Jfamgn Entriligenre. FRANCE.—-The question of peace or war ap- pears likely to be transformed into the question of war or revolution. The War Ministry has resigned; and the occasion of thtir resignation is stated to have been a difference of opinion, between Louis Philippe and M. Thiers, respect- ing the address of His Majesty, on the opening of the session of the Chambers. In wording this speech, which was to be delivered by the King, his inflammable Minister recommended a more threatening tone to be used than ac- corded with the ideas of peace and good policy entertained by Louis Philippe. Hence the resignation. Some of the London Papers hint that there were other reasons for M. Thiers tendering his resignation, besides those which arose out of the wording of the King's Speech. One of these reasons is stated to be a misunder- standing between M. Thiers and the French press the Government, it appears, are active- ly snppressing obnoxious and seditious publi- cations and it is thought that M. Thiers felt a certain degree of reluctance in incurring a repetition of the public odium which was ma- nifested towards him on his previous tergiver- sation on the subject of unlicensed printing in France for he must know full well that in- terference with the press would sap the very foundations of his own influence. By the papers which he rules, and by which he has raised the" war-whoop," must he stand or fall. It is not thought improbable that al- though M. Thiers may take a prominent part in heading an attack upon the pacific policy of the King-if for consistency sake alone and to enable him to justify the enormous expence to which his Eastern policy has put France- he may secretly support the pacific policy of the King in order to be in readiness to return to power whenever the final adjustment of the Eastern question may take place. Such, how- ever, appears to be the diseased state of the public mind in France, that in place of a pa- cific termination of the existing misunderstand- ing, between that Country and England, being hailed by the French with joy, a public out- break may be expected among themselves if peace should continue undisturbed: and in the event of another revolution, the French will in all probability again find M. Thiers a member of the Don Quixote and windmill school of heroes, preferring to the "drum's discordant sound" the cool and quiet groves of his dear Montmorency. At Boulogne the preparations for war are stated to be going steadily on. The batteries are in an uninterrupted state of work, and are rapidly progressing. The Parisian Journals of Saturday last are filled entirely with specu- lations on the Ministerial" crisis." The jour- nalist of the Debats is most unaccountably at a loss to discover the reasons for M. Thiers's re- signation, unless it was "to seek for popularity by raising a war cry," and it is unwilling to suspect him of that course of policy. That Journalist forcibly points out the impropriety, to say the least of it, of M. Thiers attempting to thrust in a passage in the King's speech pledging the Country to hostilities, making the Crown responsible, and taking from the Chambers that free action for which he had been so earnest in combating. The Commerce of Saturday contained an announcement that a compromise on the disputed warlike paragraph had been effected, and that therefore the Mi- nistry remained the Paris correspondent of the Post on the contrary says that "all that is important to know is, that the King has posi- tively accepted the resignations and that M. Thiers will not give way." We give the fol- lowing extracts from the French Journals up to Tuesday night's post.
FALL OF THE THIERS CABINET. The Cabinet of the 1st of March retires. This de- termination was dictated by a sense of duty to the King and to the country. A serious difference arose upon the most important points of the speech from the throne. In the circumstances by which we are surrounded, we must confess that the deep importance of the consequences attached to the decisions which may be come to explains the difference of opinion. A paragraph in the speech from the throne is an en- tire system of conduct-it is an engagement of the future. The Ministry of the 1st of March was pled- ged by its acts to a policy with which it desired that its attitude and its language before the chambers should correspond. The power which is not responsi- ble is not, on the contrary, bound by the acts of its Ministers. It is not surprising, therefore, that at the moment of consulting the Chambers as to the line of conduct to be observed, opinions should differ as to the mode of presenting the question. It was the duty of the Cabinet to submit its own system; this was also its right; but the Crown, considering that it is not responsible for what has taken place, could pro- pose a less significant speech, or one even in a dif- ferent sense, and this it has done. The Cabinet would in a manner have pronounced a condemnation upon the measures which it had adopted, if it had presented itself to the Chambers without a system of action. It could not do so and therefore resigned. Others may go before the Chambers without a system, or even with one of a contrary policy to that of the Ministry of the 1st of March. There must now be a new Cabinet, and it is difficult to say how it will be composed. We arc sure that the Ministers who have given in their resignation will not throw any obstacle in the way of their successors. It wonld be criminal, in so grave a position, to create new difficulties by personal rivalry and wretched portfolio disputes. Power is certainly not a very enviable thing in the present day. May those who will have the courage to assume it meet the crisis with honour. This is our sincere desire, if unfortunately it is not our expectation. (Constittitionnet.) The following extract of a letter, dated Paris, Saturday evening, may be received as a faithful ac- count of the difference between his Majesty Louis Philippe and M. Thiers:— I am about to relate briefly what I have heard of the immediate or hidden causes of the Ministerial breaking up which has just taken place. And first, as to the version unfavourable to M. Thiers and favourable to the King Louis Philippe. It is asserted that some time ago M. Thiers, having called together MM. Chambolle, editor of the Siecle and Leon Faucher, editor of the Courrier Francaise showed them that it was all very well talking about engaging France in a mortal conflict with four Euro- pean Powers of great magnitude, but that her material means were completely insufficient for such an attempt. It is said that they both expressed great contrition at having, through ignorance, incited the Government to such extremities, upon which ,;M. Thiers, it is added, would have said to them—'We have now no resource left but to resign; another Administration will come to make matters up; it will be branded as such and then we will return to power to satisfy the wounded dignity of the country.' Following up that version, people say that M. de Remusat, M. Jaubert, and M. Vivien, have come to the Council with the determination to kick up a quarrel, and to withdraw before the opening of the Chambers to realize the above-described scheme of policy. Others say that the King, on the contrary, wa determined not to allow M. Thiers to open the Ses- sion, under the impression which he would easily have produced upon the minds of the Deputies, that the situation of affairs was so perilous that his presence at the helm was indispensable; that with that view his Majesty was negotiating with Marshal Soult, M. Guizot, and even M. Mole, and that he was deter- mined to seize on a pretence to get rid of his Minis- ters. Be that, however, as it may, the Ministers having come down to the Council with a speech, in which they made the King say that he hoped that the Chambers would not only sanction all the measures which had been taken to place the country in a pro- per attitude, but all those which might become neces- sary to adopt; the King objected to such a version, and said, that at a moment when Foreign Powers were showing an evident anxiety to conciliate differ- ences and to smooth obstacles, it was impossible to hold such language to the world, unless people were determined to bring on a general conflagration. Hence the split. Now as to what followed: the Duke de Broglie having been sent for, respectfully expressed his con- viction that the draught prepared by Ministers was moderate and proper but that it was not difficult to conciliate that draught with the one prepared by the King; that these matters would easily be made up, and avoid the perils of a new internal crisis on the eve of the opening of the Chambers. His Majesty an- swered, that it was too late to make the matter up, and that he clearly saw that hi s Ministers had made up their minds to leave him in the lurch. "The conversation then proceeded on the part of the Duke de Broglie by asking what were the King's intentions as to the formation of a new Cabinet, him- self not swerving from his firm purpose to keep out of power. The King answered, that he had reason to depend upon the devotedness of Marshal Soult and M. Guizot, who would not desert him at such a mo- ment. The Duke de Broglie replied, that he was not authorized to say anything on that head; but that in case of assent upon the part of M. Guizot, he supposed that he intended to have the Foreign De- partment.' I Ah said the King, that is the diffi- culty of my situation. I had hoped to unite all the elements of the Conservative party together, and that Count Mole could have been included but how ac- complish that ?" The Duke de Broglie expressed his formal disapprobation of such an attempt, and asked the King what were his intentions if that combination of Soult and Guizot failed ? The King said, that he had not contemplated such an hypothesis, thinking it impossible that he should be deserted on that oc- casion. But,' pertinaciously added the Duke, 'if it shouldtake place, what will your Majesty do ?' 'Then,' said Louis Philippe, 'I will resign myself to that ne- cessity, and then act as contraint et force. This shows that Thiers' return to affairs within a few days or hours, although improbable, is not yet impossible. Some add, that one of the measures contemplated by the Thiers Administration was respecting the or- ganization of the Gardes Nationales mobiles, and ordering the French fleet to anchor before Alexandria. Others assert, that M. Thiers made cheap of those measures (as to their immediate adoption), that he had only intended to order the French fleet out, and to remain within reach of the telegraph."