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MERTHYR JYDVIL, SATURDAY, Xoo. 30, 1833 -to- There is probab!y no form, in which the unfail- ing effects of Whig principles are more signally manifest, than in the present condition of the agricultural districts. The depressed state of the farmers is already matter of paiuful "notoriet,ý but the feature, not less important in our view, which occupies our preseut reflections, is the moral and social condition of those parts of the kingdom which subsist by rural industry. To Ireland, although of the agricultural part of the kingdom a very large proportion, we shall not allude not only because it is remote from the seat of our labours, but because the ewls which occupy our present attention are there not of recent birth. But the subject to which we particularly call the attention of our readers, is the frightful recent increase, in the agricultural districts of England, of the diabolical crime of incendiarism upon agricultural property, and of robbery on the highway. Scarcely a week passes but the t, provincial papers bring to us numerous and pain- ful records of the willnl destruction of agricul- tural property by fire: while the practice oi robbing on the highway has become so common that in Wiltshire the farmers ride to Devizes market and home again armed. These are evils which strike so directly, not only at the .e»j°yments and comforts of human life, but even at the safety of it, that we conceive them to call for serious consideration. Although they appar only to occasionally affect individuals, they indicate alarming and recent strides in moral depravation, in which the interests of the public are deeply concerned and, in the sense of inse- curity, and even terror, which they bring upon 0 the possessors of a certain kind of property, they defeat, pro tanto, that sense of security which it is the principal object of the laws to afford, and through which alone the prosperity of the country in its prosperous days was effected. It is a remarkable fact, that the day when the crime of incendiarism was first perpetrated in England, was just six weeks after the consum- mation of the French Revolution of glorious days." It is also a singular fact, that the French King had at that time sent hither, as his minister, a states whose astute political dexterity, and talents for intrigue in all its forms, are universally known; and wilose services, for all ordinary pur- poses, were infinitely more wanted by his Royal Master in Paris than in London. The great in- flux also of French people, of French principles, and no doubt of French politicians, at this time, was universally remarked. However, the people of England were at that time such ardent admi- rers of their Gallic allies, that no suspicion ol foreign agency in this matter could be tolerated, and the blame was all put down to "Tory misrule and boroughmongering corruption." Put out the Tories, and bring in honest Lord GREY and the Reform in Parliament, and the fires would die away of themselves. Soon after the Whigs came into power they took the matter in hand with needful energy, and, by hanging some, and transporting others of the rural offenders, quietness was restored. This was certainly a great desideratum but the Whigs left one thing omitted: THEY MADE NO ENQUIRY INTO THE CONDITION OR DISTRESSES OF THE CLASS OF PEOPLE WHO COMMITTED THESE OUTRAGES. From that time to the termination of the late Session ot Parliament, the promise of the Reform measure, and the hopes fondly entertained of the magnificent blessings which were to flow from it, have kept the population of the rural as well as other districts in a state of patience supported by hope. Now, however, the bubble has burst, the delusiveness of Whig promises stands undis- guised, and the people awake to a sense of their real situation. They find that honest Lord GREY has kept the word of promise to the ear, but mocked it to the heart. They have the Whigs, but they have the GREYS also, (yea and the GREY- LINGS) the BROUGHAMS, and the PLUNKETTS, and the DUKllAMS, battening on the hard earned fruits of the people's industry. They have the Reform Bill; but they have with it a Ministry which has belied its hundred times told professions, in re- taining the Assessed Taxes: a Parliament, a Reformed Parliament, which voted one day the repeal of the Malt Tax, and voted the next day its re-enactment. They have seen, with deep and silent disgust, the property of every man who had 'I property to preserve, exposed naked to the spolia- tion of any robber, be he only sufficiently cla- morous they have seen the Church, under which the people, but above all the agricultural people, and their fathers and their father's fathers, have lived in faith and in happiness (and to which they cling with the strongest, with the longest lasting attachment of rural men) abandoned to spolia- tion at the first summons of loud vulvar scofl: they have seen the Magistracy of the country degraded, (and what to such men can be more galliug than degradation) whenever they manfully upheld the authority of the throne and the laws against the torrent of sedition and crime: and they have seen, that when their own sufferings were to become a theme, twice, (on the motion of the two ArrwooDs) they were cast off to pine under the nipping frost of the Ministerial veto. My Lord GREY, that which placed you in office was, not your own qualifications, of which even those who 'saw little saw the extent, for public business it was not your professions of a Reform in Parliament, d. thing which even six months before was a subject of derision but it was the indiscreet expression of the Duke of WELLINGTON, in the first speech of his present MAJESTY, that the distress which the people suffered was partial and local. To have remedied this distress, to have revived the drooping commerce of the country, to have fostered its agriculture, its manufactures, and its shipping, and to have upheld all its authorities and all its classes and gradations of persons in their just and becoming station, was your duty, not only as of loyalty to that King whom you had sworn y a to serve, but to that people of whom you were the professing champion. Instead of this, we find you, but no; here we must pause; for even truth is a libel-if it impute gross malver- sation. It transpired in the evidence on the Agricul- tural Committee, that the farmers, from their trade not being a remunerating one, were com- pelled to employ ONLY THE BEST LABOURERS. The labourers not of this stamp, and therefore unemployed, are a class of persons for whom it behoves the Government, upon every considera- tion that is imperative, to devise means of e:n- ployment. It behoves them to do so because it is by the weight of taxation (which we admit to be in great measure necessary) that these poor men are precluded from the exertion of their honest industry and for that evil, the legislature, which imposes the burden, is bound to provide a com- pensation. The Government are the more bojind to do this thing, because they have now a Re- formed Parliament (and never was a Parliament more compliant to the Ministers that be) wliich, they said, was all that was wanting for the pros- perity of the country. The Government are also the more bound to do this, because, by their own supineness in not upholding the dignity of the laws against audacious delinquents, they have invited, they have even justified, the offences of smaller criminals. And lastly, it behoves the Government to provide employment for these men, which can be done only by improving the agricultural interest, because the cost, even of the most remunerating employment to these people, canuot be one twentieth part of the actual loss to be sustained by the stagnation of industry, in a country where the roads are impassable, and where men cannot rest in safety, through fear of the midnight incendiary.

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