility of peace being preserved by the British Government and its northern allies abandoning their eastern crusade, and allowing the Porte and Mehemet Ali to settle their differences without the intermeddling of foreigners in the affairs of the Ottoman empire. But in that event France would have obtained a triumph most humiliating to the pride, and most mortifying to the ambition of the eastern crusaders. Leaving the French people to deal with their own Government as they think fit, it is our duty not to allow the people of England to forget the origin of the present alarming state of things. Clearing away from the question all the mystifying verbiage of dull and volnmnious diplo- macy, and extricating facts from the elaborate jargon of protocoling polemic, we arrive at the plain unvar- nished, but most lamentable truth, that the peace of Europe is placed in jeopardy by the ambitious inter- meddling of foreign nations in the domestic disputes of the Turkish empire. That is the simple fact, which the English people should not lose sight of; and they ought to couple with that fact, the recollection of the policy of non-intervention proclaimed by the Whigs before they came into office, and violated by them ever since.
(From the Morning Chronicle.) His Excellency M. Guizot, having received des- patches calling him immediately to Paris, set out from London on Saturday evening. Previous to the depar- ture of the Ambassador, Baron de Bourqueney was ac- credited as Charge d'Affairs of his Majesty the King of the French at this Court. We cannot allow M. Guizot to take his departure from among us without expressing in what high regard he was held by all classes of Englishmen. As a man of business, it was impossible to be more attentive,more frank and straight- forward, and he was the delight of every circle in which he moved. Whatever was the topic, M. Guizot was always ready to bear his part in the conversation, and there were few subjects on which he could not throw light, and to which he could not communicate an interest, from the force and felicity of his language. With all this, he was simple and unassuming in his manners, and in every thing he said there was a tone of great sincerity. M. Guizot never appeared to strain after smart sayings, never sought to dazzle his audi- ence by brilliant remarks, but the absence of effort made his conversation only more engaging, and he was often eloquent, and always impressive. He spoke English with much fluency, though with a foreign accent, and often stumbled on happy combinations of words, which would not occur to a native, but which gave additional pleasure from their novelty. With an these engaging qualities, it was impossible to know M. Guizot without feeling the most thorough confi- dence in his honour, and being struck with the purity of his principles. It would be uncandid in us to re- fuse this tribute to Mr Guizot, because in the ques- tions which now divide the two countries he did not share our opinions. His attachments to his own coun- try could hardly fail to bias his judgement; but though no man could devote himself with more anxiety to what he deemed the interests of France, his mode of advocating them was peculiarly unobjectionable. His conduct in his diplomatic capacity was, as in every-thing else, manly and straightforward.
(From the John Bull.) France—unhappy France-is convulsed and torn by numerous parties in factions, each of which hopes no doubt, through the instrumentality of a foreign war, to further its own individual objects. First of all, there is the Imperial or Buonapartist party, which hopes, no doubt, by means of a war, to revive the name and prestige of Napoleon, whose ashes are now on their journey to France, and thereby to revive, simul- taneously, the mania of Buonapartism. Should this party prove formidable, of course the way would be speedily paved for the young Prince Louis Buona- parte to march from the fortress of Ham to the Tuilleries at Paris. Next comes the old Legitimist party, which, on the other hand, expects and hopes, by the chapter of accidents, to bring about the depo- sition of King Louis Philippe, and to raise once more the almost defunct spirit of legitimacy in the person of the youthful Duke de Bordeaux. Now, although ourselves entertaining the most sincere respect for the principle of legitimacy, and the most cordial a ntipa- thy to the revolution which drove Charles X. from the throne, still we cannot but express our fears that the Legitimist party in France is in a deplorable mi- nority- it only reckons 16 or 17 partisans in the Chamber of Deputies, and consequently any attempt to restore the elder branch of the Bourbon dynasty would not be likely to meet with success, but could only entail ruin and misery upon a large portion of the people of France. We are sorry to say that le- gitimacy is at present at a woful discount in that country. Last comes the Republican or ultra-revolutionary faction, which wishes to arm against all Europe-to hoist the standard of liberty and propagandism (!) and to difluse its pestilential doctrines throughout the continent of Europe; also to convert the kingdom of France into a Republic, after, perhaps, getting rid of the Sovereignty of July 1830, by means of the guillotine To this party we firmly suspect M. Thiers to be secretly allied. At all events, we fear the latter would not be much grieved at the embarassment- if not the downfall—of the present regime, towards which he notoriously entertains feelings of a bitter and hostile nature, which even a late show of confi- dence on the part of the King has not tended mate- rially to allay. Such are the views which we believe to be at pre- sent entertained by the three opposing factions to the present dynasty. We fervently trust that their dan- gerous intrigues may be frustrated by the counter- active tendency of the sober and rational portion of the French nation. The apprehension is, that that portion may be a minority of the people of France. We fear it is. Towards these factions, and more especially to the Republican or revolutionary party, it would ill become us, as British journalists, to indulge in the expression of hostility, or to upbraid them in the same acrimoni- ous strain as that employed by their organs of the French press towards England. Commiserating, though no less condemning the insane ravings of the latter party from the bottom of our hearts, our only wish is to see it prevented from doing mischief, as one would endeavour, for the security of the public, to chain up fierce and savage dogs, lest they turn upon and destroy us. It is not, however, an easy task for the French Government to restrain the propagandist and revolutionary party in France; which to all ap- pearance, would be exceedingly angry and disap- pointed if peace remains undisturbed. It cares not for the rival claims of Abdul Medjib or Mehemet Ali —no, such flimsy pretexts for war have been long since abandoned. All right-minded individuals must shudder at the consideration of the consequences that might have ensued, had the late attack on the life of the French King proved fatal. A fearful and sanguinary revolu- tion—a faithful repetition of the events of 1792 and I upwards, might, for all we can tell, have been the immediate result. From that scourge France is, for a time, delivered by the interposition of Providence-but let her be- ware, lest by pursuing a course of desperate guilt, she avert its protecting influence!
(From the Weekly Chronicle.) PRUSSIA.-THE PEOPLE, AND THE KING. If ever solemn promise were made by a King to his People, it was that made by the King of Prussia, to the People of Prussia, in 1815. If ever People were entitled to see a promise scru- pulously performed, it is the People of Prussia at this present day. It was the People, not the Government that struck the first blow against France in 1813. Prussia had no Army. Her fortresses were held in pledge by French garrisons. Her King was little better than a State prisoner: the ancient limits of her Monarchy were destroyed:—but the energy of her People re- paired all. For the first time, Europe saw that rising en masse of a whole Nation, against which no artificial organisation can cope. Lutzen and Bautzen, Leipsic and Waterloo, bespeak the claims of the Prussians as a People to that liberty which they knew so well, how to defend and King Frederick William, by the Ordonnance of May 22nd, 1815, acknowledged those claims, and promised that, upon the return of Peace, a common system of Representation should be formed for the whole country. This promise was given, it is true before the fate of Napoleon upon his return from Elba, was sealed, but if not carried out, to the letter, afterwards, it was so in spirit, for, as the Provincial States affirm in their recent Memorial to the King,—" to that Royal promise ever true, the never-to-be-forgotten Father, and Friend, of the People, began the work, but left its completion to his Royal Successor, in whom the dearest wishes of the Country are now con- centrated."—The personal character of the Sovereign inspired so much confidence,—the respect, and sym- pathy, with which the people looked back to his sufferings,after the campaign of Jena, were so great, —that they were satisfied to see their political regeneration begun by him, and begun in the right way, by the introduction of a system of truly National Education, and the removal of those local barriers, which had originally subdivided Prussia into a dozen petty states—without insisting upon more. But no man, who knew the Country was ignorant of the fact that this submissive acquiescence in the wishes of Frederick William, could not last. It was a purely personal feeling, which neither has been, nor could be, transferred to his successor, notwithstanding the popularity acquired by the wisdom and mildness of his first acts, upon succeeding to the Crown. The present King and his People, have not fought, suffered, or triumphed together and, unhappily, his Aristo- cratic leanings,—his prejudices,—and his friends, have generated suspicions, as to his future course, which, when coupled with his present reply to the Memorial of the States, promise but little for the tranquillity of his Reign. The King has taken the unusual step of publishing a Proclamation, in order to dispel any erroneous impression that, by the resolution of the States, or by the recognition, which He gave orally to the expres- sion of their intentions, He had promised to give his consent to the proposal contained in their Memoran- dum for any developement of the Provincial Repre- sentation in the sense of the Ordonnance of 22nd May, 1815." That is to say, in plain English, that His Majesty, though perfectly aware of the engage- ments entered into by his Father, has not the slight- est intention of fulfilling them; and that the People, after waiting patiently forjtwenty-five years, for their promised Charter, must wait as many more, unless they find means to enforce a pledge, which will never be voluntarily redeemed. This is a great mistake, politically, as well as morally. It is absurd to suppose that Prussia, the most powerful State in Germany, and one of the best informed, will see all the minor States around it in the enjoyment of Constitutional rights, and submit to be debarred of them while it has the Ordonnance of 1815 to appeal to —and the power of resistance on the part of the Crown will be diminished in exact