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_.. THE COURT. ---

J< ! POLITICAL GOSSIP. --

THE ARTS, LITERATURE, &c.j…

OPINIONS OF THBS PRESS. --

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OPINIONS OF THBS PRESS. The Bank of England and the Rate of Interest. On the whole, perhaps, the Bank of England exer- cised a wise caution in not reducing their rate this week. As soon as full confidence is restored in Lon- don such a redaction would undoubtedly have the best effect in bringing back notes from the country. But a premature reduction might defeat its own end. If the Bank had reduced on Thursday last, and was obliged within a short time hy any untoward event to retrace its steps, credit would be more shaken by the relapse than it was swengbueneu uytae reauonon. We had better wait quietly a little till real credit is revived, and then. we can show that it is so by the appropriate sign. We do not believe that in the pre- sent state of the world money is attracted hither by the high value of money. English credit is impaired, and no rate of interest will now enable us to borrow as easily or as effectually as in ordinary times. The ordinary international currency is BOW deranged. It generally consists of bills, and largely of bi Is on Lon- don. But bills on London afe now suspected; we pay gold and silver where we used to pay blLs, and we re- ceive gold and silver where we used to receive bills. But a high rate of interest has another effect, which at such times as these is needful, though it is always painful. It contracts transactions, diminishes trade, lowers prices; it tends to encourage exports; it tends to diminish imports, and so tends to alter the balance of trade, to bring in bullion, and, what is more important still, to contract the sphere of our com- merce, which was based on good credit, to the smaller space suitable and necessary now that our credit is no longer what it wms.Economist. Italy and Prussia. The day of the istruggle which has arrived for Prussia, has ls0 arrived for us Never did fortune, even in the splendid days of 1859 and 1860, smile on us so benignly. That Power, who then observed a neutrality towards us which was nearlv on the point of changing into hostility, is now our ally, and moves to promote and make those same principles prevail for which we have fought and are going to fight. The past has taught Prussia a lesson. France has asserted^ m tne most solemn way our right and our poai-tion in the balance of power, while England, by the mouth of her most illustrious statesman, has blamed the attitude of Austria in the Italian question. Austria has condemned herself to silence by refusing to take part m the Conference. It ia under these splendid auspices that we com- mence war. They ought to increase our confidence and courage; bat they also make it more and more our duty to act in a manner worthy of such good fortune. -Lo, Perseveragize a Milan ] aper. The Emperor of Austria's Manifesto. I have done everything to preserve the peace and freedom of Germany, but it has been made impossible for me to do so on all sides. This is the gravest mo- ment since I acceded to the Government. I now take to the sword with trnst in God, my good right, my brave army, and the co-operation of my faithful peo- ple." These solemn words, with which the emperor answers the address of the city of Vienna, are in con- sonance with the great gravity of the present moment in the history of the world. Austria can give proof that she has not wished for this war and not sought it. She demanded nothing but a just solution of the Schleswig-Holstein question agreeable to her position in the Diet and the Diet itself. How far she was ready to go in this direction was shown by the treaty of Gas- tein. What concessions were thereby and later offered to Prussia, Austria could be satisfied with, if Prussia had not striven directly after incorporation. But with a sovereign who is of the opinion that the days of Frederick II. have returned, and who believes he has the power of treading in the footsteps of his great ancestor, and with a Minister of this sovereign who, on his appointment as Premier, said" If I remain Minister, we shall have war with Austri,% "-with such a Government any agreement is certainly a difficult affair. Prussia concluded secret treaties with Italy and France at a time when nobody was thinking of war, and reckoned thereon to divide and diminish Germany, in order, by the hHlp of the foreigner, to obtain a victory, which alone she was not groat enough to obtain and the words of his Majesty the Emperor point to this when he says—to maintain peace and freedom had been made impossible on all sides for him. These are significant words, for the Emperor of Austria speaks here quite as a member of the German Confederation, and identifies the fate of Austria with the fate of Germany. The Emperor designates the moment at which he has taken to the sword as the gravest since his accession; and certainly, of all the colossal storms which Austria has had to bear for the last eighteen years, this is the most fearful. She has to conduct two great wars in the North and South, and her position as a great Power to the very foundation is put in question. But this time Austria is not alone. She is supported by a brave army, the largest she has ever put in the field, and the best part of Germany is with her. A single victory over Prussia, and the whole situation turns in our favour.-New Freie Presse: a Vienna paper. Report of the Jamaica Commission. The result is just what we might have expected. There is no severity shown towards Mr. Eyre. The censure awarded is reluctantly given. Sir H. Storks is dealing with a brother governor. The two barristers naturally bear in mind that they are speaking of a man who may soon stand at the bar of the Central Criminal Court. Hence they are properly and studiously cau- tious. The Recorder of London-it is one of the pos- sibilities of the case-may have to preside over a trial, in the Old Bailey, of some of the parties concerned in putting poor Gordon to death. Remembering these features of the case, we are dis- posed to be content with the report. To a certain extent j astice has already been done, in the expulsion of the late governor from his office. As to farther punishments, they are yet open to consideration; but on that point we shall imitate the oaution of the Com- missioners, and shall say nothing.— Morning Ad- vertiser. In respect to the proceedings of the coucts-martial, the Commissioners have declared that although, generally speaking, unobjectionable, yet in some cases the finding of the sentence was not justified by the evidence; in others the evidence admitted was illegal; and in others the sentences were disproportionate to the offences charged. In Gordon's case in particular, they find "that the evidence, oral and documentary, appears to be wholly insufficient to establish the charge on which the prisoner took his trial." His transmission to Morant Bay for the purpose of trial by the military authorities, his trial by court-martial, and his execution by virtue of the sentence of that court, are events which her Majesty's Government cannot but deplore and condemn." In concluding his despatch, the Colonial Secretary states that under all the circumstances her Majesty's Government do not consider themselves justified in restoring Mr. Eyre to his previous office. Perhaps no other course was open to the Government, but none will deny to the late governor the credit of having acted throughout with good faith, and with the single-minded desire of restoring order on what he believed would be a substantial basis. Few men placed in the same position could have avoided some errors of judgment, and it is only errors of that kind which can be laid to Mr. Eyre's charge.-Morning Post. The Poor, in the Workhouses. Is there no nerve or sense of responsibility left in British Ministers or members of the House of Commons ? Day after day the most shocking revela- tions are made of the cruelties perpetrated in the London workhouses and hospitals, and yet no remedy is attempted. An inquiry is now going on at Rother- hithe, where it appears to be possible for a nurse to murder a woman by torture-for that is the simple meaning of the statements about the death of the woman Fairbairn, if they are well founded-without any censure. The case of Whitechapel is just as bad. Mr. Edmund Hart induced Mr. Fariiall to go there without warning, and found patients with bed sores which are never attended to at night, a raving and filthy lunatic in a ward with two sane patients, a man dying of bronohitis and partly paralysed with bare legs and feet resting on the floor, no beer allowed, EO milk except to one patient; the food so insufficient that the people complain of being starved, and three kinds of medicine-a purge, a cough mixture, and a saline mixture—which are served out to everybody indiscriminately. All this while convicts in hospitals have clean beds, good medical attendance, and perfect quiet. The moment the horrors of this place are in- quired 5xto the guardians will begin to defend it, and aak if paupers are to have silver bedsteads and down beds and though Mr. Villiers will neither defend the evils nor talk vulgar rubbish, he will not risk affront- ing the London guardians. It will come to Lynch law if lie is not quicker, and we could almost wish it would. One ducked chairman would be equal to 300 cleaned pfttients.- Slgectotor. .\IIIIIAIRY-mv-' .IIIIIÆt

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