IMPERIAL PARLIAMENT. In the House of Lords, on June 21, in answer to a question of Lord Stratford de Redcliffe, the Earl of Derby said he was Sorry to say that, according to the latest accounts, the cap- tives in Abyssinia were still detained, although they had not been subjected to any additional cruelties. "Besides Consul Cameron, there were Mr. Rassam, with ten other English Subjects and six foreigners, making a total of eighteen per- eons. Under present circumstances it was not desirable that he should say more. On the order for reading the Increase of the Episcopate Bill a third time, the Earl of Shaftesbury moved to omit the Clause authorising the Ecclesiastical Commissioners to con- tribute half the endowment of the new bishoprics on the other half being raised by voluntary subscriptions but upon a division the motion was negatived by 82 to 73. In like manner the proposal of Earl Grey to add a clause authorising the appointment of suffragan bishops, to be selected from the dignitaries of the diocese, was rejected by 72 to 35. And then the bill was read a third time and passed. On the motion of the Earl of Shaftesbury, it was agreed that a select committee should be appointed to consider the expediency of the House meeting at four instead of an hour later, as at present, and what further changes might be desirable for the better transaction of business. Several bills were forwarded a stage, and their Lordships adjourned. At the morning sitting of the Commons the committee on the Reform Bill resumed proceedings at Clause 30, which re- lates to the appointment of the returning officers for the newly-created boroughs, and which was ordered to stand part of the bill without discussion. The 31st Clause, naming the boundary commissioners, and defining their duties, led to some discussion, and eventually the clause was postponed until after the remaining clauses In the bill had been considered. The 36th Clause, providing that the corrupt payment of rates should be punishable as bribery, was carried on division by 250 to 196 votes. To Clause 37, which enacted that members holding offices idt-proftt from the Crown should not be required to vacate their seats on acceptance of another office, Lord Amberley suggested an amendment, the effect of Which was to render re-elections altogether unnecessary when a member was appointed to office under the Crown. The amendment was pronounced a most mischievous one by Mr, Ayrton, who expressed his firm conviction that the committee would not entertain it lor a moment. It also received the condemnation of the Chancellor of the Exchequer, and ultimately it was withdrawn but the clause was expunged on account of some error in the recital on the understanding that a new one would be brought up on a future day. Several minor clauses were agreed to and others postponed; and at half-past six oclock the House resumed. At the evening sitting, Mr. Grant Duff called attention to the state of education in Scotland, and in a lengthy speech analyzed minutely the facts and the opinions contained in the recent report of the Scotch Education Commissioners, the result of which he said was that the system originally intended to be national had ceased to be national, partly because of religious changes, but much more because of the frowth of population, and that side by side with it ad grown up a denominational system which could not altogether supplement the parochial schools, and could jnot overtake the necessities of the country. Passing to jhis own views, Mr. Duff said that, though theoretically a partisan of the American common schools or the Dutch system, he was ready to accept the plan recommended by the Commissioners, and embodied by them in a Bill-to leave the parochial schools untouched—and to create a Board of Education in Edinburgh, with power to call into existence a new class of schools to be supported by local subscriptions, and superintended by local committees, and to adapt the present denominational schools to this system with securities for the qualification of the masters, and sub- ject to undenominational inspection. After an ineffectual attempt to count out," he went on to discuss various collateral points in the report bearing on the scheme, and, urging on the Government the urgency of the case, he asked the Vice-President of the Education Com- mittee for some exposition of their views as to legislation on the subject. Lord it. Montagu alleged the gravity of the question, the short period which had elapsed since the report was pre- sented, and the pre-occupation of all available time by the Reform Bill as excuses for declining to legislate this year, but promised to consider the question carefully with the view of satisfying the. wants of the Scotch people. In his turn he criticized elaborately the recommenda- tions of the Commissioners, not altogether so approvingly as Mr. Duff, arguing that the circumstances of different parts of .the country varied so widely that the rigidly uniform syttCm they proposed would not be generally inapplicable; that the number of schools was not insufficient, but that the fault was in the non attendance of the children and the apathy of the parents, and urged some strong reasons against the rating system, and the proposal to deprive the ministers of the management of the schools and other re- commendations of the report. Mr. Baxter complained of the controversial tone of the Vice-President's speech, and strongly supported the conclu- sions of the Commissioners, which he hoped the Government would speedily act upon. Lord R. Montagu's speech was also sharply criticised in the same sense by Sir E. Colebrooke, who did not endorse all the recommendations of the Commissioners, and by Mr. Moncrieff, who vindicated the report, an4 promised the Go- vernment the support of the Liberal party if they would un- dertake to legislate on its basis. Mr Hardy, premising that he had not had time thoroughly to study the report, promised that the subject should be con- sideied impartially, in no spirit of hostility to the report, and with a due regard to the educational circumstances of Scotland. The conversation was brought to a close by Mr. Bruce, who made some observations in defence of the principle of rating. In reply to questions from Mr. Ayrton and Mr. Crawford, Lord R. Montagu explained that the recent Order in Council prohibiting the removal to Islington-market of cattle landed at Blackwall except by railway, although they may be driven from the market to any part of the metropolis, was intended to give facilities for detaining the cattle in the necessary quarantine, and to prevent the spread of the disease. In Committee of Supply a vote on account (300,0003.) was taken for the Packet Service. Several bills were forwarded a stage, and the House adjourned. In the House of Lords, on June 24, the Earl of Kimberley, in presenting a petition from the Dublin Corporation pray- ing for the purchase of the railways of Ireland by the State, pointed out that difficulties lay in the way of the accomp- iish-ment of this result, which might otherwise be pro- ductive of beneficial results. The Earl of Derby admitted that the subject was one of great importance and of great difficulty; indeed the diffi- culties were so great that he could not see how they were to be got over. At the same time the Government had no objection to go into the matter, and he, with the Chancellor of the Exchequer, had received a deputation on the subject, and they had consented to appoint a committee of gentle- men to inquire into and consider the question, with a view to ascertain its practicability. Earl Russell brought forward his long threatened motion for the appointment of a Royal commission to obtain full and accurate information as regards the nature and amount of the property and revenues of the Established Church in Ireland, with a view to their more productive management and their more equitable application for the benefit of the Irish people. In commending this resolution to the support of the House, which was more than ordinarily crowded, the • noble earl remarked that the time was peculiarly favourable for dealing with this long-vexed subject, inasmuch as in the present day there was a general disposition among persons belonging to different religious communities in Ireland to treat in°an amicable spirit all questions affecting that country; and his object was to direct attention to the ano- malous position of the Irish Church for the purpose of • securing its full consideration in the next Session. Any i attempt to effect a settlement of the Irish Church question would be attended with great difficulty, but in devising some mode for accomplishing that object he saw no reason why a compromise might not be resorted to. The scheme which some years ago was the noble earl s panacea for Irish grievances, namely, that the Roman Catholic clergy should receive stipends from the state, he now altogether discarded, believing that if adopted it would not be successful. The substitution of the Roman Catholic for the Protestant Church as an establishment in Ireland was equally out of the question. And the proposal to apply the revenues of the Church to educational or other objects of public utility—saving, however, existing life interests-and to which he had ofien been inclined to lean, had very great de- fects in it, which it would be difficult to overcome. On the whole he thought that the plan which was best adapted to restore contentment in Ireland was that propounded by Earl Grey, to the effect that the revenues of the Church should be divided, and one-half retained by the Established Church, and the other half transferred to the Roman Catholic clergy. Lord Cairns, in a very masterly and eloquent speech, re- plied to the noble earl, and a long debate ensued. A division then took place on the last clause of Earl Russell's motion, which was negatived by 90 votes to 38. The motion, as so amended, was then agreed to, after which their Lordships adjourned. In the House of Commons, Mr. C. Gilpin asked the Attorney General if his attention had been called to a case recently reported in the public papers of the violent removal of a debtor, William Watson, aged seventy-two years, from his residence for debt, when in the last stage of consump- tion, and when the certificate of a physician was shown to the sheriff s officer stating that Watson could only be removed at the risk of his life to the fact that the said Watson was forcibly taken to Horsenionger-lane Gaol, and died almost immediately after his admission; and to ask if the law of England authorised a sheriff's officer thus to remove a dying man in the face of such a protest on the part of a dulyquali- Bed physician. The Attorney-General said the law of England, in his opinion, did not justify a sheriff's officer in removing a debtor under the circumstances mentioned but if the Bank- ruptcy Bill were passed, no such case could occur. In reply to Mr. Hor&mari, Sir J. Pakington said the paragraph in The Times stating that the Volunteers of Bir- mingham had been under arms reacy to take part in sup- pressing the late riot was entirely erroneous. The Volunteers were only engaged in guarding their rifles. The House having gone into committee on the Reform Bill, the Chancellor of the Exchequer rose to state the course which the Government thought proper to take with regard to the Boundary Commissioners. There was, no doubt, a deep impression on the public mind that the boundaries settled in 1831-2 had not been regulated with impartiality, but that many jobs had been concocted. His own opinion was not in this direction, believing that nothing was more liable to exaggeration than a thing of this sort. The Government were anxious, however, that the gentlemen selected should be named in the bill, and have the confidence of the House and the country. There was no difficulty in fixing upon a number of gentlemen, but, unfortunately, these were arrangements which had to be made according to the wishes of the people outside of the House who were acquainted with very few hon. members, and the Government had therefore to appoint the Commis- sion by State, and reduce the Commissioners to the number originally fixed upon, namely, five. Of these, the Govern- ment were of opinion that two should be members of the House of Commons, namely—the Recorder and Sir Francis Crossley. To these he would add Sir J. Duckworth and Mr. Walter, who, with Lord Eversley, would make the number complete. The secretary would be appointed by the Govern- ment, and would be a member of the Civil Service connected with the Treasury. Mr. Bright expressed his satisfaction with the alteration made in regard to the names of members. With reference to the appointment of Secretary, he thought it was contrary to custom for the Government to make the appointment. The better way, he believed, would be to be leave it with the commissioners. The committee then proceeded with the consideration of clause 40, which enacts that the franchises conferred by the act shall be in addition to, and not in substitution for, existing franchises, in which, on the motion of Sir R. Palmer, an amendment was made that no person shall be entitled to vote for the same place in respect of more than one qualification. entitled to vote for the same place in respect of more than one qualification. Mr. Hardcastle moved another amendment, to leave out words the omission of which would have the effect of dis- qualifying freemen in cities and boroughs, but after a discus- sion, in which Mr. Leeman, Mr. Lowther, Mr. Headlam, Mr. Newdegate, and the Chancellor of the Exchequer opposed the disfranchisement of freemen, and Mr. B. Hope and Mr. Gladstone contended that they ought to be disfranchised, the amendment was withdrawn. Another amendment was moved by Mr. Holden, requiring that where the qualification in a borough was a building and land, the building, if it were not a dwelling-house, should be of the annual value of 51. The amendment was supported by Sir R. Palmer and Mr. Gladstone, and opposed by Sir H. Edwards and the Chancellor of the Exchequer, the main argument in favour of the amendment being that it would prevent the creation of faggot votes. On a division the amendment was rejected by 106 to 98. A fourth amendment was moved by Mr. Colvile, the object of which was to enable copyholders in boroughs to vote for counties. This proposition gave rise to a somewhat animated debate, in which Sir R. Palmer, Mr. Bright, Mr. Neate, Mr. M. Chambers, the Marquis of Hartington, and Mr. Gladstone supported the amendment, on the ground that copyhold property was equal, or nearly equal, to freehold, and ought equally to confer the vote; while, on the other hand, Mr Adderley, Mr. Henley, the Attorney-General, and the Chan- cellor of the Exchequer contended that the owners of this property were interested, not in counties, but in towns, and ought not to have votes for the counties. The amendment was rejected by 171 to 151. Another proposition of a like character, giving a vote for counties to long leaseholders in boroughs, and which was moved by Mr. H. Vivian, was also discussed, the arguments being of a similar character. It was rejected by 256 to 230. Mr. Cardwell also moved an amendment that no person shall vote for the city of Oxford or town of Cambridge in respect of the occupation of any chambers or premises in any of the colleges or halls of the universities. The amendment was opposed by Mr. Fawcett, Sir W. Heathcote, and Mr. Selwyn, and supported by Mr. Neate, Sir R. Palmer, and the Chancellor of the Exchequer, and carried by 200 to 179 but Mr. Lowther said he would bring the matter forward again on the report. The clause was then agreed to and clause 41 having also been agreed to, further progress with the bill was post- poned. Some other business was disposed of, and the House was counted out at a late hour. In the House of Lords, on June 25, on the order for read- ing the Railway Companies' Bill the second time, the Duke of Richmond objected to that portion of the measure which empowered railway companies to create pre-preference stock, whilst admitting that with that exception the bill would give additional security to railway property, and to every classs of investments in railways. Lord Redesdale also expressed a strong opinion that great injustice would be done unless steps were taken to guard the preference stock already created. Referring to the general effect of the measure, however, the noble lord re- marked, that if it had become law twenty years ago the railway companies would have been spared all their present embarrassments and difficulties. The bill having been read a second time was ordered to go before a select committee. The Duke of Marlborough moved the second reading of Brown's Charity Bill, the object of which he explained, was to enable the charity commissioners to alter the bequest of a Mr. Thomas Brown, to the University of London, for the foundation of a hospital and heme for the care and recreation of dogs. The scheme was opposed by the University of Dublin, to whom the funn. was to go for the foundation of professorships in Oriental languages in the event of the London University not complying with the wishes of the testator. The Earl of Rosse proposed, as an amendment, that the bill should be read a second time that day three months, which on a division was carried by 48 to 16. The bill was therefore lost. Some bills were forwarded a stage, and their Lordships adjourned. In the House of Commons, at the morning sitting, the Blackwater Bridge Bill and the Charitable Donations and Bequests (Ireland) Bill were respectively read a third time and passed. The House then went into committee on the Representa- tion of the People Bill, and on the motion of the Chancellor of the Exchequer an amendment was made in clause 42 to prevent the owner of a copyhold or long leasehold house having a vote for the county in respect of a house in a borough occupied by himself which confers on him a borough vote-a provision which is already applicable to freeholders by the Reform Act of 1832. Oil clause 43, the interpretation clause, a long discussion arose on an addition to the clause proposed by Sir R. Palmer, to define a dwelling-house. At length the following defini- tion was agreed to :—" A dwelling-house shall include any part of a house occupied as a separate dwelling and. sepa- rately rated to the relief of the poor." The postponed clause 31, which refers to the Boumd-ary Commissioners, was then considered. The Chancellor of the Exchequer moved that Lord Evers- ley, Mr. Russell Gurney, Sir John Duckworth, Sir Francis Crossley, and Mr. John Walter be the commissioners, and after some observations from Mr. Darby Griffith, who objected to Mr. Walter from Mr. Serjeant Gaselee, who objected to any peer being on the commission from Mr. Foster, who suggested that the commissioners should appoint their own secretary; from Mr. Gladstone, who observed that x i objection could be fairly taken to any of the com- missioners on the ground of party differences, and who thought it well that the commission should be repre- sented in both houses of parliament; and from the Chancellor of the Exchequer, who said the govern- ment would defer to the commission, and that no one would be appointed as secretary who was not quite acceptable to them, the names were agreed to. The re- mainder of the clause defines the powers of the commis- sioners, to which an amendment was moved by the Chancellor of the Exchequer in lieu of that part of the clause, giving larger powers to the commissioners than was originally pro- posed, and the remainder ef the sitting was occupied in the discussion of that amendment, which was at length agreed to with some alterations, and an addition that the commis- sioners shall report to one of her Majesty's principal secretaries of state, and that such report shall be laid before parliament. The sitting was suspended at ten minutes to seven o'clock. The House reassembled at nine o'clock. On the motion of Mr. Headlam, a select committee was ap- pointed to consider whether any alteration can be made in the internal arrangements of the House, so as to enable a greater number of members to hear and take part in the proceedings. The Libel Bill passed through committee. The. Attorney s, &c., Certificate Duty Bill passed through committee. On the motion of Mr. H. B. Sheridan, the Investment of Trust Funds Bill was read a second time. The object of the bill, he stated, was to enable trustees to invest funds in cer- tain stocks not guaranteed by government. On the adjourned debate on the motion for going into committee on the Railways (Guards and Passengers Com- munication) Bill. Mr. Hodgson objected to the bill, saying that no effectual means of communication had yet been discovered. In the railway with which he was connected means had been tried but they had all failed. Mr. M'Laren could not think that the inventive genius of the country was unequal to the task of finding a means of communication between the passengers and a guard „Mr. Leeman said the inventive genius of the country had failed in this matter hitherto. The railway companies would be willing, if the Board of Trade would prescribe a means of communication to adopt it. Mr. O'Beirne described an effective means of communica- tion which he had seen in operation on the Great Northern of France and Sir M. Peto said he believed that plan was effective. Mr. Cave said the report of the railway commission was rather against this measure, for they thought the companies should be responsible; and if they were interfered with in these details, the responsibility was lessened. He repudiated any responsibility of the Board of Trade in this matter. The House then went into committee on the bill, and the several clauses were agreed to, after which the House adjourned.
The SEQUEL CASE to an ELOPEMENT. A singular case was tried in the Court of Exchequer, in London, last week, before the Lord Chief Baron Kelly and a special jury. Mr. Hance and Mr. Marshall were counsel for the plaintiff; Mr. Huddlestone, Q.C., and Mr. L. Smith, counsel for the defendants. Mr. Hance said the plaintiff was Captain Blakely, formerly an officer of the Royal Artillery, and the de- fendants were Messrs. Nicholay, furriers, in Oxford- street, in London. Captain Blakely had lived with his wife in Park-lane, but some time ago unhappy differences arose between them, which resulted in his leaving home. On returning to the house he found that Mrs. Blakely and her uncle, Mr. Luke, had re- moved a large quantity of property, including a sable- trimmed cloak, which he purchased in Russia for his wife for 400 guineas. The cloak was in possession of the defendants, having been entrusted to them by Mrs. Blakely for sale, a sum of 200 guineas being the price that was to be asked. Ultimately he received a reply from the defendants, stating that they had purchased it of Mr. Luke, of Inverness-terrace. The end of the affair was that the plaintiff agreed to sell the cloak to the defendants for 2101, in cash, subject to the deduc- tion of about 101., which Mrs. Blakely owed them, but he could not get the money nor the property, and was compelled to bring this action. In defiance of the plaintiff the defendants had returned the cloak to Mrs. Blakely. In cross-examination, Captain Blakely admitted having deserted his wife and eloped with another lady. Mrs. Blakely had an income of 5001. She left his house when she found out what had taken place. The Lord Chief Baron said he trusted the counsel would not go into these particulars further than was absolutely necessary. The counsel for the defendant, however, proceeded, and elicited that the plaintiff was concerned in proceedings in the Divorce Court. The learned counsel having stated his defence, and ex- amined the defendant, called Mrs. Blakely, whose appearance in the witness-box excited considerable interest. The Lord Chief Baron appealed to the learned coun- sel to consider whether the lady should not be spared examination. A long discussion then took place be- tween the Lord Chief Baron and the learned counsel, in the course of which his lordship declined in a case of this kind to amend the declaration, and suggested that the opinion of the jury might be taken without any further evidence being given. His lordship also observed that, looking to the circumstances, he did not think he ought to render any assistance to the plaintiff in maintaining an action against Mr. Nicholay. A juryman: We are perfectly agreed. We think there was no sale. The Lord Chief Baron If that is your opinion there is an end of the case, and the defendants are entitled to the verdict.
THE NEW BLACK DEATH. On the subject of this fatal disease, which made its ap- pearance a short time ago in Dublin, Mr. G. Newnham Woolley, M.R.C.S.L., &c., of Bardney-NVragby, Lincolnshire, writes to The Times:- The village of Bardney, in Lincolnshire about nine miles from the town of Lincoln, was in January last visited with an attack of a disease very closely re- sembling that of the New Black Death, as it is called. It may be interesting to some of your readers, and instructive to others, to give some details of the at- tack. Very early in January we were startled by the sudden and unexpected death of some of the parish- ioners and, although I was not the medical attendant of those who died, it was clear, if only a part of that which was said about the complaint were true, that the disease was one of no ordinary description. Of this I soon had satisfactory proof. A stout, healthy, man, who works in a brick-yard adjoining my resi- dence, came to me one afternoon complaining of sickness and intolerable headache. I gave him some simple remedy, and the next morning he resumed work, but about three o'clock p.m. he staggered into my surgery, complaining of sickness, acute pain in the head (the back part), and complete prostration. I found his pulse weak and very frequent, the pupil con- tracted, the skin moist and bathed in perspiration, bilious vomiting, and he complained of most frightful pain in the head. He was sent home and put into a warm bed, and such remedies used as seemed applica- ble to the case. I saw him repeatedly, and in the night he became delirious—a low muttering delirium. In the morning he was covered with a purple eruption, the weakness intense, and every symptom of approach- ing collapse. Powerful stimulants were administered, and the free use of wine and brandy insisted upon, and he again rallied. The next day he was considerably better, but the skin and scalp, as also the skin over the whole of the upper part of the body, were not only painful to the touch but rendered very sensitive by blowing upon them. The delirium vanished under the use of stimulants and morphia, and in order to lessen the pain a small blister was applied to the nape of the neck, and with the best effects— the free use of stimulants being at the same time continued. The discharge from this blister was of a most fetid nature, and such as I have never before seen in the course of a long practice of the profession for above thirty years. The pain now became decidedly intermitting, and I gave large doses of quinine with morphia., and after a careful and anxious attendance of some weeks I had the satisfaction of seeing my patient again restored to his ordinary health. During my attendance on this case I had eighteen others of the same nature, but varying in intesity, and I am happy to be able to say that all recovered. Within a few weeks of the subsidence of this attack, we were visited by an attack of mild typhus fever. In the first attack, I attribute my success to the fact that by careful at- tention to the symptoms I was able to determine satisfactorily the difference between irritation and in- flammation. I do not believe that at any time there was anything beyond simple congestion, which was safely and surely removed by a small blister. The disease was, I believe, confined to this district. Dr. Lowe, of Lincoln, had some cases in the village at the same time, and was equally successful with myself in the cure. The facts of this attack are certainly very re- markable, and nothing more so than the isolated dis- trict to which it seems to have been ccnfined.
SOMETHING TO BE PROUD OF! The 18th of June is to Prussia the day when every child at school is reminded of the martial deeds by which Prussia has become what she is. This circum- stance will this year have offered an opportunity for recollecting those exploits which have given the im- pulse for a reorganisation of all armies, and more espe- cially of the French. Before the recent Prussian victories the French people believed it to be an indisputable fact that the military system of Prussia, producing only young soldiers, and imposing the most oppressive burdens on all classes of the population,* was a feeble system even in other countries besides France it was pretty generally supposed that the Prussian army was deficient in solidity and vigour, and that it would be shattered to pieces as soon as it should encounter a large and old army. Therefore the surprise was so great—especially in France, where that view of the case was, as it were, official, for it was propounded in military schools-when the Prussian army, on the field of Sadowa, after an encounter with a large and old army, had suddenly come off vic- torious, having gained a victoy such as nobody would have thought possible, when, unexpected to all, it suddenly exhibited the very picture of perfect solidity, the pattern of a living warlike spirit, unfolding all the qualities which can be demanded of an army, martial readiness, military agility, skill in the use of all modern inventions for warlike purposes and-what was most striking of all-nationality in the best sense of the word.
THE LAW OF TRADE MARKS IN AMERICA. The following case, Willcox and Gibbs Sewing Machine Company v. J. W. Bartlett," which is one of importance to manufacturers, has been heard in the Court of Common Pleas, in New York, before Judge Daly, the substance of which is extracted from the New York Times. The facts set forth in the pleadings, and proved by the affidavits, at the hearing, were as fol- low:- In 1857 James E. A. Gibbs of Virginia, invented a new sewing machine, the prominent characteristic of which was that it required the use of but a single needle and thread. That he might associate his name permanently with his in- vention, he constructed the machine in the form of the capital letter G of the Roman alphabet-with his associates, introduced it into the market, and by advertising it as the letter G" machine, and the constant use of that letter in the business, and in connection with the machine, claimed to have adopted and appropriated the letter itself, as well as the special shape of the machine, for the trade mark and symbol of the business. After some mutations of fortune the machine finally proved a success, and it became popularly known as the "letter G," as well as the "Willcox and Gibbs" machine. The complainants' company was organised to meet the demands of the increasing business, and succeeded to all the rights of the original owners, including the trade mark in question. It was further proved that after the success became an established fact, the defendant introduced upon the market a machine in imitation of the "Willcox and Gibbs," which so closely resembled the letter G" I form that, upon an ordinary inspection of a pur- chaser, it would be readily taken for it; that the defendant established agencies, and advertised his machine, and pushed its sale in this form for the purpose of availing himself of the reputation and credit of their machine to sell his own; that purchasers were deceived by this resemblance in fact, and that it was principally through this similarity that the defendant was able to sell his machines at all; that when put to practical use it failed to do its work, and that on account of the resemblance, and the course of business of defendant andhis agents, its faults and de- fect s were imputed to the genuine "letter G" machine, greatly to the injury of its reputatioil and the plaintiff's trade. Other facts were incidentally stated, but the above is the substance of those on which the plaintiffs relied. Upon these facts application was made for an injunction, and as no one appeared to oppose the motion, the following order was made by Judge Daly in the case Upon motion of L. E. Chittenden, Esq., of counsel for the complainants, this court doth hereby strictly prohibit and enjoin the said defendant, Joseph W. Bartlett, and each and every of his servants and agents, and all persons acting under his authority or control, or by his consent or permission, from co mterfeiting or imitating the trade mark, device, or symbol of the complainants, described and figured in the said complaint, so devised and first used by said Gibbs, and applied to the Willcox and Gibbs sewing-machine, and now owned by the complainants, and from using or per- mitting any other person to use the same, either as a form for a sewing machine, or as a trade mark, device, or symbol of or in connection with the business of making or selling sewing machines, and from selling or offering fer sale, ad- vertising, or in any manner holding out to the public any other form, style, or figure of sewing machine as the letter G machine and from claiming, pretending, or holding out to the public any other form, style, or figure of sewing machine as the complainants manufacture, and from using the said form of the capital Roman letter G, or any imitation thereof, as a trade mark, device, or symbol for a sewing- machine, or the business of making or selling sewing machines, so long as this order shall remain in force, and not be modified or set aside by competent authority.
DEATH OF A FRENCH SORCERER: About the 1st of May there died in Paris an octoge- narian, Count d'Ourche, who for the latter part of his long life was a solitary and a reputed sorcerer (says the New York Nation.) Remarkable stories are told by those who sometimes dined with him of invisible hands performing admirably the service of valets or playing tricks with the guests at table. He was the medium who presided at the first manifestation of table-tipping in Paris, and by his help some who placed papers on the tombstones of the dead got, as they believed, direct communications in writing. Neither this nor other eccentricities which preceded and followed it, his aversion to the bald and passion for long hair, or his making a pet of a tame lioness, would entitle him to mention here. But he had, on the authority of M. H. de Pene, a formidable library, of which the world has no segond, composed exclu- sively of the works of all ages and in all languages relating to magic, oracles, sorcerers. Voluminous it was yet he never would arrange it, saying that the spirits were his librarians. The tombstone correspond- ence brought also and perhaps chiefly into notoriety the Baron de Gurdenstubbe, concerning whom and 1m sister one may consult Mr. Robert dale Owen's "Footfalls on the Boundary of Another World," and, by way of a corrective, The Invisibles," a remarka- ble work just published by Lippincott.
THE REMAINS OF LOUIS PHILIPPE. A petition, sent to the French Senate, praying that the remains of Louis Philippe should be brought back to France, which is as follows, is published in the Journal de Paris Messieurs les Senateurs,—Louis Philippe T., King of the French, died in England. His remains repose under a foreign soil far from that of France, which he loved so much. During his reign he feared not to send one of his sons beyond the equator to seek the remains of the Emperor Napoleon 1. It would be worthy of the Sovereign who now presides over the destinies of France to give to the mortal remains of that unfortunate monarch a French sepulchre. We ask that the ashes of Louis Philippe should be brought back to France While yet young, that King fought for France and tke Republic, at Jemmapes and at Valpy. During the eighteen years of his reign he assured to France the blessings of peace; he administered the public funds with a rigorous economy; and, finally, it was he who made Algeria a French colony. The epoch in which we live is too en- lightened to require that his name should become legendary before a work of justice or indulgence should be performed. If his reign did not realise all the promises he made before putting on the crown, if it was not absolutely the best of republics, the people do not forget that it was to his reign that they are indebted for the laws on primary instruction and local railways. These souvenirs protect his memory, and justify the petition which we now submit to you.—We have the honour, &c. The Journal de Paris adds, that the petition is signed by MM. Dellattre, Leon Clery, Jourdan, Arthur Hubbard, and Lasne, all members of the Paris bar, none of whom belong to what is called the Orleanist party."
FORGIVE AND FORGET! On Monday last a respectably-dressed young wVnnan was amongst the applicants at the Westminster Policecourt, in London, for the remission of a sentence, when the following colloquy took place between the applicant and the magis- trate :— Applicant; You committed my husband to prison, sir, three weeks ago, and I should be very much obliged if you would let him out. The magistrate How long was he committed for ?— Applicant Two months. The magistrate What was he committed for?- Applicant I came against him then, but I am sorry now, and I hope you will let him out. Dennis (the gaoler) He is a cabman, and was com- mitted for a very violent assault upon her. She had a dreadful black eye. Your worship may remember that the van sergeant, who lodges in the same house, was one of the witnesses. It was stated that he was in the habit of ill-treating her. Applicant: He has promised not to do it again. Pray let him out. He'll behave better now.—The magistrate I have no power to order his release, and if I had I should not use it. Applicant: I am told I can apply to the Secretary. —The magistrate Secretary of State. Yes, you can apply to him. He has power to order your husband's discharge. Applicant Will you be so kind as to sign a petition to him if I bring it ?—The magistrate No, I can't do that. I should have all the wives who have brutal husbands committed to prison coming to me to do the same. I cannot interfere. Your husband deserved the punishment he got.
THE LATE RIOTS IN BIRMINGHAM. The Recorder for Birmingham (Mr. Arthur Robarts Adams), in his charge to the grand jury on Monday, at the opening of the Quarter Sessions, said Since the time when I last presided here circumstances of a most deplorable nature have occurred in this borough. It appears that a certain person, who considers it to be his duty to give lectures in various towns on points of belief held by a large number of our fellow-countrymen, has, whilst deliver- ing such lectures, made use of expressions which have exasperated to a high degree many of those who hold a different faith, and in some of the neighbouring towns the Queen's peace has been actually disturbed, and in others it has only been preserved by extraordinary precautions. Now I hold that the right of free discussion of all subjects is one most dear and most to be cherished by us all, and I should be very sorry to say one word that would seem to militate against that doctrine, or curtail that right in any degree; but whilst claiming a right to free dis- cussion, all persons are bound so to conduct themselves as not to turn freedom into licentiousness and in my judg- ment, violent attacks, of a personal character, whether upon individuals or bodies of men, are beyond the legitimate use of freedom of speech, and I deeply deplore that at the pre- sent time men can be found who can make use of language which has been stigmatised by the present Home Secre- tary as such as could only be applied to the worst of mankind. Nor do I think that the object of the lecturer is promoted by the use of intemperate or exciting language, as it is surely more convincing to a man of reasonable mind to hear discussion conducted in a sober manner rather than in a high state of' excitement. Yet it does not follow but that the acts of others have been perfectly un- justifiable. I hold that no language, however strong, can justify the ute of personal violence, and still less the demo- lition of property, by bands of men organised for that pur- pose. You will have some bills sent up to you wherein persons are charged with rioting. Now, the law on that subject is as follows If a number of persons con- gregate to do any act, and mutually to assist each other, and they do so in a manner which excites terror in the minds of reasonable people, they are guilty of a riot. The learned Recorder, having detailed the facts of the riot, said:—It is impossible to doubt that these acts amount to a riot. The inhabitants of the borough had to submit to the always unwelcome sight of an armed force bivouacked in the streets. No language that can have been uttered offers the least justification for these tumults, and it is necessary that such riotous proceedings should be restrained by the strong arm of the law. We must all feel that this town has been lowered in the eyes of mankind by these dis- graceful proceedings, and we must all regret that the civil force was unable to cope with the rioters, and that it was necessary to call in the military but I am glad to find that it was not required to fire upon the people, and that in most instances the simple presence of the troops was sufficients cause order to be restored. It is also deeply to be lamented that theological discussions cannot be conducted without using terms of opprobium, and that to confute argU" ments or assertions stones should be thrown at,_ ana violence used towards, opponents. The cause of neither is promoted by such acts; but when will people learn the duty of living in charity with their neighbours? I regret also to learn that during the time when the police were en- gaged in suppressing the disturbances men banded themselves together apparently with the object of assisting the civu force, but, in reality, with greater effect to carry out a moss nefarious design. 1 find that shops have been attacked anu plundered, and houses ransacked, their owners having been driven out by violence. Such acts strike at the very root ol society, and it is not to be believed that they arose from religious hatred, but rather that persons who live by plunder seized that opportunity of carrying on their nefarious trade.
MR. BRIGHT ON THE HOUSE OF COMMONS. On Tuesday evening, at a dinner at the Fishmongers Hall, in London, Mr. Bright, M.P., in returning thanks for the toast of "The House of Commons, said:— Some eminent writer has said that the civilisation of a people is attested by the manner in which it makes its revo- lutions, and I think from the mode in which we make ourSi we, as a peoplo, are very much advanced hlcivilisation. In the year 1832 we made a revolution of a very serious charac- ter. We transferred the government of a great nation froin an exclusive power of a hereditary aristocracy in a large degree at aj y rate to the people, and especially to the middle class. But we did it in the midst of great excitement an not a little tumult and many fears that the vessel of the state might go down in the storm which was then raging In the year 1867 we are engaged in making another r,ev r £ tion of much the same character; but we are doing it,110 with disorder and tumult, but in the midst of the most com- plete peace, and when all parties in the country, especially that party which said the revolution was a terrible thing when it should come, seemed to be in the very best possible humow 'd with each other. It cannot be concealed that a very rapII1 and extraordinary stride is being made to what men cau democratic, and, if you like, even republican institutions. When I say democratic and republican institutions, I of the House of Commons, merely because whatever is character of the House of Commons must also be character, although it may not be the form, of the Govern- ment itself. The House of Commons for many years has been gradually attracting to itself more and more of the power of state, and whatever may be the description of that ITOILsel whatever the spirit which animates it, whatever the it upholds and follows, you will find that every cfepartmen of the Government, and peers, and Monarch, must with the House of Commons. Therefore what we are is a very serious matter, for what is doing in the Parlianien now will tell upon our history and condition to the very Jates^ generations. Now, I am, as many of you know, in rather peculiar position with regard to this great question. I ha*, taken a very actiye part in promoting changes, some o which are being now made. From my youth upwards, since could consider such questions, I have had before my !?' as you have had before yours, almost everywhere, and where more than in this City, great wealtn, great luxury; remarkable refinement, and a very high degree of education. and almost close alongside of this I have seen great poverty, fearful degradation, and also an ignorance so profound "h* it was almost impossible to fathom it. Now, I have believe" that a nation which could make so nvniy rich, so niany refined, and so many instructed, might, if it were examine its own affairs and manage them, lesseD the number of those who were in poverty, in degrad» £ tion, and in ignorance; and I have been strongly opinion that if the parliament of the country more broauji represented what I will call the industry, the intelligence, an the virtue of the entire people, we might raise vast mU Li tudes from a condition which was one of misery to them an of humiliation to us who had permitted it. I thought. House of Commons was built on too narrow a basis that i" many things, and particularly because by reason of the ex- treme expensiveness of elections many of iis members harci J represented anybody; it was to a considerable exten corrupt, and that which might be called the health the House was not by any means in a satisfactory conditio^ Well, this was denied most stoutly by men who sat opp081^ to me last year and who sit opposite to me now. They sai there was no such House in the world, no constitution <■> government which had done so many good things, no sentation which was so exact a voice of the mind of whole people of the country. They denied the truth of tn statements which 1 had made, not having examined tB question as I had done, and said tha't which doubtless they had a right to fay, because they believed it to be true. curious now that these gentlemen! to whom I refer ha* confessed that they were wrong and that I was right. They have not only adopted, especially with regard to the naai" point of the great question that has been under discussion, my view with respect to the health of the patient, but thej have actually stolen or borrowed without aclcnowledgmei'J my prescription. The II ouse of Commons, with regard to a" the boroughs, has now established a franchise which is lower than any franchise which exists in the Northern States of t American Republic; and this, after I have been charged for many years with wishing to Americanise our institutions, has been done by those gentlemen who brought that charge again me. We have, unfortunately, in this country a larger nnIJId ber of the population who are poor, and ignorant, All dependent, than can be found in any corresponding number of the population throughout the heretofore free states of the American republic therefore I say the franchise have established is lower than that which exists there, ifow, I will not pretend to say—I think most people are ra Ig puzzled to conjecture—what within the next ten or five yeaTl may be the result of what has been done. I believe there J great and solid good in all classes of people in this country* My own impression is that in the highest class, that of big title and privileges and great wealth, there has been ai amazing advancement in everything that is creditaw to that class during the last thirty years. But I not withhold the expression of the same oijinion Wit regard to what has transpired among ihe middle classe or among the working classes. I believe that ^rosf the highest in the land down to almost the very lowest, there has been a great increase of general knowledge an a great increase of kindness between man and man, ana that we are at this moment more ready than we have been at any former period wisely to admit great numbers of tn people to the exercise of the franchise and of political power. Notwithstanding that there will be and scores of thousands who are not independent enougn to vote without some kind of influence over them, and who may know little for what it is they vote, still I believe in » fair field, which we shall now have to a large extent, the good which. exists through all classes of the people of "this country will exert itself with full effect, will prevent any evil consequences whatever affecting tne general politics or legislation of the country. I hope in future we shall have in the House of Coniiiio.Ils taking the whole House, and both sides of it-a less obstinate resistance to improvement, and more of a fair and candia consideration of all the arguments that may be submitted to it on the questions brought uuder consideration. The resut of what has been done will be to open a wider field for the intellect and energies of the people and those who come after us, on looking back at our proceedings during this eventful year, will have no reason to condemn the course that we have taken.
AGRICULTURAITEMPLOYMENT BILL. The bill before the House of Lords proposes to enact that, after the close of this year, no boy under eight years of age, and no girl under thirteen, shall be employed in agriculture for hire, and that no girl under eighteen shall be employed in a public gang. The bill also directs the Quarter Sessions to make by-laws, subject to the approval of the Secretary ot State, requiring the attendance at a proper school of boys between eight and thirteen as a condition of their employment in agriculture for hire, the at- tendance to be for 400 hours in the winter half of the year, and 200 hours in the other half, between 8 a.D2- and 8 p.m.; less than two and a half hours on one day not to be reckoned, nor attendance beyond five hours on one day. Powers are given to magistrates, guardians of the poor, and constables to demand !rTfJ: the employer information necessary for ascertaining whether the Act is observed. The bill is to be enforced- by penalties. It is to be enforced for one year from its- passing, and to the end of the then next Session ol Parliament. No by-laws are to have the effect of pre- venting the employment of any boy in agriculture before the close of the year 1867.
A PRESCRIPTION FOR CABBY !—The other day Dr. Thelmier, a physician, being sent for to see a patient, hailed a cab in the Rue d'Enfer, in Paris- "Where are you going?" said the coachman. "To the Avenue Josephine." "Then I cannot take you. l am going in the direction ot Bagtignolles." The doctor, who had read the proclamation of the Prefect of Police, stating that a driver of a public carriage, though he may not be on a stand, is bound to take any fare who stops hin-, stooped down to look at the man's number. Cabby thereupon gave him a push, which had the effect of throwing him off his legs, and as it was pouring with rain, and tha streets were very muddy, the doctor's black coat suffered considerably- A correctional police prosecution followell. The cabman, when asked what he had to say for himself, replied, "MY. horse was tired." "We are used to that answer, said the judge, and he sentenced him to two months imprisonment. No doubt the man richly deserved it for the assault alone. A cab horse must be tired out some' times, and the driver when going home to his stables may very reasonably say, If you are going my way 1 can take you, but my horse is not fit to go to the other end of Paris." Would it not be easy to obviate this difficulty by eaabling the superintendent of any cab station to give a certificate thus worded, Tired horse —going, home?" JL.