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gl iTL>» .&. YESTERDAY AND TO-DAY; OR THE DECLINE AND FALL OF THE BRITISH EfilPIRE [BY J. W. JONES CREMLYN]. .L _1 When Gibbon, sealeu in the garden of a villa j at Lausanne, on the Lake of Geneva, began writing his great book on the Decline and Fate of the Roman Empire centuries had elapsed jince the sovereignty about which he wrote in his stupendous and com- prehensive work had com- pleted its process of de- cay, and had sunk into that eternal oblivion from which it emerges only in the literature and traditions of these times. But this is not the case to-day with our British Empire. It has only just entered upon the first stage of its decline and fall, but commenced to move —slowly but surely—down the steep incline. The disastrous period of 1906 marked by the entry of the present so-called Liberal Government, the occur- rences of that general election and the result of the last, the prodigal waste of enthusiasm that has usurped common sense—the wild unreasoning re- actionary spirit that has dominated the country during the last few years speak ill for, and is opposed to the possibility of England recovering for a long time the wisdom she possessed when, under the direction of the great statesmen of the past, she was honoured, and respected, and feared in every quarter of the globe. "I am an English citizen" was in those days a more potent passport than even its prototype "civis Romanus sum." The claims and rights of the Britisher were paramount to the privileges of the Roman. The extension of the franchise marks a change. It has put votes into the hands of a class easily swayed by mob oratory, and influenced mainly by the specious arguments and vulvar abuse of frothy demagogues; a class moved by every breath of hurried air that blows across the political horizon, carried haphazard down paths about the direction and termination of which they do not know any- thing; degenerate persons who unite but for one purpose the ruin and degradation of their country, and who congregating together in one herd rush like the Gadarene swine down the steep places of rashness into a sea of confusion. They borrow the weakness and folly of the Athenians of old. No sacrifice is too great for a new sensation, anything for change and novelty, and if the model of Athens is too weak-or too ancient-become almost French- like in their hystrical desire to participate in the immaterial, childish, unstable joys of the moment. It was the extension of the franchise in 1884 that added to the Irish constituencies the most ignorant and credulous of the Irish peasantry with a result that at the General Election of 1885 the members of the Home Rule Party increased to ou, who, as it afterwards appeared, held in their hands the fate of the Conservative Ministry, and returned Mr. Gladstone to office at the head of a great majority. Before the extension of the franchise the fate of a government was in the hands of men capable of, and qualified to, exercise wisdom and discretion in tho choice of their rulers, a too extended franchise places the fate of an administration in the hands of persons frequently incapable of judging not only of the ability of statesmen to perform the duties allot- ted to them, but incapable also of understanding upon what side their bread is buttered. Irish Home Rule will-if it ever comes to pass- be another powerful factor towards the declines of the Britsh Ernuire, and yet this is a measure which the present Government is pledged to carry out. Notwithstanding Mr. Gladstone's failure to pass a Home Rule Bill, it must not be forgotten that when speaking at Knowslev, October 27, 1881, upon the Irish Question, he said— "It is a great issue, it is a conflict for the very first elementary principles upon which civil society is constituted. It is idle to talk of either law, or order, or liberty, or religion, or civiliza- tion. if these gentlemen (the Irish members) are to carry through the reckless and chaotic schemes they have devised. Rapine is their first object, but ranine is not their only object. It is perfectly true that they wish to march through rapine to the disintegration and dismemberment of the Empire. Mr. Gladstone was at that time about 71—at the very zenith of his great intellectual powers-these were not the empty vapourings of an inexperienced, untried political adventurer, but the solemn, de- liberate opinion of a Prime Minister of England with over fortv years of strenuous public service in the highest offices of the tate, to give force and weight to his pregnant words, and yet this was the man who, five year., later, introduced the Home Rule Bill. As regards FOREIGN AFFAIRS, the policy of Con- servative administrations has always been charac- terised by greater breadth of mind, and been more farseeing than that of the Liberals. No function of Government is of more importance to the welfare of the nation than the conduct of foreign affairs and the defence of the Empire. It is the want of regard to these imperative matters that have from time to time imperilled our national existence. The policy of the Liberal Government from 1880 to 1885 is a dark chapter of deplorable events in British history. In Asia they abandoned Candahar and got into trouble with Russia on the Afgan Frontier, and then they surrendered Majuba to the Boers; the ultimate result being the great South African War. Then Gordon was sent to Khartoum, and there slaughtered, after which the Soudan was abandoned, to our indelible disgrace. I think class distinctions should always be jealously maintained. I am not, however, an advo- cate of hereditary legislation, nor of the appoint- ment, to responsible berths under Government of men whose only claim to distinction is their posses- sion of a title, but nothing will persuade me that I if a man who is of good birth and education, com- bines with these advantages great intellectual gifts, he will not as a statesman and administrator prove himself immeasurably superior to a man of humble origin, who cherishes none of those noble sentiments and lofty ideals that animate superior race. It is for this reason that I regard with appre- hension the raising of labour candidates-and others very little removed therefrom—to Cabinet rank. Such infringement of prerogative tend to a loss of dignity in the Councils of the State. If no titles were .ever bestowed as a reward for adherence to party we should have a far more honestly-conducted Constitution. It is the indifference manifested 1\0 Imperial interests and the truckling to mere party interest because of the prizes awarded that contributes so largely to arrest progress and impede wholesome Constitutional measures of reform. 'Switzerland is a striking example of a countrjy where there is nothing to be hoped for individually by an exhibition of patriotic zeal. It is the be- stowal of titles for insufficient services, or rather for a blind devotion to party that is so discreditable to our system of Government. Another matter that still agitates our minds is the question of the Fiscal Policy. It must be re- membered that Protection means the lessening of local and Imperial taxation. The revenue derived from Protection enables the government of a country to dispense with much of the revenue de- rived from local and Imperial taxation. In many of the Cantons of Switzerland, for instance, there is no local taxation, the revenue derived from pro- tective tariffs, postal rates, and Government rail- ways being amply sufficient to meet the expenses of Government, and all that is necessary to the well- being of the Confederation. There are no beggars to be seen anywhere in a Swiss town, and a still more decisive proof of Swiss prosperity is the fact that thev have a far larger general trade, per head of population than any other country in Europe, not excluding Great Britain. And yet they are a country severely protected. Unless we adopt similar methods our commercial supremacy will cer- tainly go. As for Education it should be remembered by the poorer classes of the community that it was Lord Salisbury's Conservative Government whicfi conferred upon them free education. It is to two things we owe the present situation- Mr. Gladstone's extension of the Franchise, and the over-educating of the masses. The extended franchise qualified men of limited understanding to vote, and so-called education confusing and be- wildering their judgment causes them to vote, not calmly and impartially, but with a prejudice en- gendered by having acquired learning of superficial, injurious and misleading character. A little learning is a dangerous thing." Naturally having acquired a smattering of political information, having learnt that the dignity of manual labour is a delusion and a myth, that muscular effort as a means of earning a living is to be depreciated, imagining that they possess abilities so exceptional that it is their duty to cultivate them, the youth of to-dav, both male and female, consumed with vain ambitions, instead of going through the good old curriculum, together with a sound technical instruc- tion in the rudiment of some trade, aim at some- thing higher and delude themselves into the belief that they are destined in after life to do something immeasurably superior to that which in the past days of our national power and strength, gave steady, continuous employment to their parents. This cramming is a cursed system both to the in- dividual and to the nation. It fills our youth with information, much of which will be forgotten almost as soon as it is acquired, and which. at all events, is of comparatively little use to people in the station of life from which the majority of the scholars come. One or two exceptional boys may benefit and rise superior to their class, but even so, a national system of education should not be foun- ded for the exceptional but for the majority. To- day you are making boys sick of school, and only too glad to escape from it as soon as they can qualify for the standard that grants them exemption. Then they are turned out and pass from the country to the towns to swell the great army of the un- employed. No sane mah objects to learning, but the fact is we have too many feigned, fictitious, arti- ficial, spurious, pseudo systems disguised under the title of elementary or secondary education. True education would form character, instil discipline, strengthen and enlighten the understanding, and so equip men and women for usefulness in their future stations. The grinding cramming method of to-day produces forced repression on the one hand, and unnatural stimulation on the other. Instead of broadening the mind it narrows and perverts it- in place of strengthening the intellect it weakens the brain. It scoffs at religion and extols scepticism. Originality is crushed and eliminated, and above all a false exotic idea of life and its purpose created and encouraged. In another twenty years, if things progress at the present rate there will be few men who have ac- quired a good, useful, honest trade. Manual labour will be tabooed, there will be no agricultural labourers, and no domestic servants, except, perhaps, here and there, under a glass case, in some museum, preserved in spirits of wine. "A little learning is a dangerous thing" when its possessors have not the wisdom to apply it wisely. There is no doubt that in the rise of the so-called Labur Party, and the appointment of Mr. John Burns to the Presidency of the Local Government Board, the rank and file of the people imagine themselves to be emancipated from all those restric- tions of class and culture that prevented their rising to the highest positions in the State. Whole- some and honest ambition is all very well, but for a day labourer whose intellect dofes not equal his assurance, to turn politician is, when one considers the multiplicity of the people who are now qualified to vote, a serious menace to the supremacy of an Empire that owes its existence to the untiring mental efforts of birth, intclLeot, and profound ability. Too much relaxing of authority is assuredly a danger to the State. You cannot have liberty without, restraint; too much political freedom must be a blunder since the blind exercise of it will re- taliate on the very people for whose welfare the Government should be and are responsible. During recent years an enormous number of "Labour" candidates have been returned to Parliament". Now the direct representation of labour can only be de- sirable in cases where they are required to deal with local administration, or with matters of home policy. With regard to foreign or Imperial policy, whatever good use can a labour member be.' "What can they know of England who only England know ?"' Take the group of Labour members to-day. Their environment necessarily is a confined and narrow one. In almost every case they have very little general, practical grip of politics. They know little of the science of government, so essential to the governors of our world-wide Empire, and yet circumstances have placed them, together with the Irish group, masters of the situation, in a position where they can neutralize the entire operations of His Majesty's Government. It is this fact that, in my opinion, may ring the death-knell of our supremacy since I do not For a moment believe that to have the affairs of the country conducted by such insular, untried, one-sided adherents can possibly conduce to its pros- perity and strength. Are the Irish and Labour members to govern us? Can we look forward with equanimity to a coalition government with Mr. John Redmond as Prime Minister, Keir Hardie as Chancellor of the Exchequer, Barnes as First Lord of the Admiralty, and others placed in similar positions of equal responsibility; one as Secretary of State for India, another for the Colonies; some honourable member who has just emerged from a carpenter's shQp at the War Office, and another im- ported direct from a coal mine and dumped down at the Foreign Office in charge of our Foreign policy! To bring in these gentlemen you have only to allow Socialism to have full scope and many of the present Government and also the heads of the Opposition would be disinclined to continue as mem- bers of a Government, or, indeed, of a Parliament composed of such remarkable statesmen. The Parliament of England-like the Congress of the United States of America—would fail to attract what was brightest and best in the nation, and would become the asylum of second-rate snob ora- tors shrieking for a collective system, for an imprac- ticable fantasy, opposed to human nature, human experience, or economic reason. And in such manner would the decline and fall of the Empire progress.

CARMARTHEN BOARD OF GUARDIANS

Rural District Council

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AMMANFORD

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