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(From the Times.)
(From the Times.) Some of our contemporaries on this side the Channel, as well as the other, continue to exhibit all the stmptoms of the liveliest apprehension of a rup- ture with France. M. THIERS is denounced by one of the correspondents of a morning paper as the main author of the strife, resisting all the pacific incli- nations of the King of the FRENCH, and despatching dangerous" instructions to the French fleet whilst a distinguished writer in another column assures the public that His MAJESTY approves of all the measures adopted by his Minister, and persists in the most warlike resolves. But, whatever alarm may have been expressed here from the apparent renewal of a more hostile tone on the part of the French Gov- rnment, we are now perfectly assured, that though the posture of affairs is extremely serious, and that a spark may set the world on fire, yet no new incident has arisen, and no projects are entertained by the French Government to hasten so disastrous a consequence. On the contrary., the states- men w h ) met last week at the Cha eau dEu appear to be fixedly and unitedly determined to adiere to that expectant policy, which is unquestionably the best remaining chance of peace. Under the c r- cumstances of the case, with a community offended and annoyed at the interruption of that alliance by which peace has been preserved for ten years, jea- lous of England, hostile to Russia, and besotted to the PASHA-with an infuriated press, and a large excited military population, it does not appear that any more prudent or pacific course could nave been pursued without exposing the Government to being carried away into what would be less prudent and least pacific of all. As far as we know anything of the matter, the King of the FRENCH and his .Ministers are not less pacific than they have ever been, but they have a triple and an arduous task—to keep the French nation within bounds, to keep the French fleet within bounds, to keep the Pasha of EGYPT within bounds, and all this with a due regard tf, t,, eir own safety and character. Tin; somewhat vehement mpasnre of instant pre- paration for the worst has served at least to maintain the KING'S personal authority at a crisis when it vas as likely to be required to restrain France as to assail Europe, To keep the peace between two great and jeabus maritime armaments is doubtless a matter of con- siderable difficulty and the most pacific orders smt from a distant authority may be frustrated b; a thousand casualties. But we venture to affirm that as long as the measures of coercion which tre resorted to against the PASHA are confined to the maritime operations of a blockade on the coast, the French fleet has received the strictest and most predse instructions to refrain from any kind of hostile interference, and to avoid every risk of col- lision. Is England inclined to do more? Is England, any more than France, disposed to fight the battle of Navarino over again, in order to destroy the fleet which she seeks to restore to its rightful master ? Or are we to be responsible for the territorial operations of Russian land forces agaiist Syria, which would hardly be viewed in this country with less jealousy than in France ? On the other hand, the tardy nature of a blockfde may concur with the injunctions of France to induce MEHEMET ALI to remain quiescent in his present position, until circumstances afford some means of re-opening the negotiations, or compel him to re- linquish his extravagant demands. In the mean time, if the Chronicle of the Cairt may serve as an indication of the intentions of lie Cabinet, M. GUIZOT leaves town to day upon a visit to Windsor Castle, where Lord PALMERSTON and the Duke of WELLINGTON are both staying; and ;he Right Hon. THOMAS BABINGTON MACAULAY, who is not staying at Windsor Castle, is gone to Paris at this particular juncture, in order, doubtless, to ccn- found the French belligernets by the bland and unperturbed demeanour of the English Secretary at War.
(From the Morning Post.)
(From the Morning Post.) It will be seen from the letter of our Correspon- dent at Windsor, that M. Guizot arrived at the Castle yesterday on a visit to her Majesty. We believe hi* Excellency will remain there for two days, and that Baron Bulow, the Prussian Minister, is expected to join the Koval party this day, in order to take leave of the Queen, previously to quitting England on tem- porary absence. Lord Palmerston does not depart from the Palace till to-morrow. If chance have brought about this diplomatic reunion, it is rather a singular accident that it should be about to take place at the moment when the King of the Belgians is also at Windsor. This Sovereign is reputed to be—with what truth we do not profess to know-a most influ- ential negotiator; and, looking to the deep interest that he must-have in the maintenance of tranquillity, pol tical people have hopes that some conciliatory arrangement may result from the present conference. What measures may be adopted itisqu te impossible, in the complicated state of our relations, even to surmise; but that pacific attempts will be made is the op'nion in the best-informed circles. It is ge- nerally thought that these endeavours will originate with King Leopold, because, in the event of a war. his sovereignty must cease to ex'st the moment the belligerent forces shall commence their march. Neu- trality would lie out of the question; and the only choice left to his Belgian Majesty would be between his heir-at-law on the one side, and on the other his niece and all the great Powers of Emope. In the first supposition, the acquisition of the Rhine as a frontier would be more inviting to the French than the theory of Belgian independence in the second, little forbearance could he expected from the van- guard of the confederacy—the forces of the King of the Netherlands. It is quite clear that the general state of political affairs renders it imperative that no- time should be lost if we are to preserve peace.
(From the Weekly Chronicle)
(From the Weekly Chronicle) FRANCE. We rejoice to perceive by the tone of the most influential of the French Papers, that our anticipations of last week as to the impressions likely to be made by Lord Palmerston's speech, have been confirmed, and that due weight is attached, in the highest quar- ters, to the remarkable union of firmness, and concil- iation, which it displays. It is probable, too, that Monsieur Thiers has discovert d by this time the impossibility ofdetaching any of the contracting powers from an alliance, which is the result of a mutual conviction that the course adopted by them offers the best guarantee for the preservation of European peace; and though Louis Philippe may have appeared to give way to the first fierce outbreak of national vanity in France, there is little doubt that he sees with pleasure every symptom of returning sense. The King of the French is no Napoleon. His place is the Council Table, not the Field ;-his strength the attachment of those classes, which gave all its moral weight to the Revolution of.July. It was not the triumph of sheer physical force, but of Public Opinion uniting itself' with that force,—guiding it, tempering it, and ultimately obtaining a complete ascendancy over it,—that placed the House of Orleans upon the Throne. The Manufacturing, and Trading interests of France,—the Capitalists, the Landowners, the Shopkeepers,-iiot the Army—form this opinion; —and though susceptible enougn upon matters, in which the national honor is really concerned, they are not the men to go to war for the sake of a mere punc- tilio, where all intentional slight is disclaimed. They wish just as little to restore the Army to that pre-emi- nence, which it attained under Napoleon, as Louis Philippe himself can desire to play second fiddle to some fortunate General, whose success would render the Crown worthiest, while the King would bear all the discredit of defeat, which would be ascribed to the badness of his choice. There will, therefore, be no war, if any honourable terms of compromise can be suggested, and as all parties are interested in discover ing them, it may be taken for granted that they will be forthcoming before long. Our principal anxiety, we confess, is, as to the effect which recent events may have upon the fate, and for tunes, of Monsieur Thiers, who deserves better things from England than the loss of popularity and power. Popularity is power in the case of a Minister, who forces the door of the Cabinet by a Parliamentary majority; and feeling, as we do, that the English Alliance since Monsieur Thiers' restoration to office.
RUMOURED WAR WITH FRANCE.
RUMOURED WAR WITH FRANCE. The hostile tone which still pervades the French Journals, and the consequent depres- sion of the funds, added to the contemplated organization, by the French Government, of the National Guards of Lyons, Metz, and other places, which were disbanded several years past, all combine to confirm the fears which have been entertained, of late, that an event, so much to be lamented as a war between England and France, is not considered improbable. Spain, indeed, has already begun to consider what part she is to take in a European war, (neutrality appears to be alto- gether out of the question,) and serious appre- hensions are entertained at Madrid, that if Spain declared in favor of England, a civil war, more disastrous, if possible, than the last, might be kindled by France. At Vienna, politicians are sanguine in their hopes that war may be avoided by a pacific settlement of the Eastern question, effected by such a modifica- tion of the treaty between the four powers as would be satisfactory to France. The Journal des Debats, speaking of the quadru- ple treaty, says "that if ever it was permitted to human foresight to sift the intentions of contracting parties, and to estimate the probable consequences of the act they are going to commit, it may be said that never, under pretence of preserving the inte- grity and independence of an empire, were means pursued so certain to produce an inevitable dissolu- tion that never, under an appearance of peace, have so many causes of division and of war been raised amongst mankind. Should the contracting powers endeavour to enforce their treaty, Mehemet Ali will not yield without resistance. He has concentrated all his force on the difficult sea-coast he possesses on the Mediterranean, as he is secure against attack either by the south or by the Red Sea. He has fortified all his sea-ports, and it is certain, that as soon as war is declared, Ibrahim will march against Constantinople, where he has a powerful party. To protect the Sultan, you must permit the Russians to occupy Asia Minor, and who can answer for the Russians ever relinquishing possession ? And this you call preserving the independence of the Ottoman Empire. And if a European power, at sight of those dangers, in the midst of which the young Sultan's throne will be inevitably lost, refuses to enter into this new coalition, and protests against this system of protection, which has already been so shamefully applied to unfortunate Poland, you think you are justified in saying in an official discourse, that you hope those measures will effect a permanent pacifi- cation in the Levant, 'maintain the integrity and 'independence of the Ottoman Empire, and assure 'the peace of Europe.' The Constitutionnel, which may be consider- ed the organ the French Government, says The rural National Guards, who now only exist on paper, must also be the object of the solicitude of Go- vernment. They constitute the strength of the Country; in 1830, the Civic Militia rose in a mass at the call of Lafayette, and its imposing attitude contained within bounds the ill-will of Europe. This glorious prece- dent must not be lost either for the France or for Europe." The Presse says "The question lies in two words; the honour of France has not been wounded, but the false policy of the responsible agents of power has been confounded. These persons in order to conceal their fault, and galvanize their system, wish to mix up national pride with their own position, and there- fore address themselves to our susceptibility, on which they know us to be very irritable. But let France reflect; there is neither interest nor honour in espousing a system, the principle of which is absurd, and the consequences of which might be fatal."