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IMPERIAL PABLIAMSNT,

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IMPERIAL PABLIAMSNT, I t( In tlie House of Lords. on July 10, Lord Derby appesfedto Lord Stratford"Av Redcliffio »>ot to proceed with a motion of which he had given notice for an nddress of condolence upon the deadi Hf iVmee Maximilian, an event, he said, which all must deplore, hut which it would lie unusual and inexpedient to 11 c, t in t e man' proposed. Lorf] Russell eoncwrrmg 111 this appeal Lord Stratford d Redcliffe consented not to proceed with Ills motion. Lord T..wmh<e1",1 having moved the secerns* reading of the Industrial Schools Bii1, Lord Devivn objected to the meaSllrB as being 1Inlle(ssarv in some poin s, inexpedient in others, and, by imrnsin burdens rpfm. ratepsyers, as trenching Hpon the privileges of the otter House. Lord Tn"HísllPml wa not'convinced 'fry the arguments of the Presi'tent of the Poo? Law Board,Tret the second reading was negatived witholF a-dbvfeion. Lord e. calling attention •" £ .-> the case of the ship Tomads, asked whether the Spanish Government bad restored the ship t" tine 0wners, or had taken any steps to llavethe qn.stio!i of iSfee legality of the seizure decided by a proper tribunal. Lord Derby said the ship had «ot been restored, nor had the fresh inquiry promised upon the intervention of Lord "Stanley been opened, but 'remarked that neither party seemed anxious for:an investigation into the merits. The Duke of Argyll fas also Lord Russell) approved the conduct of the {;\venment in not unduly pressing upon "Spain, observing that although the crew appeared to have been unjustifiably treated, yet there were circumstances which seemed r0 throw great fillSpicioil on the character of the ship itself, Lord Russell Staving inquired whether the attention of the Government had been called to some reported observations by lr Pnrcel?. a stipendiary magistplte in Jamaica, upon the chare of Lord Chief Justice Cookburn in the case of General Xd"'11'l, the Duke of Buckingham stated that, the language used by Mr Parcell being quite indefensible, that gentleman's contemplated appointment as Judge would not be completed, and he would probably cease to fill the office of stipendiary m!tgstrate. Several Petrs expressed their concurrence in the action of the Government, the Lord Chancellor vindieating Sir A. Coekburn from an imputation, made by Lord Melville, of partisanship in his charge after which their Lordships ad- journed. The House of Commons met at noon, when Lord Stanley stated, in reply to Mr. Samuda, that further papers relating to the Abyssinian captives would shortly be published, and that on an early day he should be prepared to communicate to the House the nreent, aspect of the question. Mr. Samuda hnv11W also asked the reason why the fleet as- sembled at Spithead "did not go through the evolutions con- templated by the programme on Wednesday, Afr. Corry, First Lord, said the Adm ralty were most anxious that the programme should be carried out but i i. was felt that in the then state of the weather and the tide, the evolutions of- so many and sucii large vessels must have been attended by risk. In this view they were supported by the opinions of the highest professional authorities. On the'order for going into committee of supply, Colonel Sykes called attention to the suspension of Storm Warnings" by a committee of the Royal Society, to which body the duties of the meteorological department of the Board of Trade had been confided and moved that in consequence of such suspension it was inexpedient to continue the present arrangement with that committee at an expense of 10,01),.)1. per annum, the average cost d the meteorological de- partment of the Board of Trade having been 4,3001. per annum. Mr. Cave opposed the motion on the ground that in the opinion of most scientific men these" warnings" were not onlv insufficient but unreliable. After some discussion, tine motion was withdrawn. Jr. Head la 111 narrated the principal facts contnilled in the papers relating to the distinction of the English ship Mer- maid by a shot from a Spanish fort, arid moved an address stating that in the opinion of the House the demand for compensation from the Spanish Government made in respect of this outrage was just and right, and that there was nothing irfc, the correspondence laid before Parliament which would sanction her Majesty's Government in withdrawing from the demand so made. Lord Stanley, admitting that the Spanish authorities had some arguments on their side, sai!1 the difficulty of the case was that they held to the decision of their own tribunals, and that there was nothing to compel them to submit to arbi- tration. The result was that this country must accept the decision of their courts or enforce its own claims. In the latter case there was one of two courses to be taken. We might either withdraw onr aml nlssa.1 or or declare war. As to the first, it was a very inadequate remedy, while the alter- native step ought not to be taken until every other means had been exhausted. Sir R. Peel reminded the House that the present was not the only dispute we had "recently had with Spain, This question had now been draeging its slow length along ever since the year 1S64, and it was to be "hoped that the Go. vernment would take care that the matter was not indefi- nitely postponed. After a short conversation on the partial operation of the Prison Ministers Act-originated by Mr. rEvoy, who pressed the Home Secretary to exert his influence with local magistrates to induce them to put the act in motion, to which Air. Hardy replied that the Act was permissive, and gave him 110 power to interfe e-t11e House went into Com- mittee of Supply, when a number of votes in class 5 (Colonial Establishments) were agreed to. The Master and Servant Bill was read a third time and passed, and some other business having been disposed of, the House adjourned. In the House of Lords, on July 22, there was considerable excitement in anticipation of the debate on the Reform Bill. Some time hefore the usual hour of commencing a large number of elegantly-dressed ladies had taken up their posi- tions in the galleries reserved for them. Lord Cranborne, Lord Stanley, Mr. Lowe, Mr. Card well, and a number of members of Parliament were to be seen standing in the vacant space in front of the Throne. There were also a con- siderable number of persons at the Bar of the House. The number of peers present was very large. The gallery at the rear of the House, behind the reporters, was rapidly filled, every place being occupied by five o'clock. Ax, that hour the Lord Chancellor took his seat o4 the Woolsack. REPRESENTATION OF THE PEOPLE BILL. The Earl of Derby rose amid great silence, and pro- posed the second reading of the Representation of the People Bill. He s dd if he had been about to move a hill which was to cause so great a rBvolntioll as that which was caused by the great measure of 1832, he should indeed feel some trepidation. At that time hTge towns like Manchester and Birmingham were unrepresented, and the system of rotten boroughs was rife. It was true that at that time the government was supported by the tide of public feeling, which, assisted by the revolutionary feeling abroad, broke down all obstacles. But though to a certain extent that popular enthusiasm lent support to the government of the day, yetoii the other hand, it prevented that calm deliberation which ought to have been gi ■ en to such a question. He did not think that under this bill they would have a House of Com- mons which would more faithfully represent the people than that House had done since 1832. It might be asked, why, then, make a change? And to that he answered because it was desirable not only that there should be a faithful re- presentation of the people, but that the classes represented should think so. The noble Earl then reviewed the reform agitation of the last 15 years, and the several bills brought in during that period, and with reference to tne bill of last year, said it was felt that the measure was brought forward prematurely in a new Parliament and in a dictatorial manner, and that if the late Chancellor of the Exchequer had known how to consult the prejudices and the feelings of the House of Com- mons he would have passed that measure. He had on two previous occasions endeavoured to carry on the Government with a minority in the House of Commons, and had failed, and when lmdert.aking the office of first minister of the Crown for the third time he determined that he would not again be a mere stopgap till it su'ted the convenience of the Liberals to take office again, but that he would endeavour to settle this question which had so long agitated the public mind. And in order to effect this ohject the Government de- termined to take the House of Connnulls into their confidene. They first proposed a series of resolutions but the House of Commons would not accept them, and they then deter- mined to bring in fJ bill, and, considering there was no other stand-point below the 101. line, they based the borough franchise on the occupation of a house, conditionallvon the payment of rates. They were desirous of accompanying this with other qualifications, such as the payment of a certain amount of taxes, and the possession of a certain amount in the savings banks, but of these the House of Com- mons disapproved. They also proposed certain restric- tions, but these were also disapproved of. The fran- chise, however, was limited to the occupiers of dwellings, and did not, as did the Reform Act of 1832, in- clude the occupants of warehouses, shops, or buildings. The present borough constituency comprised 452,000 persons; by the bill it was estimated -that 387,000 occupiers of houses below 101. in value would be added to the constituencies; but of these three-fifths resided in 37 large boroughs. lie then referred to the lodger franchise, and said he did not for a moment question that many lodgers v/tere of high social position, and he approved of the franchise under the restrictions imposed by the bill. He then passed to the county franchise, and stated that the 121. occupation franchise would add. 171000 to the constituency. Then, passing Of) to the, question of redistribution of seats, he said the principle they went upon was not wholly to disfran- chise any borough, but to take the second member from boroughs with. £ i population under 7,000. The House of Com- mms went further. It took the second member from boroughs with a population under 10,000, nnd these with seven seats' taken from tour boroughs where bribery had prevailed, gave them forty-five seats for disposal. Of these twenty-five were .given to counties, fifteen to new boroughs, four to four large boroughs, which will in future each return three members, and the remaining member to the London University. The noble earl then adverted to the amendment of Ea,.1 Greyj which he said appeared to him to be quite fmcomprehen- sible and utterly useless for any praytJcal purpose, and he appealed to the noble earl whether it was consistent with the respect he and this House owed to the House of Commons to stigmatise the measure as not calculated to promote the object in view, and then to alter. it in com- mittee and send it down again tothptlloise. In eonclusion the noble c-arl said he believed the bill was fit oncelarge, ex: tensive, and conservative, and would for a long time settle the question of reform and prevent agitation. Earl Grey »;i?s} it was necessary, before they went into committee, that they should fully undeystsnd the character of the measure, The bill, he considered, was in no way calculated to settle the reform rpiestwn. His object was not to defeat the bill dangerous j* he considered it, but to amend it in committee and so tar from this course being an insult to the House of Conoeaoas, he %eiieved that ttaree- ïourths of that assembly would agree with him. The noble earl then proceeded to minute adverse criticisms of the pro- visions of the bill, which he contested were of a most democratic character, but his voice could scarcely fee heard, and towards the dtose he exhibited signs of great physical weakness. He concluded by movhsg an amendment to the effect that the 'm would not effeefc a permanent settlement of the question, but that the House, recoguising the urgent necessity for tfee passing of a trill to amend the representa- tion would -not refuse a second reading of the bill, in the hope that ft might be amended in its Out ui-e stages. Lord Ila-vansworth thought the noble earl might well have b.J;;enthe"pi.nion of their lurdships 011 the first or on the second part of his amendm»ent,"but not on both together, for they werft inconsistent. Hie supported the bill thinking that it would settle the question for a long time, but he must say that he feared it would increase the expense of elections and increase bribery. The Earl of Morley expressed his surprise at this being called a conservative nseasure, and said lie saw nothing con- servative in it, except that the lower class of voters being the least intelligent would probably be the most conserva- tive. lie regretted that the moderate bill of last year was rejected. Lord Stratford de Redcliffe considered the amendment inappropriate to the occasion, and that it cast a censure on the other branch of the legislature. There was a necessity for passing the bill which no statesman ouid overlook. The Duke of Rutland could not give a cordiai support to this measure. He thought they should have waited till the commission on trades unions had concluded their labours, and that education was not sufficiently extended for such a measure. He thought, however, that if they gave up the 101. franchise there was no safe resting place till they got to household suffrage. But this bill was a totally distinct bill from the one that was proposed. One by one all the safe- guards had been abandoned. He hoped their lordships would send the bill back to the House of Commons decently clothed, with the securities that formerly guarded it. Lord Caniperdown supported the bill, but predicted that the compounder would rise like a phoenix from his ashes. The Earl of Carnarvon complained that they were called upon to legislate without any information whatever as to the effects of the measure. A wholesale transfer of power from one class to another was a revolution, and that he con- sidered would be the effect of this bill. And it was a revolution that was brought about without enthusiasm, and at the desire of nobody but the occupiers of the Treasury bench. He refused to stultify himself, and say that such a measure as this was a conservative measure. If, after opposing such a bill as that of last year, the conservative party were to support such a measure as this, he was ready to put ashes on his head and acknowledge that the whole action of the party to which he had thought it a honour to belong was nothing but a mere organised hypocrisy. Lord Beaucharnp thanked the Government for dealing with the question as they had done. He defended the measure as one which was likely to settle the question. Earl Granville thought the Government had been actuated in this measure by a desire to do harm to their political adversaries. He was not alarmed at the reduction c it-he franchise which was proposed He should have been, glad if what had been called the residuum had been excluded but he did not participate in the fears which had been ex- pressed, and so far as regarded the franchise he gave the bill his support. But with regard to the redistribution scheme, which was almost universally condemned, he asked government if they thought it would last three years and Le put it to them whether it would not have been better to have offered a more extensive measure now. If they would agree to a redistribution scheme which would be calculated to meet the just demands of the country, the peers on the opposition side of the House would support them. The Duke of Marlborough defended the measure, which he said had the unanimous support of all the members of the Govariiiiient. The times had been onerous, and the Government had acted advisedly and conscientiously in in- troducing the bill. On the "motion of the Earl of Shaftesbury, the debate was then adjourned till the following (lty, and one of- two bills having been advanced a stage, their Lordships adjourned. In the House of Commons, the Chancellor of the Ex- chequer made a statement as to the course of business dur- ing the remainder of the session. There wore, lie said, 50 government orders on the paper, and of these the govern-, ment proposed not to proceed with nine—namely, the Mur- der Law Amendment Bill, the Writs Registration .,Seotland) Bill, the Tenants' Improvement (Ireland) Bill, the Land Improvement and Leasing (Ireland) Bill, the Admiralty Jurisdiction bill, the Petit Juries (Irelami) Bill, the Intestates Widows and Children Bill, the Sea Fisheries Bill, and the Office of Judge in the Court of Ad- miralty Bill. There would remain 41 measures, aud of these 11 were from the Lords, which they should not press unduly. He added that next day he proposed to take a morning sit- ting, to eive an opportunity for the discussion of the case of the Tornado. The Representation of the People (Scotland) Bill was read a second time on the motion of the Chancellor of the Ex- Exchequer without any discussion, apparently to the great surprise of the House. Mr. G. Hardy moved the second reading of the Royal Parks Bill. The bill enacted that the same protection should be given to the royal parks in London that was now extended to similar places in the provinces, so that they should not be used lor political or religious purposes, and that to hold any meeting in them without the permission of the crown should be punishable as a misdemeanour with fine or im- prisonment, and that the Commissioner of Works should lay down bye-laws, the breach of which should be visited by a small pecuniary fine. Mr. Neate considered the bill inadequate to its object, and held that it was not expedient to deal with the subject of public meetings in the metropolis with reference only to the royal parks. Mr. P. A. Taylor condemned the bill on the ground that it was an an attempt by a side wind, to create a new statutable offence that was not required by the necessities of the case, lie moved the rejection of the bill. Mr. Newdegate suggested that the better way would he to prohibit all public meetings within three miles of the houses of parliament. The bill was further opposed by Mr. Mill as an attempt by a sidewind to take away the right of public meeting, and by Mr. Otway; and supported by Mr. Ker and Mr. J. Hardy, the latter of whom was called to order, and had to apologise for saying that Mr. Taylor was returned by the refuse of the constituency he represented. The second reading was carried by 1S1 to G4. The House then went in committee of supply, and a num- ber of votes in the civil service estimates were taken. Some other business was disposed of, and the House adjourned. In the House of Lords, on July 23, in anticipation of the discussion on the Reform Bill, there was again a large at- tendance of peers, though not so great as oil the previous evening. A bevy of ladies also graced the galleries. The adjourned debate.,n the Representation of the People Bill was resumed by The Earl of Shaftesbury, who said he looked upon reform as inevitable, but he thought they should have gone on by steps, and he should have liked to have seen the franchise bestowed as a reward for honesty and industry. He believed Mr. Gladstone's bill of last year would have been accepted with satisfaction by the people. He did not think this would be. Mr. Gladstone's bill would have been gradual in its effects. This bill dragged them to the edge of the Tarpeian rock, and threw them over like criminals. Ministers said they had come to house- hold suffrage because they were sure of coining to it at last. There could be no doubt of that, but why were they to jump out of the window when they could walk out of the door? He held that household suffrage was no rest- ing place whatever. The introduction of the lodger franchise affirmed the principle that the franchise was a right rather than a trust. It contemplated the voter simply as a man, and not as a man connected with his duties as a citizen. Then, lie believed there would be an agitation to reduce the lodger qualification from 4s. a week to 2s. 6d., and that brought them almost to universal suffrage. He believed that a House of Commons elected by the preponderating class would be dangerous to the old institutions- of the country, and that it would act prejudicially to the established church. That House might resist some violent and unjust measure, but would soon be told that the people were to govern and not a set of hereditary peers. He did not think that their lordships would be put out of existence by a violent act, but they would be made to disappear with the eleaant softness of a dissolving view. Beyond these there were questions of social importance which would be pressed—questions as to the relations of capital and labour, and the accumulation of property in private hands. As to the redistribution scheme lie was satisfied it must be reopened. All this tended to a republic. Everything in the present day was gigantic. They had gigantic ships, gigantic companies, and he was afraid they would have a gigantic downfall. In the meanwhile let them indulge their imaginations, and picture to themselves the rising out of this wreck of British institutions the glorious phtEiiix of conservative democracy. The Lord Chancellor and Lord Cairns supported the bill. The Duke of Richmond did not think that the addition of 350,000 to the constituences would have the baneful effect which had been predicted. He believed that the bill would promote the peace and prosperity of the country The Marquis of Clanricarde defended the Adullamites from the charges which had been brought against them in reference to the bill of last year, and said he was glad when the present government came int.) office, because he iUiew tliey would be forced to settle the question. Earl Russell said he was not disposed to find fan t with the government for introducing a bill on the subject of reform, for he had never regarded it as a monopoly of h. party. There were two objects to be sought, one to give votes to the artisan class, who by their skdl and intelligence had shown they were well worthy of it, and the other was to check tmu prevalence of bribery which had been caused by rich persons who went to boroughs and sought by corruption to obtain a seat in the House of Commons. But this bill would not attain either of these objects for the artisans would be so out-numbered that they would have scarcely any voice, and the poorer class of persons would be open to bribery. He doubled whether the next House of Commons elected under this bill would be as good as those which had been returned far the last 35 years. The redistri- bution part of the scheme would require consideration, lie charged the leaders of the Conservative party with hypocrisy and dishonesty, in pretending to be alarmed at the proposal for-a 71. franchise, while they were secretly determined to go much further. That course was said to be adroit, but J he doubted whether it would be viewed with r.espect either In that House or the country. He could not vote for the amendment, containing as it did a passage that the measure would not conduce to the good Government of the country, and he recommended Earl Grey to withdraw it. The Earl of Berby briefly replied to some of the points that had been raised. Earl Grey declined to withdraw his amendment, but said he would not call for a division upon it. He added that he did net approve of the whole of the policy taken by the third party last year. The amendment was then negatived, and the second read- ing was agreed to, and The E;*rl of Derby said he proposed to go into committee on the bill on Monday, after which their Lordships adjourned. The House of Commons had a day sitting at twelve o'clock, when Mr, Selwyn took his seat as Solicitor General upon being re-elected for the University of Cambridge. On the order for goinsx into committee of supply, Mr. Gregory brought under the notice of the House the cases of the Tornado and the Victoria, the two British vessels seized by the Spanish authorities. With regard to the former, he held that the papers on the able showed conclusively that she was nothing else than a Chilian man-of-war, and that as such she might have been legally condemned, and her crew detained as prisoners of war. The cases of the Cyclone and the Tornado were, in his opinion, pre- cisely similar, and he argued that the whole course pursued by these vessels was so suspicious and equivocal as to pro- nucea conviction that they were intended for the Chilian service, and were thus contraband. He considered that the Admiralty authorities had been remiss, because prior to the Tornado and Cyclone leaving England they had not in- vestigated the matter, and set at rest all suspicions on the subject A long discussion on the subject ensued, sustained by Sir ROUTIdell Palmer, the Attorney-General, Mr. B. Cochrane, and other hon members. Lord Stanley observed that with regard to the ictoria the claim made upon the Spaniards had not been disputed, but the settlement was so long delayed that it had become necessary to urge it in an emphatic manner. As to the Tornado, he declined to enter into the merits of the case whllst the matter was under judicial consideration. The Government had taken all the steps they deemed requisite, and with a view to preventing the recurrence of these con- tentions the whole subject of our neutrality laws was under consideration. He did not blame the Spanish authorities for seizing the Tornado, but lIe thought the crew had been treated with undue severity, and if their detention had been continued he nelieved there would have been such a, state of public feeling in this country that it would have been im- possible to settle the question amicably. The present posi- tion of the matter was that the Spanish Government admitted the nullity of the previous proceedings, and the case was in the hands of the Minister of Marine, and an early, if not an immediate, decision might be expected. A few bills having been advanced a stage, the sitting was suspended.

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