GRAND DINNER TO Slit ROBERT PEEL, AT TAMWORTH, STAFFORDSHIRE. Friday week an entertainment, distinguished as well for its splendour as good taste, was given to Sir Robert Peel, at the Town lIall, Tamworth, bv the most influential inhabitants of Tamworth, Lichfield, Burton, Birmingham, and of the counties adjacent to those places. About 200 gentlemen sat down to din- ner between six and seven o'clo-k, which was given as a proof of the high estimation in which the character of Sir Robert is held as a statesman and as a neigh- bour, and to show the country that the electors of Tamworth and the gentlemen present were proud of having him as their representative, and that they con- sidered him the leader in the Conservative cause. It was stated to us, upon the best authority, that at least 100 of the most respectable inhabitants of Bir- mingham could not be accommodated with tickets- that as much as Xloo were offered for ten tickets— and that if there had been room in the Town Hall, up- wards of 500 persons of influence would have met to- gether on the occasion. The chair was taken bv W. P. Inge, Esq., of Thorpe. The vice-chairman was lhomas Bramall, Esq., the bail ill" of Tamworth. Among the company we observed Mr Dugdaie, sen. Mr Dugdaie, M. P., Ceneral Dyott, Colonel Dicken- I'd I son, lion. W. Curzon, Mr W. Peel, Mr Wolferston, Mr Mott, Mr Shaw, Major Bam ford, Mr vii, Mr Stokes; Revs. Mr Biick, Mr Pidduck, Mr Woollev, Mr Gresley, Dr Lloyd, Mr Everard, George Inge, R. C. Savage, W. Metcalfe, Thomas Dickenson, Mr Esdlelaz, T. Bonney, W. Lloyd, Neale Mitchell, Mr y Buckeridge, Dr Laflv, C. Thompson, besides several other gentlemen resident in tiie places before-men- tioned. Duringthe whole of the day, which was a most beau- tiful one, Tamworth presented a very animated scene, and the ringing of the bells tended very much to en- liven it. Sir Robert arrived in town from London in the morning, and on his approach to the town, and on entering the dining room, was received with the most loud and general cheers. Notwithstanding the fatigues of a long and laborious Session, he appeared to enjoy robust health, and certainly was in the highest spirits. The dinner, which consisted of every delicacy that the season could afford, was served up in a style that the most inveterate and fastidious epicure could not grumble at. This important part of the proceedings was under the management of Miss Lucas, of tbeCastle Inn. The Chairman (the cloth having been removed) rose and proposed" Tae King, and God bless him,"—three- times-three. "God save the King" was LIen sung, and the company loudly cheered the delivery of the words- "Confotind thrir politico, Frustrate their knavish tricks The Chairman then proposed Our excellent Queen," which toast was alsogreeted with three-times- three. Song. Hail! smiling morn." The next toast was "Thp Princess ictoriannd the rest of the Royal Family," which was received in the same loyal and affectionate manner. Song. Here's a health to all good lasses." The Chairman then sai(I-Gi-iitlelle", let me now propose to you the health of the Right Honorable Sir Robert Peel, Bart. (Cheers.) In mentioning the name of this highly distinguished individual, I feel that no words of miue can do justice to his exalted character. His extensive knowledge, his great appli- cation, his sound judg-mellt and calm discretion are acknowledged by all, even by his political opponents. (Cheers.) All respect his honesty and integrity. All admire the brilliancy of his talents. I will not attempt to enumerate them, for his superior abilities are well known to the British nj.tion, and they appreciate the important services he bus rendered. No man ever received so many marks of approbation as this consis- tent Statesman. All thf marks of respect that were paid were not confined to his publie character, for as a good friend and kind neighbour he is equally entitled to esteem. I will not say one word more, but merely to wish health and ]oil,- -life, to Sir Robert Peel.— (Upstanding, with three-times-three, and cries of One cheer more." Sir R. Peel then rose amidst most tremendous cheering, and spoke to the following effect:—Gentle- iiieti,-It would have been to me a most severe disap- pointment and mortification, if any circumstances had occurred to prevent me from fulfilling the engagement under which I had placed my sell to meet you this day. (Cheers.) Gentlemen, circumstances over which I have no controul might have called me away, and the puhiic duties which I had to fulfil might have prevented me from fulfilling mv engagement with you; but I know that if those duties were of impor- tance to the nation, you would have accepted them as an excuse, and permitted me to forego the satisfac- tion of meeting you here in order that 1 may attend my public duties iu Parliament or elsewhere. I know your forbearance, and it would be a great personal sacrifice to me if mv public duties interlered with my attendance here 0:1 this occasion. In the first place, I have to acknowledge the undivided attention of this assembly, and to thank them for the enthusiastic manner of the proposal that my health shoutd be pledged. It is impossible for me to address you from this place, and this room, without being reminded of the occasion, and of the circumstances under which I addressed many of vou here now not many months ago. Circumstances were ddft'rent then from what thev are now. On the last I addressed you I was in the situation of the hrst Minister of the Mo- narch of this countrv. (Cheers.) I then stood in the highest and most honorable situation that human ambition can attain or aspire to. (Cheers.) I was then honored with tne confidence of a benevolent So- vereign. I then presided over the Councils of one of the most celebrated and powerlul nations on earth. I am now in a different situation 1 am descended from the proud eminence upon "lllctl I was placed, and find IIIvself now in the rank ot my leilow-citizens. When last I appeared amongst you I entered into the details of my elevation, and 1 Y011 that I had attained the eminence alluded to by no base artifice or intrigue, and I now think I can say that I have de- scended from it with no discredit or disnonor to mv- self. (Cheers.) I accepted the appointment on the call of the Sovereign of this country who, by his pre- rogative, has the right of choosing Ministers to advise with, and who are responsible lor that advice. Ire- signed office when I saw tnat l could not conduct the affairs of the country consistently with the acknow- ledged principles of the Constitution. My colleagues and myself avowed that principles against the esta- blished practice ofthe Constitution were not tenable, and we assented to the other principle that opposition to a majority of the House of Commons would esta- biish a dangerous precedent. I alid my colleagues had no wish to have our names connected with the establishment of such a precedent; We therefore pro- perly resolved on resigning t"e othce« our Sovereign had been pleased to confer upon us. When I last addressed vou in this room, I entertained the confi- dent expectation, and tnoughtiiat expectation bus been disappointed, I would still entertain it, and I believe tnat we have still prospects of success. (Loud cheers.) Mv belief that we shall still be successful, and that we'should have been so, is founded on the honor, integrity, and long experience of public life of the men of whom I had the honor of being a colleague (cheers); moreover, the expectation of being enabled to carry measures which wouid be practically useful and satisfactory to the public was founded on the belief that the opposition in the House of Commons was not firmly connected bv an bond of public opinion, by any bond of similar principles, or by any bond of private attachment to each other (a laugh), which could put me on my guard or make me conceive that they would afterwards unite in opposition to the Government over which I presided. (HeaV.) I have since found that I gave thopl grdatdr i r •! it for since- rity than they deserved. (A laugh.) 1 now find that I have relied too much on the truth of the language with which they have spoken of each other. (Hear, hear.) I really thought from what I had seen that they had ample means of knowing each other, and that therefore I was right in trusting to the accuracy of their information. (Cheers and laugh- ter.) But it appears that I have been deceived, and I beg to refer you to a former speech from the throne as to what was stated then by the Govern- ment oC his Majesty, which was composed ol many ol the individuals then in office, and who then advised his Majesty to make the following decoration :—" But I have seen with feelings of deep regret and just in- dignation the continuance of attempts to excite tne people of England to demand a repeal ol the legis.a- tive union. To the practices which have been used to produce dissatisfaction to the state, and mutual distrust and animosity between the people of the two countries, are ehwfly to be attributed, the spirit ol insubordination, which, though for the present, in a great degree, controlled by the power 01 the law, has been but too perceptible in many places. (Cheers.) The party to whom this applied was not more complimentary than those who had tnus de- L scribed him. (Hear, hear.) One month before the party came into office, lie addressed this letter to Lord Dutle:liioii: You belong to the Whigs, and after four years of the most emaciating experience we ought, indeed, to have known that Ireland had not. illig to expect from the Whigs but intolerant contempt, and malignant but treacherous hostility- In p!iiin truth, my Lord, it is quite manifest that Lord Melbourne is quite incompetent to the high office he ho'ds. (Loud cheers and laughter.) It is la men a ^e to me to think that the destinies of the Iris i pi (>p.e S!,Ou,(I, i!) any degree, depend on so inefficient.a pei-ion Gentlemen, I confess that this statement is none ofu mine; but those opinions of those parties are now upon record, and are become matter of history. In ;0. January last one of the parties was, as I have siiown, not content with the others; yet now he is in (-.Ioi and affectionate union with them. (Cueers and laughter.) However, all I can say is, that they have sacrificed on the altar of their country their ancient hostilities, and the union has given to one party ofliee, and to the other power. (Cheers.) Gentlemen, tiie tiiird source of confidence I entertained wuen 1 entered office was, that it was my intention TO propose t iose measures which had been proposed to Parliament by the former Government, and 1 thought that I should have the approbation of that Government. I had not undertaken to govern on ultra principles. I was aware, and so must all of you be, that great changes had taken place in the institutions of the country, and that it was expected that the course Government would pursue, would be to accommodate itself to would pursue, would be to accommodate itself to those changes. I meant to do so (hear, hear,) and [ do say, that whatever had been my opinions with respect to the Reform Bill, he must be a madman who should forget that it had passed. (Cheers.) If I had been allowed to continue, I firmly believe that the measures I intended to propose would be calcu- lated to satisfy the great majority of be reasonable portion of the community. 1 intended to propose measures of extensive ivlonn. 1 did not intend to do this merely for the sake of conciliating popular opinion, but in order to adjust measures that had been left by former Governments in sucn a state that it was absolutely necessary that they should be finally settled. I stated in general terms what those mea- sures would be, without entering into the details of them, for I was not permitted to do so, and I trusted THAT when those details were laid before the country, and maturely deliberated upon, thev would not fall short ofthe expectations ot the people. (Hear.) I will now again repeat some of the measures it was my intention to propose for tiie sanction of Parliament: in the lirst place, I should have proposed a safe and practical measure for the commutation of tithes in England, and I should have proposed that measure on equitable principles and on voluntary adjustment; but if voluntary adjustment faiied me, it was not my intention to exclude compulsory principles. (Hear.) But when I say tiiis, I beg that it may not be understood that it was not my intention that the fair equivalent should not be given for the property that was to be taken away. (Cheers.) There was another measure which, on entering office, I found unsettled, and which I considered to be a fertile source of dissensions throughout the country, and particularly in large towns-I mean the payment of Church-rates by the Dissenters. I believe that the Church of England would gain —1 believe that its insti- tutions would be rendered more stable, by the settlement of this question. Though I åm ill favour of the principle that the Church should depend on the public for its support, at the same time I am anxious to relieve Dissenters as muvjii as possible from some of its demands, It was my wish, also, to adjust the questions which were still unsettled, to the satis- faction of all, except oi those, and I trust they are few in number, who wish to disturb the harmony that ought to prevail between the Dissenters and the members of the Church of England. I did wish in whatever I did to consult the members of the Church of England, which is always an'object of paramount importance to me. (Cheers.) I intended to give such advantages with respect to marriage and baptism as would relieve the Dissenters from conforming, even in appearance, with the forms prescribed by those from whose doctrines they dissented. I also intended, in conjunction with my colleagues, to proceed with the improvements that had been suggested by mem- bers of the Government that preceded me, and which had been left unsettled—I mean those improvements w hich regard our ecclesiastical laws. With respect to economy,! intended to insist upon it as far as would not be dangerous, and as far as would not be likelv to disturb the tranquillity of the country that was con- sistent with public faith and public safety. (Hear, hear.) The estimates ot the Government over which I had the honor to preside was lower by £ 400,000 than anv estimates produced since the time of the war. For tnis reduction the credit—I avow it—does not belong exclusively to the Government at the head of which I was. Those estimates Were in part prepared by mv predecessors, and till the Inst 111:111 in the world to detract from their merits, or from what they have done with respect to economy. Gentlemen, I think those measures, if 111:\d been allowed an op- portunity of proposillg them in detail, and the House of Commons had maturely deliberated upon them in a Mr spirit,-t tliitil, I may say that they would have been brought to a suceesslul issue, and that the labours of that Session would have satisfied those who were loudest in their complaints, and in their cries for a redress of grievances. I do not pretend to say, however, that the measures passed in such session would have given universal satisfaction, tor I know that there were persons fonder of grievances for the sake of the grievances themselves than of having them redressed,and that such persons do not wish to be deprived of having them to complain of. (Cheers.) There were two other questiulls whieit I meant in proper time to legislate upon the first is that which relates to the Municipal Corporations of England and Wales; and the second, that which regards the settle- ment of thetititequestioninhetaud,and the removal of theabusestiiatexistin that estab! ishinent. (Cheers.) I certainly did refuse, when called upon in the House of Commons, to give any promise as to tlie measure which 1 intended to propose with respect to the reform of Municipal Corporations. Iin this promise, or of giving any detailed explanation-oil the subject, on tlie ground tint I had not ns yet read the evidence, nor seen the report of the commissioners. J tiIOUg-lt it best, before I gave a promise, to wait for that information which I considered necessary to enable me so to legislate as to finally settle the ques- tion. (Hear, iiear.) After 1 had seen and perused the evidence and the report of the commissioners I im- mediately admitted the necessity of Corporation Reform; but when I sav this it is not to he under- stood that I meant to lend myself to measures which were not founded on justice, and which would carry changes INTO the institutions ofthe country to too changes into the institutions of the country to too great a length. (Hear.) Gentlemen, on this point, and in making- this confession, permit me to tell you, that I sacrificed, and to no small extent, my own private feelings, for when I made the admission that Corporation Reform was necessary, I did consent to interfere with the established rights of a corporation (cheers) which never in any one instance abused its powers, but whose conduct was always founded IN justice, in honor, and in integrity and whose every act was distinguished by the most irreproachable pro- priety. (Loud cheers.) I will now state the imme- diate course I intended to pursue with respect to the settlement of the otiier question—I allude to that of the Irisii Church. I proposed to reform tiie abuses that had crept in in consequence of time-in eonse- quence of the conduct of private individuals. AI,d O other circumstances, but was determined to rjlist, ant did resist to the utmost of my power, the principle of the appropriation of the revenues of the Irish Church to other than to ecclesiastical purposes. (Cheers.) 1 re- sisted that appropriation, first because it contamet a principle that was fraught with danger; and secom IV, because I knew, from accurate calculation, that if there were a new distribution of the revenues oft le Irish Church, it would be found that they were not more than sufficient for the decorous maintenance of the clergymen belonging to that Church. (Hear, hear.) This question was the immediate ground upon which the existence of the late Administration termi- nated. I have perceived that upon recent occasions, and by high authority, the measures I projected^ have been denominated (tiie term is very expressive) "clap- trap." If they were "clap-trap" measures, they were the recent ones of my predecessors. (Laughter and cheers.) Every one of their measures were under- taken, and then left in such a state that it was neces- sary for their successors to attempt a practical ad- justment of every one of thetn. (Cneers.) I really think that those who introduced those measures, and left them unsettled, were more liable to the charge of elap-trap than those who in goocl parnest set about attempting to settle them. I believe that those measures, if they had been undertaken by the Govern- ment to WIJI:■ h I belonged, might have been settled. If Iliad onlv the good fortune to have possessed so much of oftliv. House of Commons as to induce them to enter into a practical deliberation of those measures and when I was telling you that I had in the IIouse a majority of the members of Eng- land, I do not think that my attempt to govern was so rash as some people have considered, nor that my hopes to settle those questions were so remote as many people thought. (Ciieers.) FAR be it from me to place the members of allV' portion of tl¡ese realms beneath the other. Far be it from me to rank the re- presentatives of Ireland in the scale lower than those of (Hear, hear.) But still I will say, that f had tile good fortune of having on my side a majority of the representatives of the English people. (Cheers.) I had, therefore, rc-iisoil to hope that I siloul(I have been able to have settled all those questions according —mind, according—to the principles of our Constitu- tion. (Cheers.) What I mean by this is, that I should have carried them with the cordial goodwill of the three branches of the Legislature. (Hear, hear.)- I for one think tlid no measure can be satisfactory to tiie people in which the consent ofthe House of Lords has been extorted by menace or violence (tremendous cheering); :IN(] £ believe that the people of this country would find measures passed with the sanction of the three branches of the Legislature more in harmony with our Constitution, than if they had been passed by one branch of the Legislature whilst the con- sent of the other was excluded. (Cheers.) Gentle- men, you are probably aware that of late great hosti- lity has been shown towards the 1 louse of Lords (hear, hear); that notice has been given by an Hon. Member that he would at an early period of next Session move for leave to bring in a Bill to reform the House of Lords. (Hear, hear.) By reforming the House of '1' Lords I understand nothing more tiian that Jhey shou d be deprived of having a voice iu tlie councils of the nation, and by it is meant the establishment of a popular assembly free from all control. It is rriy opi- nion that such an assembly, investing itself with abso- lute power of legislation, would soo:I attack ttie pre- rogatives ofthe Crown, and destroy the Constitution. (Hear.) I do not hesitate to say that such an usurpa- tion on tlw part of one branch of the Legislature would end in the most intolerable tyranuy. (Loud cheers.) Gentlemen, I am, and 1 hope you are, for tiie maintenance of the British Constitution. (Loud cheers.) Gentlemen, I hope that you will not pass such a libel on the Reform Bill, astodeclare it incon- sistent with tne maintenance of t.,e i.-ritisii Cons itu- tion. [for one cannot do so, and I will strive to the utmost of my power to prevent the tyranny that would arise from that assembly which ShoaJd Lie elected solely by the public voice. (Cheers.) history of all countries, at least t.1e history of every country in Europe that have tried the experiment, that have adopted the establishment of such an as- sembiy, proved that, it was not compatible with the liberty or happiness of any of those countries. Why, the very history of our own country, as well as the history of Franct" and other countries, showed what were tne results of being governed sok-iy by an assembly elected by the public voice. (Hear, hear.) Such an assembly generally ends in the assumption of supreme power by some" successful military com- mander, to whom the people revert, thinking it better to submit to one tvrant rather than bow to the many- headed one, to which they had been before subject, in the shape of one popular assembly. If they siiou'd risk trying such an experiment, they would find that the results would always be the same—tnat they did not arise from anything like mere acci- dental circumstances, but proceeded from causes inherent to human nature. (Hear, hear.) When I consider the feelings oi' the people of this country- when I consider the way property is distributed— when I consider the rights of tnat property—when I consider the ancient laws by w hich everything con- nected with this country is bound together, it is my belief that if one assembly should legislate singly, call it the House of Commons, or by any other name you please, the same results would follow which I iiave already pointed out. In sueh an assembly you would have the civil power usurped by some military commander, and you would be glad, like the people of France, after pouring out a deluge of blood, to revert to the ancient order of things and to establish monarchy once more. (Cheers.) Gentlemen, knowing your good sense, it is scarcely necessary for me to "warn you, and to tell you that a popular assembly would not be a meeting consisting of philosophers and sages (laughter), entirely intent on the promotion of the public good, and completely forgetful of their OWN interests (cheers and laughter)-the sole object of whom would be to benefit the -public and to promote the public order. Do not believe that such wouid be the case, but rather BE'ieve that amongst the majority of such an assembly YOll would find a nue/eus of designing and cunning men, who, whilst prating about public liberty and order, would be, in the mean time, doing everything to attain the furtherance of their own ends. As I said before, our own country and France have shewn that such would be the result ol those principles. Those results, I repeat, are not accidental. They are as certain as that cause produces effect, as immutable as the laws by which the World is governed—which are as certain" as that all that happens by the operation of those laws witiiiii our sphere as that comet now appearing within our own system after the lapse of an illterval of half a century. (Immense cheering.) Well, if hostility prevails against the House ofLords, 1 am glad that tiiose WHO profess it have given in- dications of it, and of the plans they mean to pursue, for it will put the people of England upon their guard or if thev feel such inconvenience, it will shew that they wish to change the present system of Govern- ment for one of a more democratic form. It might be said that I am cautiously avoiding to make any reference to America, but that I confine myself solely y to the countries ol Europe. It might be said, and I know it will be contended, that the democratic prin- cip'e has been successful in America, I t will be said that under this Government the people enjoy civil and otiier rights almost to equality, and yet that country is enab'ed to defend itseif from, and even to punish aggression from abroad. I shall be told, if I look to tne States of America, I shall-find an adoption of the popular principle has been successful there. V cry well, I IOOK. to the States of South America, where the popular principle has been incorporated, and can I acknowledge tnat it has been successful in those States, when almost every newspaper that reaches me talks of insurrection among them? heir.) What has prevented the establishment of a regular Government in those States if the form of a popular one was so very good (Hear,he.tr.) If tiie prin- ciple is correct by w.;ich we are told that we can govern ourselves, and that there is no advantage to be derived from our ancient institutions, and from obedience to atitiioi-ity, how happens it that revolu- tions in the States I have just mentioned do not form exceptions, hut rather a general rule ? (Ciieers.) The real revolution" FLINT v. 111 happen in South America will be tnat by which a regular and per- manent Government will be established in tnat country. (Hear, hoar.) I have admitted that the popular form of Government has been successful in the North American States, but I deny the genera) position, that because it has succeeded there it will suit this country. North America is a wide and most extensive country. It contains a vast tract of land unoccupied, to which the discontented and disaffected can be sent, and its position alone makes it widely different/rom England. The Republican institutions tnat will suit a new country may not for that account suit a country which contains JNEN educated as we are, subject to such !aws as we are, and holding property by such rights as we do, and having prejudices (you may call them prejudices if you will) tint connect us with the ancient monarchy of England. (Loud cheers.) Let it not be understood that from wiiat 1 have said I bear ony ill will towards the Americans. No on the .()III %v contrary, I wish them all possible success to them- selves as well as to their government. J,pt Lem believe me when I say, that I would rather see them happy under their Republican institutions, than see any, form of Government, even monarchy, to which I am so much attached, confirm the unheppiness of that people. Though we received accounts of the hap- piness of the people ofthe United States, I do not see that that is any reason why this country should adopt a Republican form of Government. (Hear, hear.) But 1 happened to read in a paper which I shall quote, and I quote it as an authority—I allude to an article which I READ in it on the 25tii of August, 1835. Mind, the paper I am quoting from is not a Conservative journal, but one that strenuously es- pouses the cause of the present Government. I quote the extract, not that I have a wish to sliew the un- happuiess of the people of the United States, but when I was told of the happiness of the people of that country, I wasratuer startled at tne article in question, and it gave me much reason to doubt of the vaunted happiness of the inhabitants of the United States, when I find the following article inserted in a journal that professes to be the organ of the present Go- vernment: The news con ahied in the New York papers,whichhavcbeenbrottghtoverbyt::eP.ji!a- I delphia are full of interest-al1 insurrection amongst the slaves in Havannah—the spread of the sum- mary mode of punishment called "Lynch law-" (By the by, by Lynch law is meant hanging a person without trial) (a laugh)-and the hanging of five gam- blers at Yicksburgh without trial-acts of aggression on the part of the authorities of Michigan upon the inhabitants of Toledo, Onio,-and the seizure at Livingstone, Missisippi, of two abolition preachers, and of seven Negroes, who appear to have been hanged in the streets by the exasperated inhabitants with a small 'form of trial, scarcely constitute a hare catalogue of enormities wnich these papers contain." Gentlemen, this is the testimony of the English paper I alluded to, and the following is the testimony of the New York Evening Post-" The account which we publish in another column from an extract of the Toledo (Ohio) Gezctle will be perused by our readers with regret. With civil feuds in the Nortti, tumul- tuous proceedings of an anarchical and fatal character in the West, and a servile war in the South, to say nothing of the factious and incendiary spirit which has lately broken out in various parts of our Atlantic border, the country does in truth exhibit at present a spectacle to the European nations which we fear will be commented upon in a way not calculated to re- commend the example of a popular Government." Now gentlemen, it YOU only bear in mind what has been' the issue of similar experiments, you will not very much indulge in a popular Government. Even the expectations which it was hoped won d arise from the "three glorious days of July" were somewhat abated in bis country, and the acts of the present French Government were the the theme of every con- versation. For my part I do not complain of the King ofthe French, who, I believe, is desirous of pro- moting the welfare of his people. It is not his fault, that he is obliged to have recourse to the present pro- tile, It is tile, fllkit of those few that are teaching the people to employ resistance that the French Legislature is obliged to adopt severe laws. It I^ not tlie fault of the Govern- ment that the people of that country are made to submit to a grater tyranny tlnu that to which they were subject under the ancient laws of the country. I think I may say that the French now enjoy less liberty (hall w enjoy in this country under our ancient laws, and the mixed and balanced Government under which we live. Now, after the threats that I have heard uttered against the House of Lords, and against the Bishops, and about depriving the Mem- bers of that House 01 their right of veto, I think it is time for the people of this country to make up their minds, and to say whether they are friendly I to the redress of their just grievances, or whether THE/ i are dissatisfied w ith the institutions of tueir COUNTRY are dissatisifed w ith the institutions of tueir COUNTRY and are ready to suffer an organic change in IT J t..e purpose yf substituting an uncontrol led P°I. assembly. (Loud cheers.) I am not one to a adherence many branch of t) J Legislature to its own principles. (He.1r, bear, promise worthy the dignity of branch of the 1^ gis'ature. t :e tw T> Houses of Parliament, and I believe that TB we1 fare of this country consists in that the people 0 of it should be able to appiv themselves to the HONES pursuits of industry, without being harassed by (J1** sensions ofthe Legislature. But I assert, that WLIIL' I advise a virtuous and dignified compromise, 1 never consent to any species of compromise that W tend to destroy any one branch of the Legislature* (Tremendous cheering.) Gentlemen, I fear THAT have detained you too long. (Cries of No, NO, have detained you too long. (Cries of No, NO, and "o on.") III conclusion, I will say that it is IAL earnest hope that you and the people of tllis country, that all tiiose to whom my franenise has given po«'Cf» will compare their country to any that now* exists, or t that has been recorded in history. I AV^IOPE that t you witl take into consideration the WV'EAT C.hanfCPS | that within the last few vears have '"L place in *E I State—that certain civil qualifications, have BEE0 | taken away—that A reform has taken p'ace in the House of Commons, and that all this has been done with the consent of the House of Lords. (Hear, hear.) I trust that the people OF England will compare THEIR condition with that of the most favoured people OI the globe; thougil they have not all the whicu they might have, still they have considerable ones, in enjoying to such an extent as they do the liberty of action and the freedom of speech, I11 I not being tramelled in their industry and exp< ) sion of wealth, and in having the free intercourse they have with all parts of the world. Look to those ad- I vantages, and then reflect on the consequences of THC I interruption of the industry, for even a single week, In this country. I ask you whether Republican institu- > tions can now, or are likely to find favour in tilli country 1 I ask you whether the popular voice, repre- sented through popular channels alone, is sufficient FOR you? Don't you think yourselves fairly represented, and that you are in a state of obtaining a. fair redress ol your grievances? I trust that you will not be insane enough to countenance iu the slightest degree the and baneful projects of a few. I trust—I hope, indeed I a:n almost sure that the people or this enlignteneu laud will not deprive themsetves of the advantages they now enjoy; that they will discharge their duty towards tiieir posterity by handing down to them those rights which we all have in the Constitution, which, as we ourselves have inherited them, we ought to transmit intact to be inuc-rited by our children and our children's children. (The Right Honourable Baronet resumed his seat amidst loud and general cheering.) I. Several other toasts and speeches were afterwards, delivered, but we are compelled to wittrhold them.
TO BUILDERS AND EMON THE COMMITTEE OF THE MERTHYR GAS COMPANY are ready TO RECEIVE KI F0R KRECTING THEIR WORKS, Agreeably to PLANA and Specifications, which may be *em at the CASTLC INN, Merthyr, from the 14th to the 19th instant, on application to their Engineer. EDWIN O. TREGELLES. lenders to be deliveied before IS at noon of tb« 21st instant. Dated, Neath. 7th of 9th Month, 1885. SAllE NOTICE. T T IS requested that NO PERSON WILL SHOOT JI. or otherwise trespass on the Lands of J. H. ALLEN, Esq., In the Parish of LLANWONNO. to Law' 'ouu<* *° doing be punished according JOHN LLEWELYN, v, Agent io J. H. Allen, Eta. Fforest. Llanwonno. Any. 24, 1885. GAME NOTICE. A LL Persons are requested TO REFRAIN FROM A PH00TIN<S ON THE ABERAMAN ESTATE, and ihe other Lands of the Late ANTHONY llACON, Esq, in the Parish of ABERDARE. Any Person found Trespassing, after this Notice, will be proceeded against. By Order of the Tnuteet of the said Estate, ROBERT REA. Aberaman, Aug. 25, 1835. QASTKiia Jm, -For the better Accommodation of the Inhabitants of Brecon, Merthyr, Neath and Swansea, and the Public generally, JONATHAN EDWARDS bep tij say,, that he has JONATHAN EDWARDS begs Id a»yt that he has commenced RUNNING A COACH TO MEKTHYR, (instead of the Imperial) to MEET the SWANSEA MAIL, so that Passengers may secure places through, from Brecon to Swansea, either Iuside or Out; which it is hoped will meet the approbation, and ensure the support, of the Public. This Coach is the only one that has any connection with the Merthyr and Swansea Mail. The days of running are Mondays, Wednesdays, and Friday. N, B. Coaches, from the above office at Brecon, to -Birminghainp Worcester, Hereford, Shrewsbury, Mau. cliester, Liverpoiii, reaby, and Aberystwyth, &c. dailjr. Septewber lit, 1835. 1835 1m[E(g[E f?2[E, 23RD AND 24TH SEPTEMBER. FIR*T I> FIHST DAY. »KST Race—THE BRECONSHIRE STAKES I SOVEREIGNS each. h. ft. with 20 Sovereigns a(lde(i-two miles. The Weights to be published by 0 CL0€K ,N *HE morning of Tuesday, the 22nd. M' NULLERJ? BR- M- "ELL Gwynne Mr Go,igh'sb.g Kendal. 6 Mr'Morgan, na. b. g. H.ldon 4 7^b-f- Cyclops 6 Mr Williams sb.P. Cobbler 5 Mr Bailey. na b la-Shelab 4 Mr Reeve's b. c. brother to St. Nicholas 3 Mr'l'h.rues b. C, Worcester 3 Mr Bowen Davjes's b. f. Colubra 3 *RB" I*' UPSTART, BY Champignon [Owner] each TWO' ,ARF°^ S0B- 6- Harlequin [MR Thomas], 11, each, two miles, 50 £ OVEROIJUS, p P. OF M « THE I SK. STAKES KP VCRE,SNS each—H. ft. with 20 Sovereigns added, ST. lb MILCS' FOR BORSE# NOT thorough bred. 10 7 M!- G^K^'K8' AG°ED W 2 Mr K0<I? N>- ••D*ND'N» Aged 9 12 M 5 y» na-b-8-.CannonBall 6 9 9 Bt S'n* *>. g- -.Jack Tar 5 5 2 S,WLa,mSsb-B-Cobbler 5 8 t V Rebb'l,rf' "Rufus 5 8 0 MRM SBS CON,ET 4 For PIJUM °» n*b* 6 Harlequin AgeU of the ton A Handicap*, and other particulars of the Races, see Racing Calendar, No 13. M^POULOT "ORGAN, Esq. i Ror». i0SKPH BAILKY. J.,B. Esq. < STEU> ROOEK LOWELL, Clerk of the Race,.
SUMMARY OF PARLIAMENT. ( Continued from our laa, page.) HOUSE OF LORDS—TUESDAY. Mr Bernal and othera from the Commons brought up a message, requesting their Lordships to furnish the Commons with a copy of the fifth report of the Select Commiuee of their Lordships on prison dis- reqiiest wab acceded to and the messengers were Mr R»r i IBformed thereof by Lord Deninan. UD THP \I • 0,bers from the Commons brought announo ""IC,Pal Corporations Bill, the Commons «reeS th*y did »°» insist on their dis- on thp p e recent amendments of the Lords UD TH« amendments. They also brought Bill and :i!on .ass Bill, the Letters Patent LordshiDs'/ jf,age BilI» havin? agreed to their T £ iJU!*ndments in th°se Bills. Lord WH^RNrnp^T (IRBLAfiD) BIr-L- oircuinstances h er advertin# 10 the this Bill wll,ch rendered the introduction of *a» quite iinrf^u J)roceed«d l<> observe, that it Ireland cm.?-?08* to exPect that the Clergy of had been. aH rePay ^le sum of 650,000/. which eluded themVfrnft0ed l° •hem" Their sUua,ion Pre" Public min«l J PaJ1DK it, and the sooner the the better TV.S n?ade "P t0 'BE loss of that raoney legal rieh't-M I 'lsl1 C,ergJ possessed a right—a right to collect °them ™ eqUal!? relief; thpv 1 hey had never applied for Were fairlv on.-Ti0] for that to which they of Ob a hled-,They had asked tor the means fectly instiLr^S31 ^ShU. They were Per- that t1,VGovSnLn±,"?.!hi'J an,d he- would say, law with rp^nool^6" were bound to vindicate the they had nn^H l^e rights ot the Clergy, which "treme haral0ne' He lelt that be an they were 0" thfi Irish CIerS-v if. situ^e as mantled from theS^lIi"1 'hiS sat down Qvr. • e Cou d not avoid, before he entertained whhS1"g th* 8tronS feeling which he had been aere^d t0 the resolutions that merit, 11 Jhe ,1 by the other House ot' ParlU" Ireland Tbev firi °'the Church revenues of recognized the y ,heir vote on that subJect' ment of the titho principle, that no settle- »ni«».hrJlrsn r"er "keplace connected with "nVn odu.Ced,orthat PurP0Se ^as • SUDDOSPH aPPr°priation clause, respecting °f property- Th.. Plus, if justice we™ a there cou,d be no 8ur" lUhment of lL7a °ne to lhe Protestant Estab- n» Prole,ian,. P"15hM in Ireland there were fev; but J • ^at in otbers there were very wo»M CONTENDATH°L|TLINK thlS to the fact» sti11 lie Es'ablishm^nf V the 9ta,e of (l'e Protestant Ealablishruent in Ireland did not justify such a v; s }rn,s<ers had proposed. over thenibwELB^URNt' •*k1, »boul<} p»»« with respect T^fhl0 H I !*ADE BY H'S NOBLE FRIEND Ministers. He «h« L or,SInally introduced by 10 it, as th« o.,u- °e very unwilling to advert that House- u fd '>een already discussed in 1Itt It forward the object of Ministers %vas to carry into effect as r Ject °f Ministers was to carry •nxiouswiih to»offiaS.uthe.y Poss'bly could, their To the proposition 6 JC question in Ireland. ^i«ae on^riW by his Noble Friend to public, he conld not on by th1 lrlsh clerS>' to time that the Bill n?ent» 1' was stated at *»is loan, that it wa« in,r°duced for granting the mainUfnanee and «° COnsidered a" • ch.rgS testant nergy • "Mentation ot the Pro- •tated tfuit it was :n(p'j U.1 lt Wa»also distinctly panted »ho«ld after a r*r £ k- th^1 l^'s money so ihn«^M- c'ear and dUtin ,n tlrae be recovered. tbat M,NI8TER8^ OWTWOT understanding it WAS on that PRINCIPLE t?81" forward that Bill, and BEEN INDUCT TO CONCU D° 0THER' PARLIAMENT had had said, that the ,N U" HIS Friend the sooner the ACCOUM"61" MATTCR WAS settled ebt WAS REN»ITTE(J AS JS CLOSEd, the sooner the covering it, „H » 8 'HJRE *», no chance of re- "ADY to have DONE ,TER; N°*» BE «AS quite EENEEDIT0 THE °'BER Bill. THJLR LORD»hips.had ir U LSEULENIEHT TH^WK1! THUS MADE THAT U • AV >EN 1'KELY L I ^UESTIO,>, WHICH THPI'NF ^J'S'OUS peace in IR»IAY,I ^N^OUNDAT',ON °' JHE,r Lordships Ld HOWEVER, hether, under these PI A BE would ask »ould be justified now C^C"RASTANCES, Ministers peculiar circumstances of CONsidering the at oncc remitting this LOAN^ CLERSYME«, >N N?» 'IBHL to inquire WH0 WOULD A»K, U, obtained the means of N» had een advanced or not> yr"Su at which bad M noli Could they, in THE honest discharge of their duty as Ministers—could they, acting in a proper economic spirit, at once, and without any consideration or arrangement whatever, give up all this Money to the Clergy of Ireland, without any one reason to justify them in taking such a course? His Nob:e Friend said, that the Clergy never could P81 this money. He did not mean to say that, as to many cases, that might not be the fact; but he believed that it did not by any means apply to all. It would assuredly be proper for the Government to enforce the claims, where it was necessary, but certainly not where the justice of the ease, or a sympathetic feeling for the situation of the Clergyman, called for for- bearance, and rendered the recovery of such claims difficult. Hia Noble Friend had gone a little into the general question, and had censured the conduct of Ministers in office and out of office. He had censured their proceedings in the House of Com- mon. and in that House. He certainly could not, in any respect, agree with his Noble Friend in the view which he had taken of those proceedings. In his opinion, the measure which had been intro- duced with respect to the Irish Church, was wise and prudent and he thought that if their Lord- ships hrd agreed to the reasonable roformation of the Church Ests blishment in Irelaijd which had been proposed, there would have been, not merely a hope but a certainty, ot aettling this much- agitated queation on a safe and reasonable founda- tion. Their Lordships had, however, viewed the matter in a different light: and deeply did he deplore, in common with his Noble Friend, that the settlement of this question was left in so un- °*Lord "ELLENBOROUGH observed, that the course pursued by Ministers had materially im- peded the operation of Lord Stanley's excellent act. It had excited the apprehensions of the land- lords, who would not advance money to the clergy. man, which they feared they never could1 recover. When he looked to the resolution which was placed on the journals of the other House, he felt- that there was no hope, not the slightest, that their Lordships cocld ever agree to it. He would say that that resolution had created a new, an un necessary, a most unfortunate obstacle, to that union of public men which the Noble Marquis (Lansdowne) and the noble Viscount (Melbourne) must acknowledge to be essential to the public good, because it was essential to the proper Go- vernment of the country. While that resolution stood, there could not be formed a Government equally beneficial to all parties, and firmly deter mined to do their duty towards all classes. There was no hope of it. In saying this, he spoke not of views which he might himself entertain as a public man, with respect to the operation of that so-much-talked-of appropriation clause. He spoke from feelings of a more general and extended nature. He spoke with reference to the teelings— the religious feelings-of a great number ot peop e in this cotintry,-feelin,s which rendered it per- fectly impossible for them ever to agree to any such principle. (Hear, hear.) How was it possible, he would ask, that the other House of Parliament cou!d ever cordially unite with their Lordships in legislating upon great national questIOns, when such a resolution as that to which he had adveried stood upon their journale-a resolution which effectually prevented public men, whose sentiments on many other points might coincide, from uniting T0TheMarquis of VVESTMEATH greatly regretted the state of entanglement in which the conduct of Ministers had left this important question. He attributed to the conduct of Ministers, in proclaim- ing the extinction of tithes, the great cause of the depreciation of property in some parts ot Ireland. The Marquis of LANSDOWNE (who spoke in a voice scarcely audible) said, that with respect to the remission of the loan to the Irish Clergy, l was impossible to lay down so general a rule. ome of the Clergy might have received the means ot repay- ing- what had been advanced to them, while others could not; and it was certainly necessary that a distinction should be made in those cases. He, however, could not consent that a very large sum of money should be taken from the pockets of the people of England to support the Clergy of the Churoh of Ireland, especially as their Lordships had rejected a measure which would have gone tar to the settlement of the tithe question. I he Noble Lord (Ellenborough) had stated, that while the resolution of the House of Commons remained on the journals of that House it was impossible that there could be a union of public men, for the Government of the country. He regretted that any difficulty should be interposed to prevent the union of public men at the present monent; but he felt himself bound to defend the resolution of the House of Commons, as being perfectly constitutional. The Earl of RODEN said, the Clergy of Ireland had not come forward to seek for anything except that which was theis own tindoubted right. (Hear, hear.) They were placed in the melancholy, de- plorable, and wretched situation in which they now stood by means of the Government itself, which had not asserted the rights and dues of the Clergy, and vindicated the insulted law, as (hey ought to have done. There was not an individual in Ireland who did not know, that at one period the question of tithes might have been easily settled, but this was prevented by the declaration of Ministers in the other House, that tithes should be forthwith extinguished. At that time the South of Ireland would have been ready, in a fortnight or three weeks, to pay the tithes that were due; but the declaration of Ministers put an end to that state ot things. All that was then wanted was, that the Government would prove that they were really in earnest-that they were determined to enforce the law. If they had done so, the Legislature would not have been placed in their present unnatural situation; but the Noble Viscount informed them, that Government were ready to give up his loan, It their Lordships would have acceded to the Irisil Church Bill. But neither the Clergy of Ireland, nor himself, nor those who took the same view ot the subject that he did, would ever consent to receive such a bribe as an inducement which should lead them to desert their duty They would never, in consequence of any such remittance, allow the alienation of that property which was intended for the support of the Protestant faith to the propagation of another and a very different faith. He never would consent to the alienation of one farthing of that money which belonged to the Established Church for the purpose of incul- cating religious doctrines against which he pro- tested. The Bill was then read a third time. HOUSE OF LORDS—WEDNESDAY. ROYAL ASSEVT. Lord Denman, the Earl of Shaftesbury, and Lord Rosslyn attended as his Majesty's Commissioners, to Rive the Royal Assent to the following Bills;, viz:- The Glass Duties Bill, the Stamp and Assessed Taxes Bill, the Militia Staff Reduction Bill, the Municipal Corporation Bill, the Tonnage Admeasurement Bill, Ihe Slave Trade (Sardinia) Bill, the Slave Trade (Denmark) Bill, the Weights and Measures Bill, the Charities Commissioners Bill, the Poor Law Act Amendment Bill, the Cruelty to Auimals Bill, the Lectures Publication Bill, the Recovery of Tithes Bill, theTithe of Turnips Bin,, the Oaths Abolition Bill, the Land Revenue ^Scotland) Bill, the Reform of Parliament (Scotland) Bill, the Savings Bank (Scotland) Bill, the Forgeries (Scotland) Bill, the Im- prisonment for Debt (Scotland; Biil, the Excise In- corporation (Scotland) Bill, the Tithes Instalment 'Ireland) Bill, the Sheriffs (Ireland) Bill, the Shan- non Navigation Bill, the North American Colonial Association (lre.'aad) Bill, the Islington Market Bill, the Cave Hill and Beifa-t Railway Bill. MESSAGE FROM THE COMMONS. Mr. Bernal and other members brought up the Letters. Paieai Bill, atid reported that the Commons did not insist upon the amendments also the Fines and Recoveries Bill, the Grand Jurien (Ireland) Bill and the Capital Punishments Bill.-Adjourned. HOUSE OF COMMON'S.—WEDNESDAY. The Speaker entered the house at three o'clock. There were not forty members present at a quarter past three o'clock Sir Aug-ustu* Clifford, the Usher of the B!ack Rod, summoned the attendance of the Speaker and hi, Majesty's faithful Commons to attend the bar of the House of Lords, to hear the Royal assent given to several Bills, for which see Lords' report. CAPITAL PUMSHMENT. BILL. On the motion of Mr. Bernal, the Lords'amend- ments to the Capital Punishments Abolition Bill were agreed to. YOHK ELECTION. Mr. PUSEY brought up the report of the York Election Committee, which was laid on the table. CHURCH RATES. Sir S. WHALLEY presented a petition from the parish of St. Pancras, prayim: that the House would devise some remedy for the present grievances under which they laboured from the collectiou of church rates. Dr. BOVVRING presented a petition from the town council of Ihe borough of Dumfermliue, praying that the House would secure for England as good a measure of corporation reform as Scotland had got. General PALMER had a petition to present Irom the mother of a lunatic, complaining of the conduct of Sir Peter Laurie and other Aldermen of the city of London, Governors of the Beiltietis Hospital. Mr BAINES moved that the House be counted. I The gallery was cleared, and there not being forty members present the House stood adjourned. I
CONTEMPORARY PRESS. (From the tandard.) If W know that we meet the wishes of our readers in directing their first attention to the noble speech delivered yesterday at Tamworth, by Sir Robert Peel. Whatever may be the claims and they are very high to public consideration of some of the speakers in Parliament last night, there is no one in the empire to whose opinions all men, of all parties, look with so much anxiety, or from whose statements so much of instruction and grati- fication is expected, as Sir R. Peel. It is only because the Right Hon. Baronet is absolutely with- out a rival, such as he with whom Mr Pitt divided the empire of general interest, that we may not, merely changing names, apply the words of Sir Walter Scott- Tiiratigbout the British world are known The namell of Pitt and Fox alone.' We have still the adequate representative of the first-named great statesman. We have him still- i _Though stripped of power, The watchman on the lonely tower; Whose thrilling t unip can rouse the land, When fraud aud danger are at hand; By who.'r, as by the beacon 1 t;ht, Our pilots can keep course arigiit; A, that proud column which alone Can nrmly pr.'p the tottering throne.' In Sir Robert Pee! we have the adequate repre- sentative of Mr Pitt; but where, in the manifold sections of the ministerial confederacy, are we to look for Mr Foy lsstieces,-or? The condition of that confederacy, indeed, justifies the complaint of the poet— The wine of life N on the let's. For Mr Fox we have Lord John Russell, and Mr Hume, Mr Roebuck, and Mr O Connell." Though Lord Melbourne be Premier to-day, we believe there is no sane man in the kingdom who would hazard a prediction that he would be Premier to-morrow. Nothing is so uncertain as his continuance in office nothing so probable as his dismissal A day-an hour-the slightest and most frivolous contitigency-inay suffice to drive him from the helm. Sir John Hobhouse may have a headache; Mr Spring Rice may have a fit of the spleen, brought on by a reperusal of his own speech on the Taxes on Knowledge Lord John Russell may be exhausted by the pressure of his domestic and other duties, and be laid up on chicken-broth for a week -itn.
CONS ERVA,ris m.-T I ie spread of Conservative principles is powerfully indicated in the accounts of public meetings which have been held in various parts of the kingdom. Ttie failure of Radicalism seems to he equally evident in a similar degree.—According to the returns made of those who have claimed to vote this year, they are said to be decidedly in favour of the Conservative party, and the objections made to elaims have been quadruple to those made on any former occasion since the passing of the Reform Act. YO]TK FESTIVAL. Ti.t!ir Ro%, at H Liiiiess,,s. i lit,, Duchess of Kent and the Princess Victoria, attended by L-idy Flora Hastings, Lady Catherine Jenkinson, and Sir John Conroy, arrived on Saturday, at 2 o'clock, at Bishopsthorpe, the palace of the Arolibisiiop of York. The royal cortege was met by a troop of the Yorkshire Hussar Regiment of Yeomanry, under the command o( Colonel York, and escorted to Bishopsthorpe, where a numerous and distinguished party was invited to dine with their Royal Highnesses. The Duke de Nemours is also expected. The preparations for the festival at the Minster are completed. Ti e cholera decreases t COlli, but its I avac is dreadlul at Raccouigi, the King of Sardinia's resi- dence. In the c mrse of two days there have been 44 cases and 11 deaths; at Genoa in one day there have been 138 new cases and 31 deaths. On the 24th and 2oth of August there were 41 new cases at Leghorn, and two at Florence.—Augsburg Gazette. Tiie HeicitMar, of Pliii.-t(leli)liia, lias been fallen in with near Cuba. No person was found on biard) but a lurge quaotity of hard piasters .,r ti,it; ye-r'- coinage was discovered. By the ship's papers, it appears that 109,000 piasters had been taken on board, but the amount found was only 20,0()0. No other details are communicated, nor can any renson be assigned why the vessel had been abandoned with such a valuable portion of the freight. A TASTE FOR THE HORUIBLK.—In consequence of an execution having taken place here lately, and a knowledge that three other wretched men were under sentence of death, it was supposed by many that the latter were to he executed, and accordingly, several of those lovers of the horrible, both male and female, whose heads, if examined by the phrenologists, might properly he found to exhibit the bump ol hang manitireness in an extraordinary degree, repaired both to the Kirkdale and Borough jail to witness the sight. On being told that two were reprieved, and that it was uncertain whether the third was to be hauged, they went away Ilile chepfallen and dis- appointed H. B s LAST-—The three caricatures last published by" H. B." are, if not the best, among the best which have yet proceeded from his fertile and humorous fancy. Lord John Russell ill one is represented as Fieschi tiring off "the infernal machine "of the Corporation Bill, two of the barrels of which, charged by Palgrave and Hogg, have burst, and one has knocked out his eve. O'Connell is looking on, the joy that some mischief is done struggling with disappointment that all that he wtshed Is not accomplished. A certain ex-t,il:n- cellor is, on the contrary, all gloom, that any part of lux battery should have failed. Another repre- sents a half-way house with the sign of the Bedford Arm!, where Lord John ltussell, as tapster, is re- commending to John Bull soin(,- -,Scoteli and Irish halt-and-half." Hume and O'Connell are watch- ing the proceeding, the first promising a stronger draught of "genuine whisky" by and by, and o Connell exclaiming that the drink is not halt so strong as some stout which he is brewing The Duke of Newcastle and Lord Winchilsea 'are regarding John Bull's gullibil ity with surprise and horror. A third, which is tlie most laughter moving of the three, exhibits Lord Brougham and ^a?u aS 'W° cbairmcn, carrying in a sedan Lord Me ourne and Lord John Russell. All the four persons are drawn with admirable spirit and hu- mour. The discontent on the face of the north country chairman, and the hint well,interpreted by the broad grin of his Irish colleaglle in doing the worKOt the twoMinisters, that if not paid they will let their fare drop into the kennel, are expressed with surprising vigour and effect, while the two imprisoned dupes in the chair move at once our pity and our mirth by their respective character- Istlcs-the alarmed (idgettiness of the one, and the lounging nonchalance of the other. The three sketches are quite equal to the best of Gilray's admirable drawings of the political absurdities of his flay. SPONTANEOUS COMBUSTION:—A species of com- bustion without flame and analogous to that which hris been described, is exhibited in the extraordinary phenomenon of the spontaneous combustion of living" bodies. That animal bodies are liable to internal combustion is a fact which was well known to the ancients. The reader will judge of the degree of credit which may belong to these narrations when he examines the effects of a similar kind which have taken place in less fabulous ages, and nearer our own times. John ltenry Cohtuseii-iiifornis us, t:iat a Polish gentleman in the time of Queen Bona Sporza, having drunk two dishes of a liquor called brandv- wine, vomited flames, and was burned by them, and Thomas Bartholin thus describes a similar accident:— A poor woman at Paris used to drink spirit of wine plentifully for the space of three years,- so as to take nothing else. Her body contracted such a combusti- ble disposition, that one night, when she lay down on traw- tu-nicit, stwr wnsnli burned toasnes, except her skull and the extremities of her fingers." John Christian Sturmius informs us in the German Ephe- merides, that in the northern countries of Europe flames often evaporate from the stomachs of those who arc addicted to the drinking of strong liquors; and he adds "that seventeen years before, three noblemen of Courland drank bv emulation strong liquors, and two of them died scorched and suffocated by a flame wtuf-h issued from their stomachs/'—SO recently as 1/44 a SIMILAR example of spontaneous combustion occurred in our own country at Ipswicn. A fisherman's wife of the nallle of Grace Pett, of the parish of St. Clements, had been in the habit for seve- ral years of going down stairs everv night after she was half undressed to smoke a pipe." S:ie did this on the evening of the 9th of April 1744. Her daughter, who lay in the same bed with her, had fallen asleep, and did not miss her mother till she awaked early in the iiiortotig. Upon dressing herself, and going down stairs, she found her mother's body lying 0:1 the right side with her head against the grate, and extended over the hearth, with ifer legs on the deal floor, and appearing like a'block of wood burning with a glowing fire without flame. L'pou quenching: the fire with two bowls of water, the neighbours, whom the cries of the daughter had'brought in, were almost stifled with the smell. Tlie trunk of the un- fortunate woman was almost burned to ashes, and appeared like a heap of charcoal covered with white as.ies. Tne head, arms, legs, and thighs, were also much burned. There was no fire whatever in the grate, and the candle was burned out in the socket ol the candlestick which stood bv her. The clothes ot a child on one side of her, and a paper screen on the other were untouched; and the deal floor was neither singed or discoloured. It was said that the woman lad drunk plentifully of gin overnight in welcoming a daughter who had recently returned from Cubraltar. -Sir David Brewster's Natural Magic.
THE NATIONAL CHURCH. If watchmen see, and the people be not warned ?" EZEK. S3, 6. "The great events which characterised the history of Europe from the year 1780 to the close of the Revolutionary catastrophe, arc still so familiar to our memories, that it would be idle to enter into their detail. Hut the principles of the general overthrow bear so direct a resemblance to the principles which are now afloat among ourselves, that we must dread a similar progress leading to a similar catastrophe. The French Revolution began with a demand for the reform of the National Cnurch. The demand had been made fifty years before, but it was in the shape of gentle regret at conspicuous errors, and a philoso- phic hope of gradual purificati )n. This was the language of treachery rendered prudent by fear. But the language became rapidly louder. Personal stig- mas were followed bv general libel, and the Church of France was gradually brought before the public eye as the customary object of sarcasm and scorn. The next step in the process was to hold it up as the object of plunder. Toe pretence of reform was cast aside, and the declared determination was robbery. If the erv for change had proceeded from, men of virtue, justly indignant at the relaxation of clerical morals, or from men of religion, honestly desirous of seeing the Established Church of their country rendered worthy of Christianity, the desire for this revision might be not simply justifiable, but patriotic, safe, allll profitable. But "ho were the purifiers? No- toriously a junta of the most profligate, profane, ard iirendiary names of France. Who were the zealots whose blood boiled in their veins at the injured majesty of religion, but a race of scoffers at ail reli- gion, avowed and ostentatious infidels, libertines, and atheists WHO were the chief iiiouniers in that pro- cession in which they summoned the rising generation of France to weep over the grave of public morals strangled by a powerful and corrupt establishment? Voltaire, D'Alembert, Diderot, Raynal, and the crowd of inferior panders to public vice, who solicited A >hare iu their fame by rivalling them in their malig- nity. It will be fairly conceived that WE are no de- fenders of the views of religion adopted by Popery, but it would be a burlesque upon all reason to sup- pose that the Church reformers of France had any otuer object than subversion of the Throne in snbver- sion of the CLurch, eoupied with a fierce determina- tion to ruin the establishment as a preliminary to the riiiii of the only religion they knew. They now pro- ceeded systematically. The patriot orators were first not by the forms and doctrines, nor even by the property and pomps of tiie establis linent, but by the injuries of the minor clergy. The condition of the viilage curates, the working went to their souls, they reprobated the intolerable partiality" which condemned the true labourer in the vineyard to a pittance, while his diocesan was clothed in purple and fine linrn. When this display of setisi- bility had produced its effect in enlisting the sym- pathies of that vast multitude who are born to follow every public absurdity which adopts the common- places of romance, the po'itieal power of the Church became the object. The orators of the Palais-Roy; 1 felt all their notions of propriety offended by the sight of Churchmen connected with the Monarchy. \Y¡J:l.t was become of the simplicity of the primitive Church when aIt was purity and poverty ? What could be more afflicting to the true friends of religion than to see Churchmen running the hazard of the great corruptor, wealth, or bearing those titles t f honor, and offices of public distinction, which savoured so fatally of the spirit of the world Where was the age of the apostles ? "When the populace were inflamed by this appeal to their religious delicacy until they thirsted for the blood of the unfortunate, then the true develope- ment of the system came. The Church must be r. formed, was no longer the cry. The impurities of the Church were no longer the pretext. The Church must fall, was the ery. The last coin of the Church must be confiscated, was the principle of the rebel legislature. Hypocrisy had done its work, it was required no longer. Legislation threw off its mask, and stalked forth as rapine. As if the human character had been suddenly changed, the philoso- phers,orators,patriots,andpurists of the land, exhi- bited one ruthless gang of revolters, assassins, incen- diaries, and robbers; or rather as if some upburst from the dungeons of darkness and evil had sent forth their spirits to revel for a season on the face of the earth, and supersede the form and feelings of man- all was one scene of furious struggle, bloody revenge, frantic laughter, hideous voluptuousness, and reckless spoliation. The first act of the National Assembly was the seizure of the whole property of the Church. Whatever might be the unscriptpnd errors of the- French file property was guiltless. That Church might have deserved the heaviest ven- geance for its doctrines, but those doctrines were not impugned by the new illuminators of France. Its property was its crime in their eyes. They abated the nuisance by a general grasp at the whole corporate in- come of the Church. The operation was simple. It was completed in a single day, by a single debate. The motion Was made, 'That all the revenues and possessions of the Church should become the pro- perty of tiie State.' lt was carried with scarcely the form of deliberation. In I i-SI), and from that hour, the spirit of revolution, torch in hand, went forth to lay tne monarchy, the nobility, and the whole pro- prietary of France in a bed of flames, which was to be extinguished only in torrents of the blood of France and Europe."—Blackwood's Magazine.
On Tuesday, at half-past 11.M*. 'HE young Prince of France arrived, and ANEHON^AT Spithead.— Salutes were fired from the >\dmiral'lf ship, and the platform guns saluted him lie passed. M it County Court of Middlesex Magistrates has led to much discussion respecting the non-attendance of the Members of the countyatsuch Courts. The conduct of Mr Hume has been severely commented upon, lt appears the Hon. M.P. has not attended one Court or Committee of Justices for six years past, and then just before his election. Sunday evening the care-taker of Lady L'anrlatf was attacked by two men in the road near Tiiomastown, county ofTipperary, one of whom was armed with a gun the fellow missed fire at the care- taker, who, though a grey-headed old man, gallantly rusned on his assailant and knocked him down, (lis- armed him, and without any assistance succeeded in making the two prisoners.—Dublin paper. At Varylebone police-ollice, vesierday morn- ing, Mr Stanynought "as brought before the Magis- trates, and committed to Newgate to take his tria for the murder of his son.