Cymro a'r Celt Llundain

MR. LLOYD GEORGE AND THE SUFFRAGE. Editor of the LONDON WELSHMAN AND KELT. SIR,-In dealing with Mr. Lloyd George's recent address to the Liberal Women in Carnarvonshire, Mr. H. N. Ewer made certain statements in your issue of August 20th which, with your kindness, I should be glad to criticise. First of all, ardent advocates of Woman Suffrage have been embittered not, as Mr. Ewer thinks, be- cause of any threatened breach between the two wings of the feminist forces (far from that it is known that they have never been so united), but because Mr. Lloyd George has gone dead against his own prin- ciples and done his best to kill the Bill, which had every prospect of success. Here, where deeds, not words," was the only just way, the right honourable gentleman chose the latter expedient; I say it with all sorrow, although I had the proud privilege of reminding Mr. Lloyd George of this his own favourite motto in his earlier days at the famous Albert Hall meeting in December 1908. I notice that Mr. Ewer himself allows that, in the face of facts, appearances point out to at any rate inconsistency between the Chancellor of the Ex- chequer's words and deeds, and that in his case a vote was given apparently in opposition to the convictions of its giver," and in that admission we have a great safeguard. Mr. Ewer puts up the very doubtful doctrine that a man may halt half-way between the two dilemmas of principle and policy. I suppose that Mr. Ewer would place Welsh Disestablishment as a lesser thing than, say, true democracy, and yet Mr. Lloyd George has always professed to put that cause of his countrymen before anything else. Yet it is smaller, for it affects but a portion of the Principality, whereas democracy affects the whole of the United Kingdom and the Empire. Yet here Mr. Lloyd George has held true to his principles. Moreover, Mr. Ewer forgets that a Government, however important he may consider it, is a smaller" thing than the status of a whole sex, who, by the way, according to statistics, form the majority and certainly not the less. As a matter of fact, the removal of the slur on a whole sex is a far wider, far more important question to the nation than Welsh Disestablishment, Home Rule, or even the Lords' Veto, and that is what gradually but very slowly people are coming to understand. The vigorous opposition on all hands is but a sign of the importance of this question. Therefore, on both the question of policy and principle, Mr. Lloyd George, if he had been the far-sighted statesman that some people consider him, should have voted for the women. Mr. Ewer evidently has accepted Mr. Lloyd George's statement that this Bill would add to the plural voting danger. May I explain that this Bill has been pur- posely framed to avoid that bugbear, and for the purpose the sponsors left out the property and lodger vote, the two classes where plural voting is most dangerous. There is not this danger with the only democratic franchise which we have at present, the householder vote. To get this last vote, a person must prove complete control ot a house, or a part of a house, or even a room only. Now that is where the difference comes in. A father could not create fagot" votes among his daughters (in the same way as he can with his sons) by giving them the keys of their rooms. No daughter possesses the right to keep her parent out of her room, and therefore could not claim "entire control" of her room. Whereas the poorest working woman who had only a few things of her own in an unfurnished room could claim a vote. I see that Mr. Ewer does not raise the objection that the majority of the women enfranchised would be propertied women, because he probably knows enough of the municipal register to know that this is not the case. By the way, the clumsy and inefficient registra- tion laws," which he quotes as needing reform, are the work of a male electorate, and I would remind Mr. Ewer that women are far too businesslike to allow them to continue as they are, when they acquire their electoral voice. Mr. Ewer evidently swallows Mr. Lloyd George s bait that he is all for woman suffrage, but I want it all round," not seeing the true meaning of this is Adult Suffrage, which for both sexes would mean that women would form the majority of the electorate. Does Mr. Ewer think this is practical politics ? Finally, let me remind him that the goal for Liberals is Government of the People, by the People, for the People," and that women are part of the People.— Yours, etc., EMILY WILDING DAVISON (B A., London). Aug. 26, 1910.

To the Editor of the LONDON WELSHMAN AND CELT. DEAR SIR,-Mr. W. N. Ewer has devoted practi- cally the whole of two columns in your issue of the 20th to an exposition of the text voting according to one's conscience" At the end there is a short application to Mr. Lloyd George's attitude in regard to the Women's Conciliation Bill. With the ex- position I thoroughly agree. To vote according to one's conscience" does not necessarily mean that anyone must vote for every measure with which he is in sympathy. But I hope I shall not be accused of cynicism if I say that I hardly think this view of the text needs any special emphasis in these days of party worship. In the case of the Women's Conciliation Bill, however, I do not agree that the choice lay between two good things-the extension of the suffrage to women now, and Adult Suffrage later It is true that Mr. Lloyd George, in his speech during the debate on the Bill, quoted from a report of an Anti- Suffrage meeting in Queen's Hall, in which it was stated that in answer to a remark by Lord Cromer that the Bill would lead to Adult Suffrage, a woman in the audience shouted "liar"; but I think Mr. Lloyd George carefully refrained from saying that he agreed with the interrupter. He made other quota- tions, too, I believe, which went to show that some of the leaders of the movement would be quite satisfied with the Bill. Mr. Lloyd George, however, knows perfectly well that not one of the important Women's Suffrage Societies has declared itself satisfied. On the contrary, it has been stated over and over again that the work must go on whatever happened, and all that has been claimed for it was that it would allay the bitterness of the agitation, and any further work would be carried on with more cordial feelings, but no less energy. The Suffrage must be given to women on the same terms as it is given to men, and if men work for adult suffrage, women must too. Mr. Lloyd George cannot say that the Women's Conciliation Bill would impede progress. Did the Reform Bill of 1832 put back the date of the en- franchisement of all men ? Have other Reform Bills done so ? Do not they all bring us nearer to the goal at which we aim ? Men's suffrage has always come by instalments simply because, with the world as it is, it could come in no other way. All the world's progress goes on step by step, and yet now, forsooth because women want the vote it must come in the ideal way or not at all And Mr. Lloyd George expects women to accept this extraordinary reasoning and meekly submit to await the millenium in English politics. He is very sure in his judgments as a rule, but he has made a mistake this time. Women have more logic than men give them credit for. Democracy, which is supposed to mean much Liberalism, is government by the people for the people, therefore the more people who get the vote the nearer we are to an ideal democracy. All classes, too, are represented in this Bill. Nearly all the working class societies have supported it, therefore one cannot take seriously the argument that the Bill is in favour of one class- the rich class. And not only that, but if the Government are so terribly afraid of the further enfranchisement of the wealthy classes and are so anxious to do away with the anomalies of plural voting, why did they not insist on their Plural Voting Bill going through ? Instead of making a firm stand they have taken blow after blow lying down, and if the average man and woman have lost faith in their democratic protestations there is not much wonder. Mr. Lloyd George has thoroughly failed to under- stand the spirit of the movement or he would not talk so lightly of supporting it in his spare moments, for that is what his address at Bodnarft really amounted to. To the Welsh woman who has imbibed the true spirit of freedom from the hills of Wales, Disestablishment, important though it may be, is as nothing to this great movement for the freeing of the noble soul of womanhood from the shackles that have so long bound it. Mr. Lloyd George might have led our cause to victory. It would have been worth a great sacrifice. He failed, however, to grasp this high opportunity. The loss is his. He will not now be counted worthy to burn his boats, stand stiff-kneed in the house of Rimmon, and defy the golden calf. He will say strong things, especially in drawing rooms, but he will not be asked to go to the stake.—Yours, &c., A WELSH RADICAL.

"Y GENINEN EISTEDDFODOL." Cynhwysa :—Llwyddiant: Pryddest, gan Fryfdir. Nazaread: Pryddest Gadeiriol, gan y Parch. Glan- nedd Bowen. Y Duw Ddyn: Awdl y Gadair, gan Fwlchydd Mon. Boreu ym Mai: Can, gan Weledydd. Diwygiad 1904-5: Awdl y Gadair, gan Arianglawdd. Teulu'r Glep": Cerdd Duchan, gan Geinydd. En wogrwydd: Awdl y Gadair, gan y Parch. N. Marlais Thomas. Y Winwydden: Englynion, gan Mr. J. Edno Roberts. Y Wenci: Englynion, gan Eilydd Elwy. Joseph Pryddest Goronog, gan Mr. Tom Lloyd. Breuddwyd Macsen Wledig: Pryddest Ga- deiriol, gan Ddeiniolfryn. Ymson yr Unig Darn i'w Adrodd, gan Gaerwyn. Einioes: Pryddest Gadeiriol, gan Wilym Myrddin. Yr Amddifad: Awdl y Gadair, gan Fryn Ala. Simon o Cyrene Penillion, gan Mr. Lewis Davies. Y Beili: Cerdd Duchan, gan y Parch. R. Abbey Williams. Dwylaw fy Mam: Pryddest Gadeiriol, gan Wledydd. Y Boreu: Cywydd, gan y Parch. D. Emrys James. Bydd Goleuni yn yr Hwyr": Pryddest Gadeiriol, gan y Parch. T. E. Nicholas. Henaint Can, gan Ab Hefin. Y Prifathraw E. Herber Evans, D.D.: Pryddestau Coffadwriaethol, gan Gaerwyn ac Ap Huwco. Gwneud yn Dwt: Can Ddigrif (yn Nhafod- iaith Canolbarth Ceredigion), gan Gledlyn. Y Wraig Rwgnachlyd: Cerdd Duchan, gan Mr. John Owen. Theodore Roosevelt,: Awdl y Gadair, gan y Parch. John R. Jones (Hendref). Addewid: Pryddest Gadeiriol, gan y Parch. J. D. Richards. Y Tri LIane yn Babilon: Englynion, gan Rugog. Hynt y Can- rifoedd: Pryddest Gadeiriol, gan Mr. John M. Pritchard. Y Gornant: Pryddest Goronog, gan y Parch. E. J. Herbert. Y Ceiliog Rhedyn, y Mor- grugyn, y Pr.vf Copyn Englynion, gan Berthog a Threforfab. Dyffryn Amman Can, gan y Parch. D. G. Jones. Y Fasnach Rydd: Canig.Gan Wledydd. Dychweliad y Milwr: Can, gan Lew Tegid. 11 Amser i'r Adar Ganu": Canig, gan Gledlyn, A'th Dad yr Hwn a wel yn y dirgel": Pryddest, gan Ap Huwco. Trugaredd Can, gan Eifion Wyn. Bugeilgerdd, gan Mr. John Thomas. Cwymp Dagon o flaen yr Arch: Penillion, gan Ddaniel Cledwen. Lleucu Llwyd: Rhiangerdd, gan Athron. Myfyr- dod: Cywydd, gan y Parch. D. Emrys James. Cyf- arfyddiad Cybi Wyn a Chybi Felyn yng Nghlorach: Englynion Eurdlysog, gan Feilir Mon Tudno: Cerdd Goffa, gan Isfryn. Iechydfa Galltymynydd: Canig, gan Gledlyn. Anfarwoldeb Pryddest Gad- eiriol, gan y Parch. J. Gwrhyd Lewis. Mae arnaf eisieu Marw:" Cyfieithiad, gan y Parch. R. Abbey Williams. Y Croeshoeliad: Pryddest, gan Mr. W. Jones. Englynion, Hir-a-thoddeidiau, &c., gan lu o Feirdd.

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