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FOR THE MERTHYR GUARDIAN. THE REVOLUTIONARY PRESS AND ITS READERS. ( No. 3. ) OUR LAWLESS LAWGIVERS, THE POLITICAL UNIONS. ( Concluded from our last.) But let all better regulated minds no more forget their all-envied constitution than their God. As^or those demagogues who sedulously clamour against it—those bad men who slander it by tongue or by pen—those miscreants who, by word or deed, go about to undermine it-it is but honest truth to say they deserve no more regard than the baying of the wolf against the maon-the crying of a senseless beast against,a glorious body, of a nature unknown to him, beautiful, beneficent, and blessed, and which at that very moment is lighting him in pursuit of his prey, thus preserving him alive. If then there be any truth or force in this appeal on behalf of onr constitution, it follows that this -new fangled reference of all questions by a portioft of the Press, to a new power, under the epithet People has neither force, truth, nor common sense. As an English citizen living (as yet) under the government bequeathed me by my for< £ fathers, and secured to me by their blood, I say, I know no such political party at all, as "The People." The three estates constitute the nation. All else is the multi- tude—the many-headed monster which never yet living legislators dreamed of rendering absolute, except ours of this present enlightened age. That multitude having, as in every civil state, delegated its collective right of acting to a certain few, must not-cannot--resitme its power over that civilized state, at pleasure. Duty, expediency, com- mon sense, our whole salvation, as a commonwealth, clearly forbid such monstrous resumption. We know the reply that suggests itself to this demand for the submission of the physical to the executive power. What? if the estates, or one of them, abuse their trust, must millions of freemen remain passive bondsmen to their own com- J„ I no.t1 resis,ance in such event a virtue ?'* This sounds plausibly, seems triumphant, and is—mere hollow f°ii-{'-s]t.r^' "ranting that in the nature of things and a lbilitjr of man, possible contingencies may and do exist which might render even virtuous a whole nation's rising en masse to overthrow its own most glorious labour of ages, and make experfment (the terrible one) of an anarchy,pro tempore at least-what then? Does it follow from the possibility of such a casualty, that the right of ^,e.s?r' 'f1 50 desperate a remedy is lodged for ever in the ■ -judging multitude? A general defending a capital is jus ihed in firing the suburbs, nay, the city, as in the case of i oscow, as the last means of dislodging an invading nemy; but what false and preposterous deduction would It be from such a principle, that a full right of incendiarism, at option, existed in that general or in every citizen As preposterous seems the assumption of a perpetual right in w'flT cocrcc ant' nullify their own executive, at > because some event, some time may render necessary so icmendous a breach of the social compact and tho I",Itionf)l peace I It has been pretended over and over, that by the revolu- lon ot 1G;8 the principle of such popular interference was recognised as lawfully inherent in the British nation. ie pietext seeins to have been even allowed to be valid by some constitutional orators, Surely none was ever moie lirisy. First, there was no change in the government, the c n^iige was of the royal person and the succession only. Secondly, tli e crisis, the call for a terrible effort, was one of rare contingencies just now allowed as possi ble, and which, like pestilence or earthquake, set aside for a time all the calculations, all the systems of men for their own welfare. A terrible alternative was forced all at once on millions of freeborn men by one—a bigot, and (let not pity belie history) a bloody one—of renouncing their God, or IJJm-of their own pure faith to be saved but by resistance, or an old, hated, wicked, fiery, bloody imposture, which had bowed England into a province of Rome, which England had forsworn for a century and a half! The awful question, whether shall schedule A be debated before schedule B, or the con'rary, will not (juitve rank- with this alternative in interest or necessity of civil war). And lastly, it was no popular resolution at all. Neither time allowed, nor means were adopted, to qollect the sense of the people at large. Seven hundred was the number that acted for the seven millions. No matter whether or no the change, when made, proved agreeable to the mass, the chango was none of tiiciri, but that majoity's whicii cast the die. No sooner was the name of William sub- stituted for that of James, in a proclamation, than hanging, drawing, and all the penalties of treason put a reto, at once, on the People's free agency in king-making. Such was this often vaunted precedent of a people s resistance, in England so shallow is the sophistry which would establish it as a precedent of right. of a perpetual lawful- ness to rebel under every pretended grievance. The Egyptians of old made their judges and lawgivers swear not to obey or be influenced by themselves—as the iiltiliitude-aiid were deemed wise and patriotic therein. Read and be abashed ye modern wise men of England Nil tain inestimable cstquain animi Multitudinis''—" Si quando turpe nun sit," says Cicero, ego hoc judico, tatnen nan esse non turpe, quum id amultitudine landatur.'1 Such was this wise and great man s opinion of The People! If such be the actual multitude, what must be those masses—that fermenting scum of the general mass, cast up bv its agitation—alias, the Unions ? What are they individually/' Men venal and ignorant. Query. If one barber be not a desirable prime minister or minister's adviser and dictator, will one hundred barbers become such ? The Radical Press answers. Yes! What does common sense answer? Let us hear Elian on the matter Ai q,tidquam stultius, quam» quos singulos contemnas, eos aliquid putare esse universos r What can be more stupid than to imagine that what you find despicable singly, can ever be anything but despicable when united ?" With which apposite verdict of an ancient ou the claims to our reverence of these lawless lawgivers, and those previous of other great ancients on the character of the Sovereign People," I conclude this my feeble pleading for King, Lords, and Commons—against brute force, mob law, and unions. Builth. D. .V f..


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