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. GRAND DINNER TO Slit ROBERT…

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GRAND DINNER TO Slit ROBERT PEEL, AT TAMWORTH, STAFFORDSHIRE. Friday week an entertainment, distinguished as well for its splendour as good taste, was given to Sir Robert Peel, at the Town lIall, Tamworth, bv the most influential inhabitants of Tamworth, Lichfield, Burton, Birmingham, and of the counties adjacent to those places. About 200 gentlemen sat down to din- ner between six and seven o'clo-k, which was given as a proof of the high estimation in which the character of Sir Robert is held as a statesman and as a neigh- bour, and to show the country that the electors of Tamworth and the gentlemen present were proud of having him as their representative, and that they con- sidered him the leader in the Conservative cause. It was stated to us, upon the best authority, that at least 100 of the most respectable inhabitants of Bir- mingham could not be accommodated with tickets- that as much as Xloo were offered for ten tickets— and that if there had been room in the Town Hall, up- wards of 500 persons of influence would have met to- gether on the occasion. The chair was taken bv W. P. Inge, Esq., of Thorpe. The vice-chairman was lhomas Bramall, Esq., the bail ill" of Tamworth. Among the company we observed Mr Dugdaie, sen. Mr Dugdaie, M. P., Ceneral Dyott, Colonel Dicken- I'd I son, lion. W. Curzon, Mr W. Peel, Mr Wolferston, Mr Mott, Mr Shaw, Major Bam ford, Mr vii, Mr Stokes; Revs. Mr Biick, Mr Pidduck, Mr Woollev, Mr Gresley, Dr Lloyd, Mr Everard, George Inge, R. C. Savage, W. Metcalfe, Thomas Dickenson, Mr Esdlelaz, T. Bonney, W. Lloyd, Neale Mitchell, Mr y Buckeridge, Dr Laflv, C. Thompson, besides several other gentlemen resident in tiie places before-men- tioned. Duringthe whole of the day, which was a most beau- tiful one, Tamworth presented a very animated scene, and the ringing of the bells tended very much to en- liven it. Sir Robert arrived in town from London in the morning, and on his approach to the town, and on entering the dining room, was received with the most loud and general cheers. Notwithstanding the fatigues of a long and laborious Session, he appeared to enjoy robust health, and certainly was in the highest spirits. The dinner, which consisted of every delicacy that the season could afford, was served up in a style that the most inveterate and fastidious epicure could not grumble at. This important part of the proceedings was under the management of Miss Lucas, of tbeCastle Inn. The Chairman (the cloth having been removed) rose and proposed" Tae King, and God bless him,"—three- times-three. "God save the King" was LIen sung, and the company loudly cheered the delivery of the words- "Confotind thrir politico, Frustrate their knavish tricks The Chairman then proposed Our excellent Queen," which toast was alsogreeted with three-times- three. Song. Hail! smiling morn." The next toast was "Thp Princess ictoriannd the rest of the Royal Family," which was received in the same loyal and affectionate manner. Song. Here's a health to all good lasses." The Chairman then sai(I-Gi-iitlelle", let me now propose to you the health of the Right Honorable Sir Robert Peel, Bart. (Cheers.) In mentioning the name of this highly distinguished individual, I feel that no words of miue can do justice to his exalted character. His extensive knowledge, his great appli- cation, his sound judg-mellt and calm discretion are acknowledged by all, even by his political opponents. (Cheers.) All respect his honesty and integrity. All admire the brilliancy of his talents. I will not attempt to enumerate them, for his superior abilities are well known to the British nj.tion, and they appreciate the important services he bus rendered. No man ever received so many marks of approbation as this consis- tent Statesman. All thf marks of respect that were paid were not confined to his publie character, for as a good friend and kind neighbour he is equally entitled to esteem. I will not say one word more, but merely to wish health and ]oil,- -life, to Sir Robert Peel.— (Upstanding, with three-times-three, and cries of One cheer more." Sir R. Peel then rose amidst most tremendous cheering, and spoke to the following effect:—Gentle- iiieti,-It would have been to me a most severe disap- pointment and mortification, if any circumstances had occurred to prevent me from fulfilling the engagement under which I had placed my sell to meet you this day. (Cheers.) Gentlemen, circumstances over which I have no controul might have called me away, and the puhiic duties which I had to fulfil might have prevented me from fulfilling mv engagement with you; but I know that if those duties were of impor- tance to the nation, you would have accepted them as an excuse, and permitted me to forego the satisfac- tion of meeting you here in order that 1 may attend my public duties iu Parliament or elsewhere. I know your forbearance, and it would be a great personal sacrifice to me if mv public duties interlered with my attendance here 0:1 this occasion. In the first place, I have to acknowledge the undivided attention of this assembly, and to thank them for the enthusiastic manner of the proposal that my health shoutd be pledged. It is impossible for me to address you from this place, and this room, without being reminded of the occasion, and of the circumstances under which I addressed many of vou here now not many months ago. Circumstances were ddft'rent then from what thev are now. On the last I addressed you I was in the situation of the hrst Minister of the Mo- narch of this countrv. (Cheers.) I then stood in the highest and most honorable situation that human ambition can attain or aspire to. (Cheers.) I was then honored with tne confidence of a benevolent So- vereign. I then presided over the Councils of one of the most celebrated and powerlul nations on earth. I am now in a different situation 1 am descended from the proud eminence upon "lllctl I was placed, and find IIIvself now in the rank ot my leilow-citizens. When last I appeared amongst you I entered into the details of my elevation, and 1 Y011 that I had attained the eminence alluded to by no base artifice or intrigue, and I now think I can say that I have de- scended from it with no discredit or disnonor to mv- self. (Cheers.) I accepted the appointment on the call of the Sovereign of this country who, by his pre- rogative, has the right of choosing Ministers to advise with, and who are responsible lor that advice. Ire- signed office when I saw tnat l could not conduct the affairs of the country consistently with the acknow- ledged principles of the Constitution. My colleagues and myself avowed that principles against the esta- blished practice ofthe Constitution were not tenable, and we assented to the other principle that opposition to a majority of the House of Commons would esta- biish a dangerous precedent. I alid my colleagues had no wish to have our names connected with the establishment of such a precedent; We therefore pro- perly resolved on resigning t"e othce« our Sovereign had been pleased to confer upon us. When I last addressed vou in this room, I entertained the confi- dent expectation, and tnoughtiiat expectation bus been disappointed, I would still entertain it, and I believe tnat we have still prospects of success. (Loud cheers.) Mv belief that we shall still be successful, and that we'should have been so, is founded on the honor, integrity, and long experience of public life of the men of whom I had the honor of being a colleague (cheers); moreover, the expectation of being enabled to carry measures which wouid be practically useful and satisfactory to the public was founded on the belief that the opposition in the House of Commons was not firmly connected bv an bond of public opinion, by any bond of similar principles, or by any bond of private attachment to each other (a laugh), which could put me on my guard or make me conceive that they would afterwards unite in opposition to the Government over which I presided. (HeaV.) I have since found that I gave thopl grdatdr i r •! it for since- rity than they deserved. (A laugh.) 1 now find that I have relied too much on the truth of the language with which they have spoken of each other. (Hear, hear.) I really thought from what I had seen that they had ample means of knowing each other, and that therefore I was right in trusting to the accuracy of their information. (Cheers and laugh- ter.) But it appears that I have been deceived, and I beg to refer you to a former speech from the throne as to what was stated then by the Govern- ment oC his Majesty, which was composed ol many ol the individuals then in office, and who then advised his Majesty to make the following decoration :—" But I have seen with feelings of deep regret and just in- dignation the continuance of attempts to excite tne people of England to demand a repeal ol the legis.a- tive union. To the practices which have been used to produce dissatisfaction to the state, and mutual distrust and animosity between the people of the two countries, are ehwfly to be attributed, the spirit ol insubordination, which, though for the present, in a great degree, controlled by the power 01 the law, has been but too perceptible in many places. (Cheers.) The party to whom this applied was not more complimentary than those who had tnus de- L scribed him. (Hear, hear.) One month before the party came into office, lie addressed this letter to Lord Dutle:liioii: You belong to the Whigs, and after four years of the most emaciating experience we ought, indeed, to have known that Ireland had not. illig to expect from the Whigs but intolerant contempt, and malignant but treacherous hostility- In p!iiin truth, my Lord, it is quite manifest that Lord Melbourne is quite incompetent to the high office he ho'ds. (Loud cheers and laughter.) It is la men a ^e to me to think that the destinies of the Iris i pi (>p.e S!,Ou,(I, i!) any degree, depend on so inefficient.a pei-ion Gentlemen, I confess that this statement is none ofu mine; but those opinions of those parties are now upon record, and are become matter of history. In ;0. January last one of the parties was, as I have siiown, not content with the others; yet now he is in (-.Ioi and affectionate union with them. (Cueers and laughter.) However, all I can say is, that they have sacrificed on the altar of their country their ancient hostilities, and the union has given to one party ofliee, and to the other power. (Cheers.) Gentlemen, tiie tiiird source of confidence I entertained wuen 1 entered office was, that it was my intention TO propose t iose measures which had been proposed to Parliament by the former Government, and 1 thought that I should have the approbation of that Government. I had not undertaken to govern on ultra principles. I was aware, and so must all of you be, that great changes had taken place in the institutions of the country, and that it was expected that the course Government would pursue, would be to accommodate itself to would pursue, would be to accommodate itself to those changes. I meant to do so (hear, hear,) and [ do say, that whatever had been my opinions with respect to the Reform Bill, he must be a madman who should forget that it had passed. (Cheers.) If I had been allowed to continue, I firmly believe that the measures I intended to propose would be calcu- lated to satisfy the great majority of be reasonable portion of the community. 1 intended to propose measures of extensive ivlonn. 1 did not intend to do this merely for the sake of conciliating popular opinion, but in order to adjust measures that had been left by former Governments in sucn a state that it was absolutely necessary that they should be finally settled. I stated in general terms what those mea- sures would be, without entering into the details of them, for I was not permitted to do so, and I trusted THAT when those details were laid before the country, and maturely deliberated upon, thev would not fall short ofthe expectations ot the people. (Hear.) I will now again repeat some of the measures it was my intention to propose for tiie sanction of Parliament: in the lirst place, I should have proposed a safe and practical measure for the commutation of tithes in England, and I should have proposed that measure on equitable principles and on voluntary adjustment; but if voluntary adjustment faiied me, it was not my intention to exclude compulsory principles. (Hear.) But when I say tiiis, I beg that it may not be understood that it was not my intention that the fair equivalent should not be given for the property that was to be taken away. (Cheers.) There was another measure which, on entering office, I found unsettled, and which I considered to be a fertile source of dissensions throughout the country, and particularly in large towns-I mean the payment of Church-rates by the Dissenters. I believe that the Church of England would gain —1 believe that its insti- tutions would be rendered more stable, by the settlement of this question. Though I åm ill favour of the principle that the Church should depend on the public for its support, at the same time I am anxious to relieve Dissenters as muvjii as possible from some of its demands, It was my wish, also, to adjust the questions which were still unsettled, to the satis- faction of all, except oi those, and I trust they are few in number, who wish to disturb the harmony that ought to prevail between the Dissenters and the members of the Church of England. I did wish in whatever I did to consult the members of the Church of England, which is always an'object of paramount importance to me. (Cheers.) I intended to give such advantages with respect to marriage and baptism as would relieve the Dissenters from conforming, even in appearance, with the forms prescribed by those from whose doctrines they dissented. I also intended, in conjunction with my colleagues, to proceed with the improvements that had been suggested by mem- bers of the Government that preceded me, and which had been left unsettled—I mean those improvements w hich regard our ecclesiastical laws. With respect to economy,! intended to insist upon it as far as would not be dangerous, and as far as would not be likelv to disturb the tranquillity of the country that was con- sistent with public faith and public safety. (Hear, hear.) The estimates ot the Government over which I had the honor to preside was lower by £ 400,000 than anv estimates produced since the time of the war. For tnis reduction the credit—I avow it—does not belong exclusively to the Government at the head of which I was. Those estimates Were in part prepared by mv predecessors, and till the Inst 111:111 in the world to detract from their merits, or from what they have done with respect to economy. Gentlemen, I think those measures, if 111:\d been allowed an op- portunity of proposillg them in detail, and the House of Commons had maturely deliberated upon them in a Mr spirit,-t tliitil, I may say that they would have been brought to a suceesslul issue, and that the labours of that Session would have satisfied those who were loudest in their complaints, and in their cries for a redress of grievances. I do not pretend to say, however, that the measures passed in such session would have given universal satisfaction, tor I know that there were persons fonder of grievances for the sake of the grievances themselves than of having them redressed,and that such persons do not wish to be deprived of having them to complain of. (Cheers.) There were two other questiulls whieit I meant in proper time to legislate upon the first is that which relates to the Municipal Corporations of England and Wales; and the second, that which regards the settle- ment of thetititequestioninhetaud,and the removal of theabusestiiatexistin that estab! ishinent. (Cheers.) I certainly did refuse, when called upon in the House of Commons, to give any promise as to tlie measure which 1 intended to propose with respect to the reform of Municipal Corporations. Iin this promise, or of giving any detailed explanation-oil the subject, on tlie ground tint I had not ns yet read the evidence, nor seen the report of the commissioners. J tiIOUg-lt it best, before I gave a promise, to wait for that information which I considered necessary to enable me so to legislate as to finally settle the ques- tion. (Hear, iiear.) After 1 had seen and perused the evidence and the report of the commissioners I im- mediately admitted the necessity of Corporation Reform; but when I sav this it is not to he under- stood that I meant to lend myself to measures which were not founded on justice, and which would carry changes INTO the institutions ofthe country to too changes into the institutions of the country to too great a length. (Hear.) Gentlemen, on this point, and in making- this confession, permit me to tell you, that I sacrificed, and to no small extent, my own private feelings, for when I made the admission that Corporation Reform was necessary, I did consent to interfere with the established rights of a corporation (cheers) which never in any one instance abused its powers, but whose conduct was always founded IN justice, in honor, and in integrity and whose every act was distinguished by the most irreproachable pro- priety. (Loud cheers.) I will now state the imme- diate course I intended to pursue with respect to the settlement of the otiier question—I allude to that of the Irisii Church. I proposed to reform tiie abuses that had crept in in consequence of time-in eonse- quence of the conduct of private individuals. AI,d O other circumstances, but was determined to rjlist, ant did resist to the utmost of my power, the principle of the appropriation of the revenues of the Irish Church to other than to ecclesiastical purposes. (Cheers.) 1 re- sisted that appropriation, first because it contamet a principle that was fraught with danger; and secom IV, because I knew, from accurate calculation, that if there were a new distribution of the revenues oft le Irish Church, it would be found that they were not more than sufficient for the decorous maintenance of the clergymen belonging to that Church. (Hear, hear.) This question was the immediate ground upon which the existence of the late Administration termi- nated. I have perceived that upon recent occasions, and by high authority, the measures I projected^ have been denominated (tiie term is very expressive) "clap- trap." If they were "clap-trap" measures, they were the recent ones of my predecessors. (Laughter and cheers.) Every one of their measures were under- taken, and then left in such a state that it was neces- sary for their successors to attempt a practical ad- justment of every one of thetn. (Cneers.) I really think that those who introduced those measures, and left them unsettled, were more liable to the charge of elap-trap than those who in goocl parnest set about attempting to settle them. I believe that those measures, if they had been undertaken by the Govern- ment to WIJI:■ h I belonged, might have been settled. If Iliad onlv the good fortune to have possessed so much of oftliv. House of Commons as to induce them to enter into a practical deliberation of those measures and when I was telling you that I had in the IIouse a majority of the members of Eng- land, I do not think that my attempt to govern was so rash as some people have considered, nor that my hopes to settle those questions were so remote as many people thought. (Ciieers.) FAR be it from me to place the members of allV' portion of tl¡ese realms beneath the other. Far be it from me to rank the re- presentatives of Ireland in the scale lower than those of (Hear, hear.) But still I will say, that f had tile good fortune of having on my side a majority of the representatives of the English people. (Cheers.) I had, therefore, rc-iisoil to hope that I siloul(I have been able to have settled all those questions according —mind, according—to the principles of our Constitu- tion. (Cheers.) What I mean by this is, that I should have carried them with the cordial goodwill of the three branches of the Legislature. (Hear, hear.)- I for one think tlid no measure can be satisfactory to tiie people in which the consent ofthe House of Lords has been extorted by menace or violence (tremendous cheering); :IN(] £ believe that the people of this country would find measures passed with the sanction of the three branches of the Legislature more in harmony with our Constitution, than if they had been passed by one branch of the Legislature whilst the con- sent of the other was excluded. (Cheers.) Gentle- men, you are probably aware that of late great hosti- lity has been shown towards the 1 louse of Lords (hear, hear); that notice has been given by an Hon. Member that he would at an early period of next Session move for leave to bring in a Bill to reform the House of Lords. (Hear, hear.) By reforming the House of '1' Lords I understand nothing more tiian that Jhey shou d be deprived of having a voice iu tlie councils of the nation, and by it is meant the establishment of a popular assembly free from all control. It is rriy opi- nion that such an assembly, investing itself with abso- lute power of legislation, would soo:I attack ttie pre- rogatives ofthe Crown, and destroy the Constitution. (Hear.) I do not hesitate to say that such an usurpa- tion on tlw part of one branch of the Legislature would end in the most intolerable tyranuy. (Loud cheers.) Gentlemen, I am, and 1 hope you are, for tiie maintenance of the British Constitution. (Loud cheers.) Gentlemen, I hope that you will not pass such a libel on the Reform Bill, astodeclare it incon- sistent with tne maintenance of t.,e i.-ritisii Cons itu- tion. [for one cannot do so, and I will strive to the utmost of my power to prevent the tyranny that would arise from that assembly which ShoaJd Lie elected solely by the public voice. (Cheers.) history of all countries, at least t.1e history of every country in Europe that have tried the experiment, that have adopted the establishment of such an as- sembiy, proved that, it was not compatible with the liberty or happiness of any of those countries. Why, the very history of our own country, as well as the history of Franct" and other countries, showed what were tne results of being governed sok-iy by an assembly elected by the public voice. (Hear, hear.) Such an assembly generally ends in the assumption of supreme power by some" successful military com- mander, to whom the people revert, thinking it better to submit to one tvrant rather than bow to the many- headed one, to which they had been before subject, in the shape of one popular assembly. If they siiou'd risk trying such an experiment, they would find that the results would always be the same—tnat they did not arise from anything like mere acci- dental circumstances, but proceeded from causes inherent to human nature. (Hear, hear.) When I consider the feelings oi' the people of this country- when I consider the way property is distributed— when I consider the rights of tnat property—when I consider the ancient laws by w hich everything con- nected with this country is bound together, it is my belief that if one assembly should legislate singly, call it the House of Commons, or by any other name you please, the same results would follow which I iiave already pointed out. In sueh an assembly you would have the civil power usurped by some military commander, and you would be glad, like the people of France, after pouring out a deluge of blood, to revert to the ancient order of things and to establish monarchy once more. (Cheers.) Gentlemen, knowing your good sense, it is scarcely necessary for me to "warn you, and to tell you that a popular assembly would not be a meeting consisting of philosophers and sages (laughter), entirely intent on the promotion of the public good, and completely forgetful of their OWN interests (cheers and laughter)-the sole object of whom would be to benefit the -public and to promote the public order. Do not believe that such wouid be the case, but rather BE'ieve that amongst the majority of such an assembly YOll would find a nue/eus of designing and cunning men, who, whilst prating about public liberty and order, would be, in the mean time, doing everything to attain the furtherance of their own ends. As I said before, our own country and France have shewn that such would be the result ol those principles. Those results, I repeat, are not accidental. They are as certain as that cause produces effect, as immutable as the laws by which the World is governed—which are as certain" as that all that happens by the operation of those laws witiiiii our sphere as that comet now appearing within our own system after the lapse of an illterval of half a century. (Immense cheering.) Well, if hostility prevails against the House ofLords, 1 am glad that tiiose WHO profess it have given in- dications of it, and of the plans they mean to pursue, for it will put the people of England upon their guard or if thev feel such inconvenience, it will shew that they wish to change the present system of Govern- ment for one of a more democratic form. It might be said that I am cautiously avoiding to make any reference to America, but that I confine myself solely y to the countries ol Europe. It might be said, and I know it will be contended, that the democratic prin- cip'e has been successful in America, I t will be said that under this Government the people enjoy civil and otiier rights almost to equality, and yet that country is enab'ed to defend itseif from, and even to punish aggression from abroad. I shall be told, if I look to tne States of America, I shall-find an adoption of the popular principle has been successful there. V cry well, I IOOK. to the States of South America, where the popular principle has been incorporated, and can I acknowledge tnat it has been successful in those States, when almost every newspaper that reaches me talks of insurrection among them? heir.) What has prevented the establishment of a regular Government in those States if the form of a popular one was so very good (Hear,he.tr.) If tiie prin- ciple is correct by w.;ich we are told that we can govern ourselves, and that there is no advantage to be derived from our ancient institutions, and from obedience to atitiioi-ity, how happens it that revolu- tions in the States I have just mentioned do not form exceptions, hut rather a general rule ? (Ciieers.) The real revolution" FLINT v. 111 happen in South America will be tnat by which a regular and per- manent Government will be established in tnat country. (Hear, hoar.) I have admitted that the popular form of Government has been successful in the North American States, but I deny the genera) position, that because it has succeeded there it will suit this country. North America is a wide and most extensive country. It contains a vast tract of land unoccupied, to which the discontented and disaffected can be sent, and its position alone makes it widely different/rom England. The Republican institutions tnat will suit a new country may not for that account suit a country which contains JNEN educated as we are, subject to such !aws as we are, and holding property by such rights as we do, and having prejudices (you may call them prejudices if you will) tint connect us with the ancient monarchy of England. (Loud cheers.) Let it not be understood that from wiiat 1 have said I bear ony ill will towards the Americans. No on the .()III %v contrary, I wish them all possible success to them- selves as well as to their government. J,pt Lem believe me when I say, that I would rather see them happy under their Republican institutions, than see any, form of Government, even monarchy, to which I am so much attached, confirm the unheppiness of that people. Though we received accounts of the hap- piness of the people ofthe United States, I do not see that that is any reason why this country should adopt a Republican form of Government. (Hear, hear.) But 1 happened to read in a paper which I shall quote, and I quote it as an authority—I allude to an article which I READ in it on the 25tii of August, 1835. Mind, the paper I am quoting from is not a Conservative journal, but one that strenuously es- pouses the cause of the present Government. I quote the extract, not that I have a wish to sliew the un- happuiess of the people of the United States, but when I was told of the happiness of the people of that country, I wasratuer startled at tne article in question, and it gave me much reason to doubt of the vaunted happiness of the inhabitants of the United States, when I find the following article inserted in a journal that professes to be the organ of the present Go- vernment: The news con ahied in the New York papers,whichhavcbeenbrottghtoverbyt::eP.ji!a- I delphia are full of interest-al1 insurrection amongst the slaves in Havannah—the spread of the sum- mary mode of punishment called "Lynch law-" (By the by, by Lynch law is meant hanging a person without trial) (a laugh)-and the hanging of five gam- blers at Yicksburgh without trial-acts of aggression on the part of the authorities of Michigan upon the inhabitants of Toledo, Onio,-and the seizure at Livingstone, Missisippi, of two abolition preachers, and of seven Negroes, who appear to have been hanged in the streets by the exasperated inhabitants with a small 'form of trial, scarcely constitute a hare catalogue of enormities wnich these papers contain." Gentlemen, this is the testimony of the English paper I alluded to, and the following is the testimony of the New York Evening Post-" The account which we publish in another column from an extract of the Toledo (Ohio) Gezctle will be perused by our readers with regret. With civil feuds in the Nortti, tumul- tuous proceedings of an anarchical and fatal character in the West, and a servile war in the South, to say nothing of the factious and incendiary spirit which has lately broken out in various parts of our Atlantic border, the country does in truth exhibit at present a spectacle to the European nations which we fear will be commented upon in a way not calculated to re- commend the example of a popular Government." Now gentlemen, it YOU only bear in mind what has been' the issue of similar experiments, you will not very much indulge in a popular Government. Even the expectations which it was hoped won d arise from the "three glorious days of July" were somewhat abated in bis country, and the acts of the present French Government were the the theme of every con- versation. For my part I do not complain of the King ofthe French, who, I believe, is desirous of pro- moting the welfare of his people. It is not his fault, that he is obliged to have recourse to the present pro- tile, It is tile, fllkit of those few that are teaching the people to employ resistance that the French Legislature is obliged to adopt severe laws. It I^ not tlie fault of the Govern- ment that the people of that country are made to submit to a grater tyranny tlnu that to which they were subject under the ancient laws of the country. I think I may say that the French now enjoy less liberty (hall w enjoy in this country under our ancient laws, and the mixed and balanced Government under which we live. Now, after the threats that I have heard uttered against the House of Lords, and against the Bishops, and about depriving the Mem- bers of that House 01 their right of veto, I think it is time for the people of this country to make up their minds, and to say whether they are friendly I to the redress of their just grievances, or whether THE/ i are dissatisfied w ith the institutions of tueir COUNTRY are dissatisifed w ith the institutions of tueir COUNTRY and are ready to suffer an organic change in IT J t..e purpose yf substituting an uncontrol led P°I. assembly. (Loud cheers.) I am not one to a adherence many branch of t) J Legislature to its own principles. (He.1r, bear, promise worthy the dignity of branch of the 1^ gis'ature. t :e tw T> Houses of Parliament, and I believe that TB we1 fare of this country consists in that the people 0 of it should be able to appiv themselves to the HONES pursuits of industry, without being harassed by (J1** sensions ofthe Legislature. But I assert, that WLIIL' I advise a virtuous and dignified compromise, 1 never consent to any species of compromise that W tend to destroy any one branch of the Legislature* (Tremendous cheering.) Gentlemen, I fear THAT have detained you too long. (Cries of No, NO, have detained you too long. (Cries of No, NO, and "o on.") III conclusion, I will say that it is IAL earnest hope that you and the people of tllis country, that all tiiose to whom my franenise has given po«'Cf» will compare their country to any that now* exists, or t that has been recorded in history. I AV^IOPE that t you witl take into consideration the WV'EAT C.hanfCPS | that within the last few vears have '"L place in *E I State—that certain civil qualifications, have BEE0 | taken away—that A reform has taken p'ace in the House of Commons, and that all this has been done with the consent of the House of Lords. (Hear, hear.) I trust that the people OF England will compare THEIR condition with that of the most favoured people OI the globe; thougil they have not all the whicu they might have, still they have considerable ones, in enjoying to such an extent as they do the liberty of action and the freedom of speech, I11 I not being tramelled in their industry and exp< ) sion of wealth, and in having the free intercourse they have with all parts of the world. Look to those ad- I vantages, and then reflect on the consequences of THC I interruption of the industry, for even a single week, In this country. I ask you whether Republican institu- > tions can now, or are likely to find favour in tilli country 1 I ask you whether the popular voice, repre- sented through popular channels alone, is sufficient FOR you? Don't you think yourselves fairly represented, and that you are in a state of obtaining a. fair redress ol your grievances? I trust that you will not be insane enough to countenance iu the slightest degree the and baneful projects of a few. I trust—I hope, indeed I a:n almost sure that the people or this enlignteneu laud will not deprive themsetves of the advantages they now enjoy; that they will discharge their duty towards tiieir posterity by handing down to them those rights which we all have in the Constitution, which, as we ourselves have inherited them, we ought to transmit intact to be inuc-rited by our children and our children's children. (The Right Honourable Baronet resumed his seat amidst loud and general cheering.) I. Several other toasts and speeches were afterwards, delivered, but we are compelled to wittrhold them.

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