The Brecon Reporter and South Wales General Advertiser

A ladies' Club in iuffioctlty. .Samuel Cole, who has bean »oting as ? to Female Friendly Society held at the Old Swan, was summoned before the magistrate at Wandsworth by Matilda Foster, one of the officers, 0r unlawfully detaining three books. Mr. Dayman, at the commencement ef the hearing, eipressed an opinion that he had no jurisdiction, in- much as the society was not enrolled. The Complainant, who was accompanied by several members, stated that the defendant was not a warl^' Ee had been their paid secretary, and they o«oa the books to form another society, v siatronly-looking woman stepped forward, and I of the defendant not paying their doctor the day before, so that if any of the members had i taken ill they could not have demanded his at- I j "J^noe. They did not wish to be hard with the de- S^nt, though he had not treated them well, flBthedefendant said he had served them well. His in»S?oe wa9> that the members had not acted accord- ?to their rules in dismissing him. Shft ?? of the females said that they held a general °n the sharing Bight at Christmas to dismiss Ga^r- Dayman read the rules and said the defendant be dismissed only by a majority of the members Public meeting called for the purpose. f/* Member said the meeting was held, but the de- y i^aat would not appear. She, however, admitted S Notices had not been sent to the members. Dayman pointed out to them the way to pro- ju,' They must send a notice to every member for meeting, and decide upon his dismissal. The must be called for that purpose, and if they tIlissed him he would be no longer their agent. Member wished to know how they were to pro- t»i5 to recover their money, which the defendant de- from them. c;^r. Dayman said they had better consult some soli- tkIf there was a disputed claim, between them ;| SfiUst take proceedings in the County Court. V iu0 y could bring the defendant to account about their "without waiting for his dismissal. e summons was then dismissed.

{ EXECUTION AT STAFFORD. V ^*les Christopher Robinson was executed on fron^ of the county gaol at Stafford, and w2?Ce a ccmcourse 4,000 spectators, hi3 youth (he was in his nineteenth IBefo^\9-f^§ large amount of sympathy. n«' t>iue acknowledged the justice of his he exclaimed, "Lord ^.receive He appeared to die hard. S kept6fro8m the pub^« ^aplain, but wished it i > intS^f ^Sore^130 briefly told as fol- j'Jr M?a w S.turdav, the 26th Au- > i .aGd 1M-CS- E^son^ for a dri70 iQto %>Dlry. iearag Bobmron Harriet Seagar i, he Wlt ^hlff^anamed Wilson, a 1 ^th^ on Eobmson 8, ih tne gar^^ Durina the I V-0a ttl0 Sirl was s«en by a r^nt girl of Mr. | tha to bo crying as she stood cleaning ]jn;„ec, in i j and Robinson stoou leaning a-, € Kh*?0*- Shortly afterwards a nephew Gf M Mtu 8> a little boy, saw Robinson striJse Seagar 9, '"onij his open hand in her face because slae °t allow him to kiss her. The ^an t° left at about four o'clock, and SoOmeot^ ?atd been shooting sparrows with him lH th a small gun, went into the house- a c).uar^er Pasr. four the neighbours by a cry that Robinson had shot Harriet, Nndf°-a entering the brewhouse, the poor girl was H, 011 th0 floor iu a large pool of blood, with i 'hroat out from ear to ear, the wound being so I that the upper portion of the vertebral column t seen at back of the neck. Life was quite t—indeed, death must have been almost instan- ^a. At the time the neighbours entered upon i CoitiR rf136 the murder, Robinson was observed to ^°wnstairs with an open razor in his hand. He en his shirt sleeves, for he had not washed himself during the day. He went into the i where his victim lay dead on the floor, and, 'l the front of a lookiBg-glass that was j upon the wall, he deliberately cut his throat I .«. £ timae with the razor. At this juncture he was 1 a surgeon was sent for, and his self-inflicted f lIÐ.tt,S were sewn up after some resistaace on his e his committal to prison, Robinson did not entertain any expectation that any other fate j 1, de-han than that which he haa now sufferted. Boi. ce upon the trial, however, was, first, that ia gt., i committed suicide, and that the prisoner ^mpted his own Ufa;, and; next, that he. was insane when he committed the murder, insanity being hereditary in bis family, as was shown by the fact of his half-sister being then in a lunatic asylum. It could not, however, be shown that he was insane either before or after the murder.

MIDDLE-CLASS EDUCATION IN THE CITY. A remarkable exemplification, says the Times, of the power of combination, where the object sought to be attained is in itself noble and disinterested, or con- cerns the public weal, has just been brought to light in the case of the scheme of Middle-class Education recently propounded by the Rev. William Rogers, Rector of St. Botolph's, Bishopsgate, at a meeting at the Mansion-house, in the expiring Mayoralty of Mr. Alderman Hale. Although little more than six weeks have elapsed since that meeting was convened, the munificent sum of £ 28,000 has been voluntarily contri- buted by a few of the principal citizens, or more than half the amount-namely, X50,000, suggested by Mr. Rogers as necessary for carrying the plan into practi- cal effect on the footing of a school for the education of 1,000 children in the first instance. The sum sub- scribed in so short a time, large though it be, is not so noteworthy as the manner in which it has been raised. The thing has been done simply by 28 banking and mercantile firms in the city, including, in some in. stances, single individuals, each contributing < £ 1,000. At this moment we cannot call to mind the names of all these merchant princes, worthy as they are of honourable mention, and it would be invidious to state only a few of them; but that is the grand result of a little united and well-directed effort. What may not yet be done in the city of London for the great object in view after such an example ? The Rev. Mr. Rogers heads the list himself with XI,000, and one of the speakers at the meeting, a noted citizen, whose name is almost invariably identified with every project for the public good in any way, though he admitted that £500,00 was a large sum of money, afterwards modestly put his name down for £ 1,000. At present consider- ably more than half the desired amount has been obtained. The end in view, so far as the money is concerned, may, after this fact, be assumed to be far towards attainment, and the rest of the estimated fund will no doubt soon be thrown into the lap of the Mansion-house Committee, of which Mr. Alderman Hale is chairman. As was remarked at the time, he has been long favourably known, for the zeal he has shown as the chairman of the City of London School, and he had the happiness of ending his year of office by inaugurating a new crusade against ignorance." A speaker at the meeting, who has himself had ample experience of the value of the co- operative principle in giving effect to a scheme for the benefit of the working classes on a large scale in various parts of London—namely, Alderman Waterlow, said there was abundance of money in the city waiting to be applied to this and kindred uses, if only a committee of sufficient status were formed to afford a guarantee that it would be so devoted. The result so far in this case is a proof of this, though not exactly in the sense of the alderman, for he was then referring to trn<;ot funds, and instanced a sum of CI,200 a year, which was altogether unemployed, because it could now be applied to a purpose within the meaning of the testator. It is understood that the Mansion- house Committee, which is composed of a number of eminent bankers and merchants, now contemplate raising a sum of £ 100,000 for the purpose in view, or twice the amount that was roughly estimated at the meeting; and after the generosity already shown in the matter there can be no reason to doubt of their ul- timate success. It maybe well to bear in mind the object which the committee have in view, as stated in the principal resolution passed at the public meeting— viz., that it is expedient to establish for that class in the city of London, for which at present no public education is provided, a school or sdhools which shall Another meeting recognised fact that there are funds connected with the city parishes, companies, and other public bodies, which might be applied towards the establishment and support of such school or schools, and the committee were directed to communicate with the trustees and invite their co-operation. The result of that invita- tion remains to be seen. So far, the money actually raised is a proof of voluntary effort and munificence.

CURIOUS HISTORY OF A GUN. Thomas Hutchins, a tobacconist and well-known pigeon shot, of Great Portland-street, and George Puddle, valet, of Sunningdale, Berkshire, were charged at the Wandsworth Police-court with being in the un- lawful possession of a stolen gun, and Edward Foy, commission agent, and John Dutch, a dealer in horses, charged with being concerned with the others, were placed in the dock for final examination. The gun, with other articles, including two coats, was stolen from the premises of Mr. William Cheeseman, a vete- rinary surgeon, of High-street, Wandsworth, on the 10th ult. The police instituted inquiries and ascer- tained that the gun had been pledged at the shop of Mr. Gill, in the Hampstead-road, for Jc'3 lOs., by the prisoner Hutchins. On Hutchins, who was accom- panied by Puddle, going to redeem the gun, they were stopped and handed over to the police. The account given by Hutchins was, that he purchased the gun of Foy, who was a stranger to him, for five guineas, through an introduction by Dutch, who had been known to him for some time. Mr. Dayman discharged Puddle and Hutchins, the latter being called as a witness. The evidence against Dutch was that he told the police he would round on Foy. Dutch denied using the word "round." What he said was that he would tell all about Foy. The prisoner then stated that on the 14th ult. he was outside the Horse Repository, in St. Martin's-lane, when he met Foy in the company of two men. Foy asked him if he could sell a gun, and he recommended him to Hutchins, who was a good shot, and if it suited him he would be likely to buy it. He did not know the other two men. Mr. Dayman then discharged him, and he was called as a witness. Foy's defence was that he was in the Tottenham- court-road on the 13th ult., when he was accosted by two men, named Macdonald. and Phil. They told him that they had a gun, which they had won at a raiRe, for sale, and they employed him to sell it for them. He told Hutchins that the gun did not belong to him. He also said that Macdonald was killed on Christmas Day. Mr. Dayman said it was the old story, one man steals a gun and employs another to dispose of it. The gun had been traced to the prisoner's possession, and as he had not given a satisfactory account of it, he would be imprisoned for two months with hard labour Prisoner: I'll never go shooting any more.

NATIONAL TEMPERANCE LEAGUE. 'V i A popular tea party was celebrated on Tuesday night at Exeter-hall, the imbibing of bohea commenc- ing at half-past five o'clock, and concluding at a quarter-past seven. Daring this interval the proceed- ings were enlivened by a musical selection, comprising a variety of favourite national airs, English, Irish, and Scotch, varied by duetts, Saxhorns, bugle band, and organ (organist, Mr. J. G. Boardman). Before the tea a hymn was sung (the Old Hundredth), and after tea the Winchester Hymn. The hall was well filled. As opening hymn (Mel- was sung, at the close of which the chairman, onTv? Payne, Esq., deputy assistant judge, appeared .j, ke platform, and was warmly greeted. ihe in hia opening address, rejoiced at and ia the duties which devolved upon him, strflenan7ery characteristic speech drew a contrast t cmirit blessed effects of temperance and those u tine1 Strong drinks led to Sabbath breaKi g' ^nreligicn, wrong goods-taking, and to home-i mischief-making, and ended in fear and qua *» conclusion, the learned gentleman read his/. which introduced in highly eulogistic terms the "araes of the speakers announced The Rev. James FlQmi of Bath) was the first gentleman called plead the cause of the Tem- perance League. motto was "England expects every man to do his duty," and actuated by this feeling he (M-f. 8) appeared on the present occasion. The heart or jme counfcry was with the great temperance movement. Therefore let no man say it was not in his power to do anything; let every man do whatever be could. ivery man wielded a power when he went home. He gloried in the fact that those who supported the cause of the National Tentperance League ooted in concert with men of all j opinions who aggeased on their platform (applauaa), Mr. Rae read a letter from the Rev. Stenton Eardley, M.A., who was prevented by illness from being present, setting forth his views on the temper- ance movement. Mr. George Cruikshank next addressed the vast meeting, and, as illustrating the miserable results of drunkenness, stated that on his road there he had met with a poor, wretched man with five forlorn children, destitute and miserable. He gave the man enough j to purchase necessaries till to-morow, and the poor wretch, in gratefully acknowledging his charity, confessed that he had reduced himself and his five helpless children to starvation by his drunken habits. He then at great length entered into the progress of the movement, and brought forward many instances of the horrible effects of drunkenness, and eloquently advocated total abstinence (hear, hear). He offered a hundred thousand pounds to any person who would frame a better scheme for the prevention of drunkenness than that of this society (laughter and cheers). The Chairman, in a few preparatory remarks, next called on The Rev. Newman Hall, LL.B., who contended that beggary was produced by drink. Seventeen out of twenty cases brought before the police courts were the result of filthy drinking; and he eloquently described the miserable condition into which men of superior attainments often fell. He warmly depre- cated what was called moderate drinking, which was a delusion. He instanced the blessed effects resulting from drinkers going to temperance meetings. Through teetotalism he had known many cases in which drunkards were brought to Christ. He concluded by appealing to all present to sign the pledge. On the suggestion of the Chairman three cheers were given for Dr. Oxley, who was not able to attend. Mr. G. M. Murphy proceeded to address the meet- ing. More than 1,000 pledges had been taken at the Surrey Chapel during the year 1865. Science would soon prove that the theory of strong drinks being necessary to the preservation of the human constitu- tion was an utter falsehood and delusion. He con- cluded an interesting speech by calling upon every teetotaller to do all in his power to aid in rendering this movement thoroughly effective. Mr. Thomas Whittaker was the last speaker on the rota. He had been twenty-eight years a rigid teeto- taller, and he had never regretted being so. If he could not live without having resort to strong drinks I he would be satisfied to die. But he could do without them, and he did do without them. The speaker was much cheered in many of his terse remarks. The business concluded with a vota of thanks to the chairman, and the singing of the Doxology, Praise God," &e.

THE FENIAN CONVICTS AT DARTMOOR. The Oork Constitution contains the folio wing state- ment with respect to two of the most prominent of the Fenian convicts:—"It is rumoured that O'Donovan (Rossa) and Lynch have been 'showing off' in their accustomed style. The morning after their arrival at Dartmoor they were ordered to,begin the washing of their cells, but they refused. They were then shown into a dark room, where they took to cursing the Queen and execrating the tyranny of British rule. For this they were taken out and had twelve lashes administered on their bare backs by a Crimean practi- tioner acquainted with the shortest out to the sensitive part of the system. Under this they winced, and yelled, but whether it reconciled them to the discipline of the prison, and whether they went heartily to work the next morning, washing and scrub- bing we have not heard. These are certainly altered times with them. It is rather a descent from a throne, even though it be but of a republic, to the. scrubbing- brush." Swunders's News, commenting on this rumour (which, it says, is founded on a private letter received by a gentleman in Cork), remarks that the statement is of doubtful .thentioity, and in one respect certainly is inaccurate, for the prisoners are not confined at Dartmoor, but in Pentonville Gaol, as we mentioned some days ago in au article describing the discipline of that prison. We are inclined to think that if O'Donovan behaved improperly, as from his character is highly probable, the punishment inflicted upon him would be confinement in the dark cell rather than flogging, which is rarely resorted to." The Dublin Express says :—" Charles Underwood O'Connell, who was convicted of treason-felony at the special commis- sion in Cork, has been brought to Dublin, en rotte for Pentonville Prison, England."

EXTRAORDINARY CAREER OF A FBENCH CRIMINAL. The trial of Poncet, the presumed murderer of M. Lavergne, who held a high situation under the Eng- lish Government in the Mauritius, and whose ac- quaintance he formed in a railway carriage on his journey from London to Paris, is to take place in a few days at Versailles. The previous character of the individual accused of the murder, as well as the cir- cumstances attending it, are calculated to excite great interest. Puncet is of rather a prepossessing appear. ance, and under thirty years of age. He passed the early part of his life among horses, and from eight to fifteen years of age was groom to Baron de Spaur. Ha then entered the service of the Marquis de Cara- yan-Latour in the same capacity, but some property belonging to his master's coachman having been stolen, Poncet fled. He was shortly afterwards ar- rested as a vagabond, and was sentenced by the police- court to be confined in a reformatory during a period of five years. In March, 1858, he was again arrested in the act of uttering a counterfeit piece of two francs. He insalted the commissary of police, and on the 14th of April following he was sentenced to imprisonment for three years for insulting a magistrate when in the discharge of his duty. When the period of bis imprisonment expired, in 1861, he obtained a situa- tion in M. Leblanc's riding-school in Paris, and a month later he was admitted as groom in Prince Napoleon's stables, but he remained there for only a short time. He next renewed an acquaintance with a person named Marjotte, who had been convicted three times of robbery. Poncet retained the livery of his late master, and by that means obtained admission into several respectable houses, where, with the aid of Marjotte, he committed various robberies. The two thieves were tried before the assize court in March, 1862, and sentenced to hard labour for eight years. Poncet formed the acquaintance of Giraud, the cele- brated forger of bank-notes, at the prison of La Roquette, and arranged with him a plan to escape from Cayenne when they should arrive there. Poncet arrived there first, and w hen he was joined by Giraud they both fled on a small raft. They met with difficul- ties which they were not provided for, and Giraud, un- used to such privations as they were forced to en- dure, shortly died. Poncet then resolved to return to Cayenne, but he again escaped in six months after- wards. He succeeded in reaching an American vessel, and arrived at New York, where he enlisted. He could not, however, resist the desire of re-visiting his native country, and obtained a passage to London. M. Lavergne was then about to return to the Mauri- tius through Paris. Poncet entered the same railway carriage, insinuated himself into the good graoes of the old gentleman by several acts of civility, and on arriving in France he affected to be travelling with M. Lavergne, as his companion. By that means he evaded the examination of the police, and arrived in Paris. Two days afterwards the dead body of M. Lavergne was discovered shockingly mutilated in a wood near Argenteuil. Poncet was arrested, and he immediately wrote to M. Leon Barthelemy, the barris- ter, to request the aid of his distinguished talent. Poncet recollected that M. Barthelemy had defended him with great effect in 1862, The reports current in Versailles of Poncet's extraordinary coolness and the ingenious system of defence he has arranged for him. self have given the affair additional interest.

« The House of Lords having decided that the Liverpool Docks were liable to be rated for the support of the poor, the board have paid over to the select vestry the sum of X20,580, as well as .£186 for law expenses incurred by the vestry, in connection with the question of the board's liability since 1858. Mr. Pell, the Leamington magistrate, about whom there was such a disturbance a week or two ago, has requested the Lord Chancellor to take his name off the commission of the peace for the county of Warwick. The toll-bars on the York and Malton and Malton and Scarborough coach roads were removed at mid- night on Sunday,, and the cost of the maintenance of the roads will in futarec be borne by the respective parishes. Since the introduction of railways in these districts, horse and carriage traffic has much de. oreaaftil on t-ka-Mghwajs..

MR. BRIGHT AT ROCHDALE. A public meeting for the purpose of discussing the question of Parliamentry Reform was held in the Theatre Royal of Rochdale on Wednesday evening. Mr. S. Stott, Mayor of Rochdale, occupied the chair. The theatre was densely crowded. Among those present upon the were Mr. Bright, M.P., Mr. T. B. Potter, M.P., Mr. Allen Ash- worth, Mr. H. Kelsall, Mr. Alderman Heape, Mr. Petrie, and a large aumber of local celebrities. The Chairman briefly opened the proceedings. He explained that the meeting had been convened in pur- suance of a requisition signed by nearly a thousand of the inhabitants of the borough, who were anxious to give expression to their feelings in regard to Parlia- liamentary Reform before the meeting of the new Parliament. Mr. H. Kelsall, with a few appropriate remarks, moved the first resolution: That, in the opinion of this meeting, it is imperative on the present Govern- ment to introduce a Reform Bill in the approaching session of Parliament, which in its provisions shall fully satisfy the just expectations of the people." Mr. Petrie and Mr. Potter, M.P., having spoken in support of the resolution, Mr. Bright, on rising, was received with loud and prolonged cheering. Oar space will not permit us to do more than present a few extracts. After a tribute of respect to the memory of Mr. Cobden, he proceeded brieflly to trace the character of the Reform movement of 1832, comparing it with the present; after which he said: I hold that there are three things necessary to give completion to the constitution of this country, and to confer upon the people a full and real repre- sentation. The first of these is such an extension of I he suffrage as should leave us in this position that no class is excluded (cheers). I don't say such an exten- sion as shall leave us in the position that no man shall be excluded, but that no class shall be excluded (cheers). There are many persons, and some of what we may call socially the highest class, who are from one cause or other excluded, but their classes are not excluded; whereas that greatest class of all, the five millions who are the source of the great industry of this country, are perpetually excluded by the clauses of the Reform Act (cheers). Such an extension of the suffrage, then, as shall exclude no class is absolutely necessary (cheers). I believe also that the shelter of the ballot (cheers) will be found to be absolutely necessary to the efficient and honest aid independent exercise of the franchise (continued cheers). And I believe further that there will be re- quired such a change in the distribution of seats as shall give a more equal distribution of Parliamentary power to the various bodies of electors scattered throughout the United Kingdom (cheers). Bat of these three things which are necessary to be done it seems to me quite obvious that that which is most pressing is the question of the suffrage, because the 5,000,000 that are shut out having no votes can have no great interest in the ballot, and being themselves a class as it were excluded and violently shut out, they are not likely to take any strong interest whether Rochdale returns one member or two, or whether Bir- mingham has no more members than Clitheroe (cheers). These are not questions that can seriously interest and affect men who have no votes at all, and who are there- fore shut out for the moat part from the consideration of public questions. I hold, therefore, that although the ballot is needed, and although small boroughs are a great evil, they are not a class grievance, they are general grievances. The class grievance is the ex- clusion of a great and whole class from the political rights by legislation which shuts the door at J210 a year when the great body of the people live in houses of .£5, or J6, or X7 (cheers). Bat another reason who we should proceed first with the question of the suffrage is this, that public opinion is much more made up, and more ripe on that question than either of the other questions; and we must rooolleat, too, that the exclusion of the working classes from the franchise has formed the sole ground for the intro- duction of the various measures which have been brought into Parliament within the last fifteen years with a view to the amendment of the Reform Act. If you turn back to the Parliamentary proceedings of 1859 you will find that Lord Derby, when he brought in a bill which he called a Reform bill, found his bill rejected and his Government rejected with it- (laughter)—on the express ground that his bill made no provision for the introduction of the working classes to the elective franchise (cheers). Then, again, we have the special pledge of Earl Russell in 1859, and in the introduction of the last bill. We have also the special pledge of Mr. Glad- stone in that very remarkable speech which he made in the House of Commons on the second reading of the bill introduced by Mr. Baines (cheers). We have also what I may call the special demand of that great portion of the nation which is thus, in my opin- ion, wrongly excluded. The working men don't now ask for the ballot because they have no votes to shelter. They don't asik for an alteration in the dis- tribution of seats, for they have nothing to do with the election of members. Bat what they do ask is, that they shall be put upon the same platform, under the same law, received with the same favour, trusted with the same great national trust, as the richer classes of the community (loud cheers). We now come to the question, what sort of suffrage should be given ? What sort of suffrage should I advise-if I were asked to a,dvise-the present Government to offer in their bill. I said that the suffrage must be so ex. tended that there shall be no class exclusion. The .£10 clause in the Reform Act does exclude, and was intended to exclude, and has permanently excluded until this hour, the great body of the working people. I told them in the House of Commons, in 1860, that out of thirty-two men who in this to wn formed committees of the co-operative classes who managed the stores, the corn mill, the factory-that out of these thirty-two men there were only two who had a vote, one for both the county and the borough and the other for the borough only, and that the other thirty were absolutely excluded. Will anybody say that men who could manage these great concerns with so much success for so many years, who were so much trusted by their fellow workmen-will anybody tell me that they are not competent to say whether Mr. Potter or Mr. Baliol Brett was a suitable man to be returned from Rochdale to the Imperial Parlia- ment ? Of all those who by manual labour of any kind receive weekly wages, deducting clerks and agents, and foremen and managers of factories, and even law clerks and men receiving incomes and salaries to the amount of X200, .£300, or X400, there are only about 150 electors, or about 10 per cent. of the entire number. Having spoken at great length on the past aspects and probable future aspects of the borough and county franchises, Mr. Bright next spoke of the effect likely to be produced on the duration of the present Parliament by the passing of the proposed bill, and continued: There is a very sub- stantial danger, namely, whether the Government will have force and courage to do what a Government can do in carrying such a measure through Parliament. Edmund Burke, who was a great critic said, This is my idea of a Government-one consisting of pre- siding principle and prolific energy." At this moment the presiding principle of the Government is admitted to be the extension of the political rights oi the people. Whether they will show the prolific energy which is necessary for making their bill an Act of Parliament time only can show. Now, if Lord Russell holds the reins with tremulous and feeble hands, I think the danger from this source is tenfold anything that can arise from any other source in the coming session (hear, hear). There are two facts that have lately occurred which fill my mind with 1som? apprehension. I hope that they are accidental and exceptional. To one of them my hon. already referred—namely, the question of wnau has been transacted in the island of Jamaica. I think I observe a deplorable feebleness in the course which has been taken. Many of you have read the long despatch, of which I know not how many scores of paragraphs, sent home to the Colonial Office by the Governor of that unhappy island, I venture to say that the very hour when that despatch was read by the Colonial Minister he sh0aJd have issued sum-1' mouses for a Cabinet meeting to take it intbe consideration. But it appears that for about,tdrthc, weeks literally nothing passed before that^f^k deputation waited on Mr.■ Cardwell, when ho ,ota not feel himself able to tell them anything the^bvmi- ment had done. They tell us that we &¥# Well, Mr. Carclwell waited, and appar<3is»l$i MtafcHmgn has come from his waiting. I am toldttla^t^ibfeRf; great actors in this great trag Aatic ri I m Jamaica; has nati an interview vrnA^embersbfthe, Government, and that even he has^pfhiBg mttqer'c?) communicate. Then what wa^ntli0J<9&$att .oPWaitmM1 if the facts were TWU.agtoma ^XiiAfcsgato- death. of subjects of the Quieen and citizens of the empire was minutely and acciarately, described by the very "pea. audhan(I of the Governor himself (cheers). Nothing that he could say afterwards could unsay or undo that which had been said and done with regard to the execution of Mr. Gordon. I believe there is not a judge in this kingdom at this hour, there is not a law officer of the Crown in the three kingdoms, there is not a lawyer in practice in the three kingdoms, who will differ from me in the opinion that I now express that the execution of that unfortunate man, Gordon, was, in all its parts—in his transference from the place where he was arrested, in his being handed over to a court, formed, it is said, of two lieutenants and an ensign, or some such inferior officers, in the manner in which he was treated before that tribunal, in the manner in which he was treated after his mock trial-I say from the beginning to the end it is a mass of illegality; and I believe there is not a judge who Sits upon the bench in this United Kingdom who, speaking in his private capacity, would doubt for one single moment that Gordon was mur- dered (cheers). You have all read that letter which he wrote to his wife within an hour of his execution. I know nothing in letter writing that surpasses it. When I read it, my exclamation, my first thought was, Why this reminds me of the temper and the lan- guage of the martyr Stephen;" and since that martyr- dom I have read of nothing in which the language and the temper were so beautiful as the expressions con- tained in that melancholy and wonderfal epistle. And yet I am told-I hope my authority is not good-that when Parliament meets there will be a desperate on- slaught on Mr. Cardwell and the Government because they have suspended the Governor, and have sent out a commission of inquiry. One of these Tory gentle- men said, "Ay, if so-and-so had been Prime Minister he would not have given way to the clamour of a hundred Dissenting parsons" ( derisive cheers ). I can't believe that that party which calls itself Conservative will make this question of Jamaica a battle-ground in the ensuing session. Mr. Disraeli is a man a head and shoulders taller than all those who sit about him or follow him in intellect and statesmanship, and I do not, and I will not, Relieve until I see it that Mr. Disraeli will ever permit the shocking atrocities committed in Jamaica, or a defence of them, to be in any way associated with his public character and career (cheers). Besides, suppose—which I should think highly probable—that Mrs. Gordon were to retire from the island, so sad to her henceforth, and come to England. Suppose she came to the bar of the Rouse of Commons to ask for justice. Is there any man in that House who would dare get up to deny that justice to that woman? Or if she should make her way as a supplicant to the steps of the throne, can it be believed the widow of the murdered Gordon will ask in vain for justice at the hands of England's widowed Queen (loud cheers) P There is one other fact which has given me some appre- hension also. It is said, and I believe with truth, that Lord Russell has asked Lord Stanley to join his Government. Lord Stanley knows quite well that I shall say nothing to depreciate him. He is in. formed, much above the average public men. He is without passion. He is impartial, and in matters at least which do not menace his order, he is liberal and just. In fact, he is remarkable for nearly all those qualities in which Lord Derby is singularly deficient (laughter and cheers). But it appears to me to be a mistake on the part of Lord Rassall to seek strength from the Opposition. Lord Palinerston did the same thing, but with no success so far as regards Lord Stanley. But Lord Palmerston thought every man had his price, and that he knew his price. It was not likely that Lord Stanley, stand- ing in the relation that he does to the leader of the Tory party, and bound up by political and personal association with its leader in the House of Commons —it was folly to suppose that he would step from his old friends on that side, and take his place among their persistent opponents on this side; but I complain of this, and I lament it, because it appears to me like a confession of weakness. It appears as if Lord Euaseli acknowledged to the world that the Whig party, as far as statesmanship was concerned, was nearly worn out. If it be so, it must be by their own policy. It has been a complaint against them, as long as I have known anything of them, that they have not encouraged young men, or able men, except just a few men of their own particular party; and it is thus that they now find themselves in great difficulty in filling up the offices of the Government. Now there are 360 Liberals, it is said, in the present Parliament, and yet it appears that Lord Russell and his colleagues cannot find one among them all who can join his Government, or who would be so advantageous to it as some one-in this case Lord Stanley-from the Opposition. Suppose that all the old Whigs—and I do not speak of them without respect, because, in past times, the country has had great service from many of them-but suppose the old Whigs were quietly deposited, with all symbols of national respect, in Westminster Abbey (laughter). Does any one believe that you could not form a Government out of these 360 members of Parliament (cheers) ? Switzerland forms administrations, and there is now a geaeral admission in Europe that the United States even can produce statesmen (cheers and laughter). If that be so, is it not within the bounds of probability or credibility that out of the 360-or rather 354, for six at them are already in the Cabinet —that out of the 354 who are not in the Cabinet a Cabinet might not be formed that would conduct the affairs of the country just as satisfactorily as the Cabinet which now exists ? I say that this appears to me to be a symptom of weakness. I lament it only on that ground, because I am quite of opinion that Cabinets sometimes come to pieces, or come to an end, just as the human system, without any specific complaint, except that which all the old women who look on say is a sort of weakness which they can't understand (laughter). Now, I venture to say here, that a great deal depends upon Lord Russell himself. I lament deeply that Lord Russell is not at this moment a member of the House of Commons. I think in that House on this question of Reform he would have had much more influence than any other man can have, and. infinitely more influence than he can have as a member of the House of Lords. But, un- happily, he is in the House of Lords. Much, how- ever, depends upon him, and I am not sure with regard to the measure which is coming that everything does not. depend upon him. He may if he chooses gather fresh strength. If he listens to the ancestral veices which speak to him of the past, or if at times he seems to look to his future fame, he may draw an inspiration and a fire that will give him strength in thw moat critical period of his public career. There are times when what is called calation is feebleness and ruin. There are times when the highest boldness is t ie highest prudence and the greatest wisdom. I believe this is a time when, if Lord Russell will take up this question with the firmness which distinguished Mm thirty years ago, and will rely upon the good, feeling, the good and. the^ generous support Or" Parliament and the people, he will carry this meas&re0 to a triumphant success (cheers). Bat two thingsi&fc a possible—I am not sure that they are not cleazveono-o is, that if thiij question is treated with a fe@brif.Jl the Government will fall; and the otharx-m that if this Government fall, presided over b^uie' kcsT1"1 eminent statesman now living of the W.&li¡.)t are likely to see the entire extinctionMviSfre ijf4sl\. a governing party in the affairs of thierœù;aWyhoi&a..ty whether the Government are eqjwj tft £ h§<ti[!fl%$r within it an indestructible may retard it for a time,1 bWSaSitfcifc feikil'l and its early triumph tdhikersXLiTikferai id ipraljraefced which I read with great pleasure many years ago—tha Faerie QueeEex^1^8f^hif^i^1(P^lt^Sfti3 us something as a man No Jetiasn fenAihft, aftstalHigo tfewHte.vote of m brought I feel aerfetin that the fort of selfishness and mono poly,^Mtp^nNft\%a§ are gailiermg to tne assault uppu In all UwFfis of etiadiTy'ffl^he Mdi thiarl vAA' .Ig¡; Wp. ]ettd'tJ£¡tt!Paw tP'J&r'!iøj¡; tbe^prgaa ot rae.TyxrK v 01 IT'ft! jaetote purjw&eiwtiai(jh wBihtavapeta oiove Sjol eaa itwditk f tbjifai/t °T§e^8lU^!& an amendment of the Reform Ac The proceedings terminated with a vote of thanks to tbe Mayor for ptea&xog. v