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STATE AID ASSUMPTIONS.

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STATE AID ASSUMPTIONS. THE dangerous assumptions of State Aid men seem to be endles3. Having started on a wrong path, their errors form an endless chain. Their stock in trade being unsound premises, all their issues are rotten conclusions. We ate triumphantly told that every poor man has an inalienable right to get his physical and moral wants provided for by the country in which he lives. No political heresy can be more pernicious. No moral axiom can be more contrary to the principle of moral government. We hold that no poor man has any such right cither physical or moral. But let us examine the plausible position—First of all what consti- tutes a poor man, or in other words what is the standard of poverty ? Is it the acceptance of parochial relief? If Government aid is to be confined to children, the parents of whom are in the receipt of such aid, then the question is narrowed into a very small compass, and will touch, perhaps, two p-r cent of the population of Wales. What in truth is meant by the children of the poor ? If the meaning is wider than we have already suggested, what is to be the standard of poverty ? Is the high-sounding phrase anything beyond a clap-trap expression, designed to excite sympathy in behalf of Government education ? We trow not. If the poor man has a right to have his physical and moral wants supplied by the country, we ask what is the „ nature of this right ? Is it a natural right similar to that which subsists between parent and child ? Evidently not, as the relationship is dissimilar. Is it a social right? If %oo it riti it be comprehended within the object of Govern- ment. But the object of Government being no other than the protection of life and property, it follows that the alleged right cannot he sustained. Further, if the poor man has a right to have some of his physical wants provided by the country he has a right to have all his wants supplied. And this must be the case with regard to his moral wants; if so, State religion, for the poor is an inalienable right. Religion, of course, is a moral want, and the State educationists say that the moral wants of the poor must be supplied by the country, in which they live. That is to say, the Sultan must provide Mahomedanism to supply the moral wants of his subjects; the Emperor of China must supply the moral wants of his people with the doctrines of Confucius; and Queen Victoria must supply the moral wants of her people with Paganism in India, Episcopalianism in England, and Roman Catholicism in Ireland. But if this is the right of every poor man, then every po JV man must have his own choice morse) of moral food; such food as will agree with his moral digestion. And where will be tne end of the moral culinary process ? In truth, this doctrine must be sweet savoury meat to such sects as have to uphold error in defiance of all the light of truth. We deny the right altogether, physical and moral, under any and under every circumstance, with the exception of that when the State deprives children of their natural pro- tector. What the poor man cannot do for himself, must be done for him by CHARITY, and to that charity he has no natural or acquired right. We make this statement after a full consideratiotl of its consequences. We regard State support for the poor as impolitic and prejudicial to the intcrests of the community. In saying so, we do not mean to affirm, that legal support for the poor should be immediately withheld. That course would be both cruel and unjust, as the Poor-law has been in existence for some ages. It is therefore not inconsistent in us as Dissenters to oppose the introduction of one vicious principle, though we do not tleinmd the instantaneous suppression of another. We have never admitted that it is the duty of religious denominations to educate the people. It is the duty of the people to educate themselves, just as it is their duty to clothe and feed their bodies. We advocate the present movements on behalf of secular combined with religious education, simply as a matter of policy. The Established Church of thes8 realms attacks our civil and religious liberty, by means of schools. It therefore becomes necessary that we should :vfont similar tactics. We are driven to it in self-defence. But we have no business to interfere with the secular educa- tion of the people; it is their own concern. Our duty is •imply to provide religious instruction, and before we can do so, we must have a Normal College wherein young men will be taught the best way to administer religious information to their future charges. To banish religion from it, is to banish the very thing for which it is intended. We support it not as Independents, Baptists, and Methodists, but as benevolent men, and friends of civil and religious freedom, both of which are placed in imminent danger by the stealthy introduction of Government education. As such we admit that the term voluntary principle, as employed in this contro- versy, is not strictly appropriate. Education is not to be maintained by the voluntary principle in the same sense as feligion is. la regard to religion, it means, that no man should be compelled to pay for the support of his own reli- gion, or the religion of any other man- Religion is a mat- ter. between God and man, education is not so; it is a matter between parent and child. As such the merits or demerits of the voluntary principle has nothing to do with the ques- tion. But as religion is an essential branch of education, it is perfectly evident that the State has no right to interfere yrith it. It cannot become a national teacher, because it eanriot teach an important lesson. As to the Jesuitical allegation that Government docs not interfere with the religious instruction in day schools, we are for the sake of the parties who make the assertion, that we have only to say that it is untrue and what is worse, they themselves must knowlt to be so. Government nid is not* given to any school whose trust deed does not jDrovide for religious illstruetion. Let the Swansea Herald, its correspondents, the Rev. Daniel Davies, or the min of all work, Mr. Mordeeai Jones, memorialise the Lords of the Council on behalf of a school in which purely sccttlttr editea- tion only will he given, and the APPLICATION WILL BE REFUSED, unless their lordships will frame a special minute in order to defeat the PRINCIPALITY. The appeal to secular education is a sheer pretence, an unmitigated mockery, and a most insidious snare, in order to delude Welsh Dissenters to abandon their sacred principles. It is a piece of wanton mischief, and our only wonder is, that religious men are so far led astray as to adopt such disgraceful sleight of hand. We may as well expect education from the moon, as expect a purely secular system to be established by the English Government. The very idea is scouted, and deservedly so, by the leading men of all parties. It must also be distinctly understood, that if once State aid is received it cannot be returned. Once it could, but we arc now credibly informed that it is so no longer. A clause in the trust deed secures inspection, and though every one of the committee may repent their entering the house of bondage, they can never get out. This is a feature well worthy of the attention of the doubtful and hesitating.

IIOW THE MONEY GOES.

" OUR HOUSE AT HAME."

('.Vlii'iiT.

WHITCHURCH FLORAL AND HORTICULTURAL…

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