The Brecon Reporter and South Wales General Advertiser

IMPERIAL PARLIAMENT. At the morning sitting of the Honse of Commons, on June 14, Mr. 0. Stanley addressed an inquiry to the Home Secretary, connected with the recent march of the City of w London Militia through the northern districts of the metro- polis, when the absence of a sufficient police force on the route gaveamob of thieves an opportunity to commit several acts of violence and robbery. The hon. member parti- cularly wished to know whether it was not the duty of the; officer in command, under such circumstances, to come to the aid of the civil power. Mr. Secretary Hardy replied that, in the instance alluded to, no notice of the intended march had been given to the police authorities; hence the want of protection to the pub- lic which had been complained of. He was not acquainted1 with the military law on the subject, but looking to what had occurred with respect to the volunteer force he did not think the soldier so far put off the obligation of citizenship as to be exempt from the duty to assist civilians when felo- nies were being committed in his presence. The report of supply on the navy estimates was brought up and agreed to. On the order for going into committee on the Vaccination Bill a preliminary discussion arose, in the course of which Lord R. Montagu explained that the object of the measure was to make vaccination compulsory in England in the same manner as was now the case in Scotland and Ireland, where the system had been productive of the best results. The House then went into committee on the bill, and was occupied in the consideration of its clauses until a few minutes to seven o'clock, when the Chairman reported pro- gress. On the House re-assembling at nine o'clock, Major Anson drew attention to the petition presented by Mr. Bright on the 3rd of May, from Professor Beesley, Mr. Harrison, and others, in favour of a lenient treatment of the Fenian con- Yicts, and which he complained of as containing unjust re- flections upon the conduct of the British army in Ireland and in India, couched in language that ought to have ensured its rejection. Under these circumstances he moved, as an amendment to the motion for going into committee of supply, that the order of the House directing that the petition should lie upon the table be discharged, and that so much of the appendix to the report of public petitions as comprised a printed copy of this petition be cancelled. Mr. Cochrane seconded the motion, and a somewhat long debate ensued, in the course of which the Chancellor of the Exchequer recommended Major Anson to withdraw his motion. Some members, however, called for a division, which was accordingly taken, and resulted in 11 votes being given for and 43 against the motion. Mr. P. Taylor asked what had been done by the GoTem. ment to carry out Her Majesty's answer to the Address ra- lating to Mr. Churchward and other magistrates convicted Of electoral corruption, to which Mr. Hardy replied that great difficulty had arisen from the amendment to Mr. Taylor's motion, which had been carried at the same time. The Lord Chancellor had directed his principal secretary to search all the reports from 1852, in which year the system of commissions began, but he found that some of these commissions had gone much further back, and, as the House had laid down no rule, the difficulty had become incapable of solution. The guilt, too, was very different in different cases, and, though the report of a com- mittee had always been held sufficient for the House to act upon, it had not been usual to visit a man with penal conse- quences except after the verdict of a jury. The Lord Chan- cellor had done all he could, and could do no more, unless the House choose to give him more precise and definite in- structions. Mr. Labouchere called attention to the recent treaty re- lative to the Duchy of Luxembourg, and asked for some in- formation as to the nature of the obligations we had under- taken. He contended that a guarantee given as this was said to have been, to avoid a war, was intervention in the worst form, discussed at length the transactions of 1839, With the view of showing that Lord Stanley was mistaken in supposing that we then undertook any engagement in regard to Luxembourg, and expressed a strong belief that the guaran- tee we had now given in the event of a war between France and Germany would invole us in it. Mr. B. Cochrane, on the other hand, maintained that the guarantee now given was merely carrying out the treaty of 1839, and gave Lord Stanley the credit of having preserved the peace of Europe. Mr. D. Griffith made some remark on the inconvenience of the arrangement under which treaties were made without the House knowing of them. Mr. Aytoun, condemning Lord Stanley's conduct, asked whether we were absolutely bound to interfere by force of arms if the neutrality of Luxembourg were attacked; and, if so. what became of the power of the House of Commons to segulate the Supplies ? Lord Stanley replied that undoubtedly the House of Com- mons had power to stop the Supplies, and therefore, in the last resort, to decide whether we shoud go to war. As to Mr. Grif- fith's complaint, he answered that theConstitution cast on the Executive the responsibility of making treaties, and, although the exigency would not always await the conveniences of Parliamentary discussion, there were few Foreign Secretaries who would not wish to have the assistance of the support and sanction of Parliament beforehand if they could get it. Mr. Labouchere's criticism on the recent transactions was founded on a delusion, though he sympathized with the motives which prompted it, as no one had a stronger objection to increasing our diplomatic liabilities, and that more searching questions had not been asked he attributed to the fact that the country, having all the circumstances before it, had recognized the gravity of the emergency, and the comparatively slight difference in our position towards Luxembourg. As to the gravity of the case when the Conference was first proposed few persons concerned hoped that it would be successful. Prussia had positively refused the demand of France that she should evacuate Luxembourg. Feelings of jealousy and irritation in the two countries were daily increasing, and wheu Prussia yielded she made the neutralization of Luxembourg under a collective guarattee a sine qud nen. From the idea of a new guaran- tee Lord Stanley said he was so averse that for two days he hesitated, and when he yielded it was with more doubt and anxiety than he had ever felt before. But the alternative of an immediate rupture was absolutely certain, and if he had refused the armies of France and Prussia would have been at this moment in the field. Austria and Italy would speedily have been dragged in, what would have hap- pened in the East might easily be imagined, and we should not only have suffered severely in our commerce, but all the world would have said that by refusing to give this collective guarantee we were the real authors of the war. To the allegation that Luxembourg was but a pretext, and that the mutual jealousy of the two nations must ultimately lead to a war, Lord Stanley replied that he knew of nothing, and did not believe that anything was likely to arise, to disturb the increasing relations between the two countries, which ow both desired peace. He next explained the nature of the obligation into which we had entered, showing that it was merely an extension of the guarantee we gave in 1839 for the possession of Luxembourg to Holland to its neutralisa- tion It was a collective guarantee of all the Powers of Europe—a kind of limited liability affecting all the Powers collectively, but binding none of them to interfere singly if the .neutrality were violated; the risk was little, and the danger it averted was great, and the balance of advantages was decidedly in favour of the course we had taken. Mr. Goschen acknowledged that the contingent liability Lord Stanley had undertaken was much less than the risk of an European war which it had undoubtedly averted Mr. H. Seymour, Mr. Kinnaird, and Mr. Sandford joined in eulogizing Lord Stanley's wise and impartial conduct. Several orders were forwarded a stage, and the House adjourned. In the House of Lords, on June 17, the Marquis of Clan- ricarde withdrew a motion of which he had given notice respecting disaffection and alleged disloyal drills in the southern counties of Ireland. The Earl of Shaftesbury said that on Friday next he should move for a committee to inquire whether public business might not be greatly facilitated if their Lordships met at four p.m. instead of five. He thought it would give a great stimulus to young men to come forward and take a part in the debates of the House. The House having gone into committee on the County Court Act Amendment Bill, it was allowed to pass through committee. „ Earl .Russell gave notice that on Thursday next he should call attention to the Luxembourg Treaty; and their Lordships adjourned.. In the House of Commons, the House having gone into committee on the Representation of the People Bill, Mr. Bright wished to present a petition, but was ruled to be out of order. Mr. Laing, who had given notice of the following amend- ment, clause 10, line 30, after "the," insert "cities or boroughs named in the third schedule to this Act annexed, shall return three members instead of two; and each of the boroughs named in the fourth schedule to this Act shall return two members instead of one to serve in future Parliaments; and each of the," said he would only move the first part at pre- sent, dealing with the following boroughs:—Birmingham, Bristol, Leeds, Liverpool, Mar Chester, and Sheffield. He did not wish to prejudge the twenty-five seats proposed to be given to counties, for it had been part of his scheme; but the manner in which he would prefer that the represen- tation of the counties should be increased was by grouping some of the smaller boroughs. There were two anomalies which went very much together—viz., the over-represen- tation of extremely small places and the under-represen- tation of very large places. The six cities of which he pro- posed to increase the representation contained an aggregate population of 1,681,000, and an income on which assess- ment was made to income tax of 35,000,000. While this was the case, there were six small boroughs returning mem- bers the total population of which was little more than 20,000. Birmingham, and the other large cities which he had named, had as much right to increased representation as the metropolis and the counties. He did not grudge the counties increased representation. On the contrary, he wished they should get it, but he did not wish they should get it in a way that would not be permanent. If counties, some of which did not contain 120,000 of population, were to get an increase, and large cities containing nearly two millions of population were to get none, he did not think the settlement would be satisfactory. He trusted to both sides of the House for support to a proposal which had such strong reasons in its favour and looking forward at possible results which would arise from a large extension of the franchise such as that now granted, he trusted they would not stop short at the last moment, and neglect to reduce the smaller boroughs to their due and proper limits. Mr. Baines, in supporting the amendment, said if the six large boroughs had the same proportion of members as the small boroughs they would each have not three members but thirty-four. That was a state of things which required to be remedied. The boundaries of the large cities were also being considerably enlarged, and this ought: to be taken into account. His firm belief was that unless this motion was carried the reform question would not be settled. Sir. Bright wished to explain the views of the people of Birmingham. They wished him to say that in the year 1832 the population of the borough was 143,000, and that since then it had much more than doubled. The property on which the local rates were assessed amounted to more than a million, and therefore he thought it desirable in readjusting in any degree the representation of the people that the borough of Birmingham should have more members than at present. The Chancellor of the Exchequer had thrown out some hints which might be effectual in some quarters, but he hoped that the House would carry out the amendment of the hon. member, which could not be opposed on any just grounds. He trusted at the same time that no division of the borough would take place. This would necessitate two hustings and double all the machinery of election, whereas, in his opinion, the period had arrived when hustings and public nominations should be abolished, and considered s relic of barbarous times. The Chancellor of the Exchequer contended that the ar- rangement under the bill as it stood was, on the whole, a fair adjustment, giving as it did 258 members to boroughs and 237 to counties whilst, if the plan of Mr. Laing were carried, it would have the effect of depriving the county population of 34 members whe indirectly represented them under the existing system. If the committee were in favour of cumulative voting, and the representation of minorities to which it pointed, they would accede to the amendment, but the Government were entirely opposed to all such fan- tastic schemes; and if Parliament were determined to change the principle on which the opinions of the people of England had been accurately ascertained, they ought to be warned of the gravity of the consequences. Mr. Gladstone, in voting for the amendment, did so with- out committing himself to cumulative voting, or any other of the ulterior schemes -at which the Chancellor of the Ex- chequer had glanced. In his opinion the claim of the large towns was irrefutable alike in policy and in principle. Lord Cranbome said if this motion were rejected it would preclude them from adopting the amendment for cumulative voting. He was in favour of giving votes to minorities. If he could not have that he should like to have Mr. Cobden's scheme for dividing the constituencies and giving one mem- ber to each. He supported the motion because experience showed that, where there were three members, there were generally two on one side and one on the other. On a division the motion was rejected by 247 to 239. Mr. Laing intimated that after the decision just come to by the committee, he should not persist with his next amend- ment, for giving an additional member to each of the boroughs of Birkenhead, Merthyr Tydvil, Salford, and Swansea. An amendment of Mr. A. MiteheU, to divide every borough returning two or more members into the same number of districts as the number of members returned, was debated at some length but ultimately withdrawn. The Chancellor of the Exchequer next moved to amend the clause by enacting that the parishes of Chelsea, Kensington, and Hammersmith should form a borough, to be called the borough of Chelsea, and to return two members. At the instance of Mr. Ayrton, the right hon. gentleman consented to include also the parish of Fulham within the boundaries of the new borough. The committee then proceeded with the subsequent clauses, and agreed among others to the proposal for dividing the Tower Hamlets, and creating a. borough of Hackney, returning two members. On clause 15, which gives a member to the University of London, the Chancellor of the Exchequer moved an amend- ment, that the University of London and the University of Durham be one constituency. Mr. Cardwell and Mr. GoMsmid objected to this junction of the two universities. Mr. Mowbray defended the amendment, on the ground that the London University was connected with colleges all over the world, and with every description of belief and non- belief.. Mr. Lowe said the University of London was not endowed. It did not educate at all; but it matriculated and examined students, and its degrees had a very high reputation, and it had nearly 3,000 graduates, many of them of the medical profession. The University of Durham was endowed by the dean and chapter of Durham, and it was entirely a church of England institution. He was one of a commission to examine it a few years ago, and nothing could be more pain- ful than its state. Itwas insolvent; it had only about thirty students. No institutions could be more different in every respect. Mr. Liddell, Mr. Headlam, and Mr. Ingham advocated the cause of Durham and Mr. G. Duff opposed its being joined to the University of London. A division was then taken on the question that the word "university" stand part of the clause, which was negatived by 183 to 169, which was tantamount to carrying the amend- ment. Mr. Lowe then, saying that the question was an important one to the University of London, and that the division had not been expected" to come on so soon, moved that the Chair- man report progress, but the motion was negatived by 196 to 114. The discussion on adjournment was continued for some time longer, an.* in the course of it Mr. Denman strongly protested against so great an institution as the University of London being joined to so miserable an institution as the University of Durham. Eventually it was agreed to report progress, and further preceeding was accordingly adjourned until June 18. The other orders were then disposed of, and the House adjourned. In the House of Lords on June 18, the Duke of Manchester presented a petition from the Cape of Good Hope against the withdrawal of the regular troops from the colony, a course which the petitioners alleged would have a bad effect upon the natives who were at war with the tribes on the frontier. The Earl of Carnarvon said he did not shrink from the responsibility of having advised the crown to take the step which the petitioners complained of. There were at this mo- ment in Cape colony alone about 4,000 British troops, the charge for which exceeded 300,0001, a year, and towards that sum the colonists contributed only 10,0001. Canada, Australia, and other colonies contributed towards their own defence, and he saw no reason why the Cape of Good Hope should not have a similar burden imposed upon it. Earl Grey agreed that the colonies ought to contribute largely towards their own defence, but there were excep- tional circumstances in the case of the Cape of Good Hope which gave the colony strong claims upon the assistance of the mother country. The petition was ordered to lie on the table; and their Lordships adjourned. In the House of Commons, at the morning sitting, the Pier and Harbour Order Confirmation (No. 3) Bill was read a third time, and passed. The House then went into committee on the Representa- tion of the People Bill, resuming the discussion on clause 15, which refers to the representation of the University of London. The Chancellor of the Exchequer moved that the blank in the clause be filled up by inserting the word "univer- sities," in order to follow that up by adding after "London," the words and Durham." Mr. Lowe again urged on the government the propriety of postponing this matter. The University of Durham was an ecclesiastical body intended for the purpose of giving reli- gious instruction; the University of London claimed to be the tester of the acquirements of persons in any branch of learning, and was eminent in things that were secular. The one was local, the other cosmopolitan; and if they united the two bodies the man who was a fit representative of the one must be an unfit representative of the other. Sir M. W. Ridley advocated the claims of the University of Durham to representation. Mr. Bright said he was not in favour of the representation of universities at alL At the same time, seeing that the other universities had representatives that was a strong argument for the University of London being represented. But nothing could be more preposterous than the proposition which the Chancellor of the Exchequer had offered. They might as well unite the-University of Edinburgh, with its high protestant feeling, to the College of Maynooth. Mr. B. Osborne said it was quite plain that these two universities would never agree, and he suggested that the seat should be given to Liverpool. The Chancellor of the Exchequer said he was in favour of the representation of universities, because he thought it well that learned and enlightened men, and not mere material interests, should be represented. If the two universities had a distinctive character, they had a common aim. The arguments against the union were animated by prejudice, and he advised the University of London not to be critical in its conditions, for there were many other claimants for the seat. The Local Government Supplemental No. 4 Bill passed through committee, as did also the Drainage and Improve- ment of Lands (Ireland) Supplemental Bill. On a division, the motion was carried by 226 to 225 Sir G. Bowyer said he was informed that only members of the convocation who were exclusively members of the church of England would have the vote, and he suggested that the franchise should be extended to all graduates. Mr. Trevelyan moved to insert after "universities," "of Oxford and Durham, which, united, shall return two mem- bers to parliament." Mr. Mowbray, in reply to Sir G. Bowyer, said the govern- ment would be prepared to give electoral privileges to every graduate of the University of Durham; and he could go further, and state that if representation were granted to the University of Durham, the authorities would remove the restriction now requiring members of convocation to be members of the church of England. Mr. Gladstone asked what authority Mr. Mowbray had for making that announcement. Mr. Mowbray said it was impossible for him to pledge con- vocation, but that was in contemplation. Mr Gladstone said that did not relieve the right hon. gen- tleman from his dilemma. It appeared to him that, acting under the pressure of the recent division, the government were prepared to concede a certain basis for university fran- chise, and he asked if it were intended. to establish one basis for one university and another for another. Mr. Powell complained that, having along with other mem- bers of the conservative party fought on the side of govern- ment against the admission of dissenters to the governing body of universities, government had now betrayed them. Mr. Mowbray said it was not contemplated by the govern- ment that they should alter the constitution of the univer- sities. Mr. Trevelyan having withdrawn his amendment, The Chancellor of the Exchequer then moved to insert after "London" the words "and Durham," which he said would again raise the whole ^question, and he would take the divi- sion upon it as decisive. After some discussion the committee divided on the ques- tion that the words "and Durham be added, and the motion was lost by 234 to 226. The clause was then agreed to, -.iiid the committee pro- ceeded with the consideration of the following clauses' relating to joint occupation, registration of voters, and other incidents of the franchise, and agreed to clauses 16 to 23 inclusive, after which the Chairman was ordered to report progress. The Bridges (Ireland) Bill was read a third time and passed. The sitting was then, at a quarter to seven o'clock, sus- pended. On the House re-assembling at nine o'clock Mr. Fawcett moved a resolution to the effect that it was undesirable that the Fellows and Foundation Scholarships of Trinity College, Dublin, should be exclusively appropriated to those who are members of the Established Church, which having been seconded by Mr. Bagwell, Mr. Monsell proposed as an amend- ment that the constitution of the Dublin University should be so altered as to enable and fit it to include colleges con- nected with other forms of religion (of course, the Roman Catholic especially) than that of the Established Church, and that members of such colleges should be entitled to share in all the benefits now enjoyed by the members of Trinity College. A short discussion arose both on the motion and the amendment. Ultimately, Mr. Bruce moved the adjournment of the debate, which, after some discussion, was agreed to. The other business was then disposed of, and the House adjourned.

A PEAN FOR DIZZY. Am- Bow, Wow, Wow." Oh, Dizzy is a clever chap, There ne'er was known a cleverer; Of Gordian knots and party-ties The dashingest disseverer. All Bright's best cards and Gladstone's He's baulked by over-trumping, Ta'en the wind out of Beales's sails, And shut up Bradlaugh's stumping. Bow, wow, wow, Fol de riddy, iddy, iddy, Bow, wow, wow! For True Blue Tories he's made fact Of Castlereagh's famed figure- In turning their own backs upon Themselves employed their vigour. Has hoisted the "residuum" A-top of England's Dukery; Has made his party eat their words, And swear they liked his cookery. Bow, wow, wow, &c. Has turned poor Toryism's head Where its hind-quarters used to be: And desperate young Destructives Old Obstrutives has induced to be: At the pikes on St. Stephen's road Has doubled M.P.'s borough-fares, And treated England's ancient ways As Thwaites treats London thoroughfares, Bow, wow, wow, &c. He once accused Sir Robert Peel CTwas thought a good and gay thing) Of stealing the Whigs' clothes away, The while their Lords were bathing: But bettering the example, he Now turns worse theft to glory- The Radicals' old clothes he steals, And swears that they are Tory! Bow, wow, wow, &c. There's many a man has turned his coat6 And then made bold to wear it, Not as if callous against soorn But as if paid to bear it But he's the first who, with the blush t Of fellow turncoats burning, Takes credit for himself and them Their coats for never turning! Bow, wow, wow, &c.—Punch.

THE VISIT OF THE BELGIANS TO ENGLAND. Under the title ef an official programme," a series of very incorrect statements, with reference to the entertainments provided for the Belgian riflemen, have found their way into circulation (remarks The l'imes.) Not only has no "official programme" been as yet adopted by the Reception Committee, but the Execu- tive Committee are not at present in a position to sub- mit one for approval. The fact that a great naval review at Spithead has' been appointed to take place within the time of the visit of the Belgians has given rise to a new element in the arrangement which the Executive Committee have to consider. Within the last few days they have been in communication with the authorities at the Admiralty, in order, if possible, to procure a ship to convey the Belgian riflemen from Southampton to the scene ,of the review. Whether the committee will be able to accomplish their desire in that respect remains to be decided. Some few days ago Colonel Loyd-LiRdsay, vice- chairman of the committee, and Lieutenant Furley visited Brussels. The. gallant Colonel saw the King and the authorities of the city. On his Majesty's part and that of the chiefs of departments every facility will be given to the Belgian riflemen to avail themselves of the invitation to England. The riflemen who are to come from the city of Antwerp will bring with them a massive bronze centre-piece as a present to the volun- teers. The Belgians will embark in the Admiralty transport at Antwerp, or some point on the Scheldt, a little below that city. The authorities at South Kensington have made the Reception Committee a very handsome offer with a view to the entertainmeut of the Belgians there but the committee are not quite sure yet that they will be able to avail themselves of it. The day on which the fete to be given by Miss Burdett Coutts will take place has not been fixed. With her usual consideration, Miss Coutts is anxious to consult the convenience of her intended guests; but until the question of their attendance at the naval re- view is settled the dates of most of the other entertain- ments must remain open. It is desirable that such of the Volunteer corps and of the general public as intend to contribute to the reception fund should do so without delay.

A SINGULAR CASE DECIDED. A curious case affecting the custody and religious training of minors named Purcell came before the Irish Lord Chancellor on Saturday. The minors had been baptized Protestants, the re- ligion of their late father, but their mother, the ap- pointed guardian of their persons and fortunes, was found some time ago to be bringing them up in her own faith as a Roman Catholic, and it having been prayed that the Lord Chancellor should order the children to be brought up in the religion of their father, the mother surreptitiously removed them from the jurisdiction of the court to the Continent, and an order of attachment for contempt was issued against her. In an affidavit she stated that she had so re- moved them from no disrespect to the court, but from a conscientious belief that it was her imperative duty to have the one child now surviving brought up in the Roman Catholic creed, and to sacrifice every worldly advantage for this end. She had, by going abroad, sacrificed 5001. a year allowed for the maintenance of the minor and the other child which had died. She had also given up friends, relations, and social posi- sion for the purpose. It appearing that the child was of delicate consti- tution, that he was fourteen years of age, and had been so far educated a Roman Catholic, the Lord Chancel- lor declined to interfere with his religion, and the more so as he had seen the boy and found his religious con- victions to be established. His lordship could not see any good to be gained by putting the mother in prison as he might do.

A FENIAN ROMANCE. An Irish paper weaves a pretty little romance out of an incident in connection with the landing of the Fenian des- peradoes near Durgaryan. Among those who landed, after struggling through the surf, was" a. man of middle age, of particularly military aspect, and unexceptionable manners," and who, it was evident, "possessed at once resolution, presence of mind, and sensibility." James, the novelist, could not have drawn a better hero. His first act, however, unfortunately for his fame, was to skedaddle" towards Youghal, in the hope that his career as a revolutionist might not be cut short by those peculiarly unimaginative and zealous protectors of the peace, the constabulary police. But in this hope he was doomed to disappointment, as he soon found they were on his track. Still for a time he set them at defiance. Having a frame hardened to iron by three years' campaign, and having learned pedes- tnanism under a hard master, Sherman, he was not so easily captured, and soon outstripped his pursuers. Thinking they had abandoned the chase, he entered a cottage in the fields, and, sinking exhausted on a seat, begged some food, at the same time throwing a sovereign to the old woman, who was the sole in- habitant of the hut. A basin of sour milk and a little bread were soon at his service but scarcely had he tasted a mouthful when, looking from the doorway, he perceived the police advancing slowly but surely. ( The fugitive in this dilemma appealed to his aged hostess, who, quickened by. an additional bribe, provided her guest with BOrn) clothes of her son, a labourer. These were doni-ed with little atten- tion to nicety of arrangement, a few artistically applied streaks of soot from the chimney begat a new com- plexion, and stuffing his own apparel into an empty pot, which he hung over the ashes, the stranger, clad in his wretched attire, seated himself at his unfinished meal, and waited calmly the coming of his pursuers, who soon entered, panting and eager. The little limits of the hovel were soon explored, but no prey was hidden. The pot alone was not investigated. It was too small for even a dwarf. The sturdy-looking fellow, dark-faced and dirty, who sat and devoured in the shadow of the ill-lighted space, was subjected to strict examination both of eye and tongue, but neither in his homely brogue nor his dress was there anything to excite suspicion of his statement that he was the heir of the mansion returned from his work to his dinner. In short, so well did he act his part that the police left the cottage completely baffled, and, believing from his reply to a question put by one of them, that the man they were in quest of had passed on, their exit left him somewhat more at ease, which he improved by inquiring of his ancient entertainer concerning a family who some years bsfore had lived some miles off. They were all dead or gone long ago. Bad times had come on them, their farm had been taken and given to others the father had perished in a distant workhouse; and the children had been scattered. Their memories had vanished. The hunted man laid his head on his hands and burst into tears. He had hoped to have met even one at least of his relations beside the old hearth, and he found not one. He had not heard from his family since the outbreak of the great civil war, and did not expect to light on a desolate home. Well, mother," said he, since there are no friends to meet me I must trust my enemies." So saying, he threw off his disguise, resumed his own apparel, and, quitting the cottage, returned again towards Dungarvan. In the town he was met by a constable, to whom he yielded him- self.

A PLEASANT PLACE TO LIVE IN! The following revelations of life in Formosa are given by the Foochow Advertiser of March 30:— We are informed that during the past month at least six Chinamen have been shot by foreigners in Tamsui and Keelung. The ball was opened by a merchant consul. In his house was a large quantity of treasure, which attracted the cupidity of a band of thieves. An attack was made at night, but this gallaiit consul resolutely faced the robbers, and fired into them with swan shot as they crowded into the gateway. They at once made off, carrying with them one man placed kors de combat. Had no further shots been fired we should have considered the affair satisfactory, but several volleys were fired as they retreated. Accounts vary regarding the loss of life, but none say that less than four men were wounded, and one has since died. After this there was a panic among the foreign community. The next performer was, we be. lieve, one of those happy individuals who, in this celestial paradise, are troubled with no govern- ment because they have no consul. He was dining at a friend's, and intelligence having been brought that his house had been attacked, he rushed home, entered by the front door, and cautiously opening another where he heard some one talking, shot the first man he saw, narrowly missing his partner, and inflicting a serious wound on a poor chair coolie who accompanied him. Another case occurred in Keelung. A fellow citizen of the sanguinary consul demanded admittance into a house to seize a man whom he believed to be concealed there. On the Chinaman declining to open the door, this rowdy at once fired two shots through the door, and one of them took effect in the arm of a Chinaman. There are probably other cases of which we have not yet heard, as most of the community are swaggering about with pistols and bowie knives. It is high time that a stop be put to such lawlessness. If British lives and property are in danger, a visit from the gunboat would tend to restore quiet and create confidence; but, with that delicate appreciation of fitness which characterises the admiralty authorities, we are furnished with a vessel like the Icarus, which cannot enter the harbour of Tamsui. The official scarecrow who is placed in charge of British interests has thus no force at his disposal with which to repress such acts as these, or to meet any retaliation which a sense of self-preservation on the part of the Chinese and natives must sooner or later prompt. Admitting any probability of attempt at decisive action on the part of the British Consul it is impossible, and the game is for the present entirely in the hands of these gentle rowdies, who, armed with the best of revolvers and double-barrelled guns, are at liberty to amuse themselves without fear of interruption.

CHANGE FOR SOVEREIGNS AT PARIS. It must be a change to be frowne 1 at instead of fawned on; to hear cries of Vive la Pologne 1 11 instead of Vive VEnipereur to feel that you move among cold-drawn dislikes, voices of condemnation, or silence more significant even than hisses, instead of venal vivas, hired huzzahs," and kotowing crowds of courtiers. We may thank the populace of Paris for treating some of its crowned visitors to this sort of Change for a Sovereign." An English crowd, whatever its class, is too apt to behave as though it thought it even more a duty of loyalty to cheer the Queen's royal visitors than to cheer the Queen herself. It would seem that on the occasion of such visits John Bull suffered under a determination either of loyalty or snobbishness to the head and hands, manifesting itself in alternate cold fits of patient gaping expectation till the strange Sovereigns show, and hot fits of frantic applause the moment they appear. We prefer to John Bull's flunkeyish mobbing, lick- spittling, J enkinsing, and beshouting of exotic Royalties, even Johnny Crapaud's cold silence, or open disapproval of monarchs to whom he bears a grudge. The Parisians, evidently, do not consider that the guests of their Emperor must necessarily be the guests of their nation. In this country, we are so apt, happily, to identify Queen and people, that we consider all Victoria's royal guests-there have not, by the way, been many of them lately—as the guests of John Bull in proprid persond and it is on the strength of this hospitable feeling, let us hope, that we so run after them, so bombard them with civic freedoms, and banquets, and reviews, and street ovations, in the shape of a constant crowd—by no means-of tag-rag and bobtail either-at their heels, a constant detective force of reporters waylaying their movements, and a constant fire of huzzahs deafening their ears, that we forfeit all opportunity of dropping them any hint of what we may think as a people about such little games as the dismemberment of Denmark, or the persecutions of Poland, or any other episode of their reigns which English Liberalism is not disposed to view through Prussian or Russian spectacles. Couldn't we take a leaf out of the French book, so far at least, as to introduce a little discrimination into our treatment of foreign Sovereigns? We need not treacherously shoot at them, but neither need we shout after them so pertinaciously. If we refrain from fling- ing stones at any of them there can be no occasion to pelt them all with such whole-hog adulation. Suppose we considered such visitors as appealing to a British jury, or "putting themselves upon the country," and our demeanour to them as the verdict of the grand inquest of the nation ? A little intermezzo. of solemn silence might be quite as wholesome sometimes and quite as impressive as whole reams of F. O. despatches, or whole tons of newspaper leaders.-Punch.

A GOOD HORSEMAN. The Pesth correspondent of The Times, in describing the admirable horsemanship of the Emperor of Austria, at his coronation as King of Hungary, says His Majesty, who looked rather thin and worn, as well he might from his fastings and his ceremonies, and long observances, not to speak of cares of State and other less public troubles, wore the uniform of a Hungarian General. He has unwittingly done what has made him popular to the highest degree among a people who admire good horsemanship. It was ob- served on the coronation day that the charger on which the King was mounted was very restive at times. His Majesty is said to have reproached Count Grunne for furnishing him with such a very rampant Buce- phalus, and no doubt it was trying enough to have to sit on a curvetting steed nearly seventeen hands high, with the crown of St. Stephen, who was a large beaded man, apparently, on liis front, and the robe of St. St ephen, which is notexactly a summer-day's mantle, on his back for so many hours. When the King dismounted to take the oath in the square before the Rath House of Pesth, the horse was very much excited, and it became necessary for two grooms to lay hold of his head as his Majesty mounted, which he did with diffi- culty. Before he was well in his seat the cannon of the Blocksberg opened with a salute. At the first report the horse made a furious bound and rose high in the air, dragging the grooms off their feet, and lighting in a prodigious leap in the centre of the throng far away. At the sight, when the horse sprang up, a thrill went through the multitude. What a catastrophe if the King were unhorsed What an omen if the sacred crown were to fall from his brow just as he had taken the oath To their surprise and delight, the King, without an apparent struggle, sat firm and lightly in his saddle, and bore the shock unmoved as the horse came to the ground, then shouting to the struggling grooms, who were dragged along, Aii.qas- sen (" Let go ") he wheeled round in the midst of his affrighted courtiers, and ruled his charger in its impetu- ous bounds, amid applause which contended with the thunder of the guns, and rode away in a hurricane of popular delight. His skill as a horseman, and the air with which he drew his sword and spurred his horse up the Kronungshtîgel, and wheeled him round while he thrust his defiant point at the four corners of the world, won him golden opinions on the Frans Joseph Platz and it was remembered how when Ferdinand was crowned, his Majesty could not induce his horse to descend from the mound, although he had got him up very easily, the reason being that for some time pre- viously the animal had been fed at the top by the groom every morning, and was led down afterwards. A stately bearing serves a monarch in good stead even among the most unpoetical people, and these things have done as much good to the King as a stroke of State policy, combined with his forcible and solemn manner of taking the oaths and making all the declar- ations in the coronation ceremony.