The Principality

HOUSE OF COMMONS, THURSDAY, JULY 20. CHKLSEA, ETC., A BOROUGH. Mr. Hume,said, as he understood it was necessary to intro- duce a bill into Parliament in order to transfer the two mem- bers who were formerly elected for Sudbury, to the district of Chelsea, Knightsbridge, and Fuiham, he would be obliged to postpone bringing the subject under the attention of the House until next session.

SALARIES OF MINISTERS. Col, Sibthorp said, be wished to know whether all the rncm- bers of the Government were in receipt of their full salaries. No answer was given to this question.

I NCUMBERED ESTATES (IRELAND) BILL; The Solicitor-General moved the further consideration of the rep.irt an this bill. 1Æ:r, Napier objected to the differen tprovisions engrafted feftfuv- the- bill by the Solicitor-General, since it came down feote the other House. The amendments :he i introduced had v vitiated. the bill, a consideration which Lad iulucc-d him to j vote against its extension to England and Scotlandj On the same ground he now called upon the English and Scotch mem- bers to vote against its application to Ireland. The bill was no longer confined to certain specified, but was, by its new ma- chinery, let loose upon the whole landed property of Ireland, at a time when landed property was greatly depreciated, and should not be tampered with. He moved as an amendment, that the bill be recommitted, with a view to striking out some of its clauses. The Solicitor-General defended the bill, as calculated to af- ford employment to the poor, and raise up a graduated pro- prietary class in Ireland. A discussion ensued, in which Mr. Sadlier, Mr. Newdegate, Mr. Pagan, Colonel Dunne, Mr. P. Wood, Mr. Henley, Major Blackall, Mr. C. P. Villiers, Mr. John Stuart, Mr. Goulburn, and Mr. Monsell participated; at the conclusion of which the committee divided. For the amendment 52 Against it ,197-148

CORRUPT PRACTICES AT ELECTIONS BILL. Lord John Russell moved the second reading of this bill. Col. Sibthorp condemned the bill, as partial in its operation, and utterly inefficient. He denounced the occupants of the Treasury bench as the most incompetent, deceitful, horrible, and treacherous set that a House of Commons ever had to deal with. The lateness of the session was also a reason why, in his opinion, the bill should not now be further pressed. He concluded by moving, as an amendment, that the bill be read a second time that day six months. Mr. T. Hobhouse seconded the amendment. Mr. Bankes could not vote for the amendment. The bill now before the House was a great improvement upon that which had been withdrawn to make room for it. Mr. Anstey thought the hour too late for the House to dis- cuss so important a measure (it was then twelve), and moved the adjournment of the debate (loud and general cries of dis- sent). Lord John Russell observed that he had framed the bill with a view to its receiving as unanimous a concurrence on the part of the House as possible. Mr. Hudson would vote with Colonel Sibthorp. Mr. P. Miles supported the second reading of the bill, and after a few words from Mr. Newdegate, Mr. Anstey withdrew his motion, and attacked the Government for not having in- strutted its Solicitor-General to prosecute its Attorney-Gene- ral for certain circumstances connected with the Horsham election (hear, hear). The House di, ided- For the amendment. 9 Against it. .216-207 The bill was then read a second time, as was the Sugar Du- ties Bill.

CHURCH SITES (SCOTLAND) BILL, On the motion for the third reading of this bill, Sir J. Gra- ham very briefly stated his objections to it, and moved, as an amendment, that the bill be read a third time that day six months. Mr. Bouverie shortly defended the bill, and after some more discussion the House divided — For the amendment 98 Against it 59—39 The bill was consequently lost.

METROPOLITAN SEWERS. Lord Morpeth moved for leave to bring in a bill to consoli- date the Metropolitan Commission of Sewers. A short discussion ensued, and Mr. Anstey said he would divide the House against the bill. The House proceeded to a division, but as only 32 members were present, it stood adjourned at two.

HOUSE OF LORDS, FRIDAY, JULY 21. The Earl of Glengall brought forward a motion of which he had given notice, for copies of reports from stipendiary magis- trates, constabulary officers, and police, respecting the forma- tion of clubs in Ireland and the noble earl proceeded to give an account of the alarming extent to which a traitorous organ- ization exists throughout Ireland, in alliance with committees in Paris and in the United States, for the subversion of the power of the British Crown. His lordship concluded with ex- pressing his high satisfaction at the intimation given that her! Majesty's Government: intended to arm the Lord Lieutenant with additional powers. The Marquess of Lansdowne acknowledged the facts to be incontrovertible, and said that all the elements of civil war were already prepared, nothing being wanting but an open declaration of it. Under these circumstances, any loss of time would be loss of power and the measure called for was one which would go at once to strike at the leaders. The noble marquess explained the nature of the bill which would'be brought before the other House for this purpose. Lords Brougham and Stanley expressed their high satisfac- tion at the announcement, regretting that it had not been made sooner, and promised the Government their cordial support and assistance in expediting the passing of the bill. The Earl of Glengall, at the suggestion of the noble mar- quess, withdrew his motion and, after some routine business, their lordships adjourned, at a little before eight, till Saturday. There was a remarkably full attendance of Peers on this oc- casion.

HOUSE OF COMMONS, FRIDAY, JULY 21. Immediately after the Speaker had taken the chair, Loid John Russell rose, and, amid the profound silence of the House, an- nounced his intention to move for leave on the following day, to bring in a bill to empower the Lord Lieutenant of Ireland to apprehend and detain in custody until the. 1st of March, 1849, such persons as he shall suspect of conspiring against the Crown. Loud cheers from both sides of the House followed this announcement.

THE SUGAR BILL. After some other business, the House went into committee on the Sugar-duties bill, when a long discussion took place upon the alleged blunders and inaccuracies in the schedule of duties. Ultimately, the bill passed the committee pro forma,, and was ordered to be reprinted. On the order for going into a Committee of Supply, Mr. Keogh, in a very able speech, moved for a select committee to inquire into the law and practice of striking juries in criminal cases in Ireland, with special reference to the recent cases of Mr. Smith O'Brien, Mr. Meagher, and Mr. Mitchell. The honourable and learned gentleman made out a strong case of unfairness and injus- tice in those instances and he proceeded to arraign the conduct of Ministers for the non-fulfilment of all their professions when in opposition, and of their promises of remedial measures since they had been in office; calling upon them to do something, before the end of the session, to recover the vantage ground from which they had retired. Sir George Grey commenced his reply with an acrimonious attack upon the honourable and learned member, which appears to be neither warranted by facts, nor, if the facts had been well founded, would they have been decent or becoming a minister of the Crown. Mr. Keogh repudiated all the charges, and re- criminated and the debate assumed the character of an angry personal altercation, in which the subject of the debate was lost sight of. At two o'clock the debate was adjourned till Saturday and, at half-past two, the House adjourned till noon. ■

HOUSE OF COMMONS, SATURDAY, 22, The House met at twelve o'clock, when Lord So'hn Russell,, in a long speech, which was received with marked approbation'j by both sides of the House, moved for leave to bring in a bill to empower the Lord Lieutenant, or other chief governor or governors of Irel; nd, to apprehend and detain, until the 1st of March, 1S49, such persons as he or they shall suspect of eon- spiring against her Majesty's person or Government. Mr. F. O'Connor seized the first opportunity of declaring his intention to give to the bill every opposition in his power, but sat down without making any motion. Sir Robert Peel immediately succeeded, and, in a short speech, gave his most cordial and decided support to the measure pro- posed by her M ajesty's Government, and overwhelmed the ''wicked conspirators" with his most scornful ridicule. The question now at issue really was, not whether there should be a repea) of the Union, but whether there should be a total separation of the two countries. He believed that, if the House refused to act now, there would be a desolating warfare during the recess in Ireland. He believed that the Crown would ultimately be suc- cessful in it; but, if it were not, of this he was sure, that there would be substituted for the present Government the most cruel, the most base, and the most sanguinary despotism that had ever disgraced any country. He considered the measure of Govern- ment to be fully jus ified by the avowed declarations of open and undisguised traitors, who had not scrupled to recommend the, as- sassination of the Lo;d Lieutenant. If further measures were re- quired for the suppression of crime in Ireland, lie hoped that rd- ditional"powers would be demanded from the House, ard that there would be no delay in stating their extent. He likewise hoped that the House would consent to the suspension of any of its forms which would prevent the passing of this bill at once. Mr. Osborne gave a qualified support to the bill. With the in- formation he had, he could not oppose its introduction, but nei- ther could he vote for its continuance till March, 1849, because he. thought the House should sit from month to month in deliberation on the remedial measures necessary for Ireland. Mr. Pad lief also qualified his support by attributing the disor- der of Ireland to the great misconduct of its rulers. Mr. S. Crawford, considering the force at the disposal of the Government sufficient to put down any insurrection, and that coercive measures without remedial measures would be ineffectual, moved an amendment to that effect which was seconded by Mr. Fagan. The original motion was supported by Mr. D'lsraeli, Sir D. Norreys, Mr. H. Drutnuioiid, Mr. Hume, Mr. Newdegate, Mr. Grogan, Mr. Muntz (who asked Mr. Crawford to withdraw his amendment), Sir H. Barron, and Colonel Dunne (who, however, concurred in the amendment), and was opposed by Mr. Cal- laghan, Mr. Reynolds, and Mr. Scully. The House divided, when there were- For the amendment 8 Againstit 271—263 The bill was then brought in, and, tne standing orders uel,ir suspended, went through all its stages and was passed, Mr. Os- borne having, in committee, made an unsuccessful attempt to li- mit its operation to the 1st of September, 1848. The House adjourned shortly before seven o'clock. "=,C, ;;<t, .'r"

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TO CORRESPONDENTS. It is our invariable rule not to insert any communication without possessing in confidence the real name of the writer. "A Ship-broker's Clerk" ought to be aware that we never in- sert any communications not authenticated by the real name of the writer. Anti-Sham asks "Has the Rev. D. rces I done with the Rev. H. Griffiths ? We believe not. Others have not however. The following errata appeared in the letter of the Rev. E. Davies, Haverfordwest, inserted in our last:—In the third paragraph, for should first of all contradicted Mr. Charles," read, should first of all have contradicted in the same paragraph, for if the editor could not have substantiated," read, if the editor could have even substantiated. R. Jones." Received. "D.H." Another notice was in type. Several subscriptions have been received, and will be duly ac- knowledged in our next. Iago." Received we have too much poetry in hand already. Morgan Morganwg." Yes.. Rev. D. Roes." Too late. Several communications received on Thursday must stand over till next week.

WEEKLY SUMMARY. THE absorbing question of the week is the suspension of civil for martial law in Ireland. The House of Commons passed the measure at one sitting on Saturday, the standing orders of the House being suspended for that purpose; and the House of Lords did the same on Monday. By the time these lines are in the hands of our l eaders, it is highly pro- bable that most of the revolutionary leaders will be in-cus- tody, as the Lord Lieutenant is authorised to detain till the 1st of March, 1849, all persons whom he may suspect of con- spiring against her Majesty's Government. Arms must be delivered up, and every possible precaution will be taken to prevent an outbreak. The number of the military force is already increased to upwards of 40,000 troops, and the new law is to be most rigidly enforced. Under present circumstances, undoubtedly, this was the only course that remained open for adoption. Coercion ii, this instance becomes mercy. Ireland had appealed to th< sword, and in the natural order of things, she must have pe- rished by the sword. As opponents of all war, we shall rejoice if those measures will prevent bloodshed. To expect that they will restore peace and prosperity to the unhappy sister isle would, indeed, be preposterous. There can be no doubt of the fearful fact that Ireland has been mis-governed for the last seven hundred years, and nothing but just and impartial laws can ever cure the effect of our bad and cruel legislation in regard to that country. We may go on from one coercion bill to another, and spend session after session in idle talk, without acquiring the secret of governing Ire- land. No Government will prove effective unless based on justice and mercy. It is as yet unknown what will be the result of these mea- sures. One thing is evident, that if an insurrection occurs it will be premature. The harvest is not in, and armed men cannot live on air. The war journals do their utmost to excite the people to strike the blow now. Messrs. Smith O'Brien and T. P. Meagher had left Dublin, and were not to be found. There was a rumour on Wednesday that the con- federate clubs had voluntarily dissolved themselves, and that the leaders had fled; but thus far no great reliance can be placed upon what is written, as it seems the whole land is in confusion, and none seem to know what the next hour may bring forth. The ordinary proceedings of Parliament during the past week have been unimportant. A new Minute of Council" has made its appearance, regulating grants to Roman Ca- tholic schools. The inspectors in this instance are to con- fine their reports to the secular instruction given in such schools. The state of Europe remains much the same. Peace is far from being established, and it is feared that warfare and bloodshed will yet be the portion of many countries. As intimated in our last, the Rev. Dr. Hamilton, of Leeds, has entered the heavenly rest. We had intended to present our readers with a sketch of his noble career, but the illness of the Editor has rendered it impossible in the present num- ber. Next week we hope to put our readers in possession of the history of the honoured man who has just left us in the midst of his usefulness, to his unspeakable gain, but, humanly speaking, to the great loss of the friends of truth and liberty.

THE PROCESS OF REGENERATION. THE Church of England is going to regenerate Wales,- to purge the land from its Dissent,—and to banish from it the last remnants of nationality. This great work is to be done by Church education; and Church education is to be furthered by the Carmarthen Training College Let us see how this College will set about the work. The institution is to be opened on the 29th of September next. The Rev. William Reed, the principal, we believe, is an Englishman, and who cannot be reasonably expected to know much of his intended field of labour. But for our consolation, we are told that a vice principal will shortly be added, who must be a native of Wales." A native of Wales he may be,and yet may be ignorant of the language. Is the State Church really so deficient in able men as to be compelled to elect an Englishman to the highest office ? or does it wish to degrade the Welsh by an inferior appoint- ment? Is the whole plan merely a cool, calculated OIl trivance to insult our nationality in every possible maiiner. The object of the institution is to train up young men for the office of parochial schoolmaster for the principality of Wales and the county of Monmouth." A very good and laudable object truly; but let us inquire what "are the ne- cessary qualifications. "They must not be less than 17 years of age they will be required to read with intelligence; to write correctly from dictation; to work accurately the four first rules, simple and compound, of arithmetic; to be ac- quainted with the Church catechism, and the outlines of scripture history and geography;" and,—some of our pa- triotic readers will say,—the Welsh. The Welsh! No, it is only intended that a "due proportion" of the persons in training shall always be acquainted with the language. And who is to be the judge of the due proportion ?." Of course, the English principal. We have, therefore, very good grounds to surmise that the proportion will always- grow Small by degrees and beautifully less." We have to advance another hopeful step. For the en- couragement of deserving pupils, it is proposed to offer for competition the following exhibitions, to be held for terms not exceeding three years under regulations to be hereafter made public:— 1 Class Exhibitions of the value of E20 each per annum. 2" } > 11 i a, 11 3" 11 10 And who shall fill these exhibitions ? The exhibitions will be open to candidates from any part of Great Britain, but a preference will be given to persons acquainted with the Welsh language." And who is to show the preference ? An English principal, who does not understand the language of his pupils. And this is education for Wales! Why should we wonder at it ? It is the same relentless, starving policy towards Wales as the Church and Government have always followed. Dr. Llewelyn in his Historical Account of the Welsh versions of the Bible," published in 1768, writes, But to any provision whatever of this kind [supplying Bi- bles gratis] for the inhabitants of Wales, it is objected,—That it would be the best way to pi-evailwith them to nel/teet and for- get their mother tongue to learn and become well acquainted with the English language and thits in. time to bccome of one speech, and more entirely one people with the rest of their fellow-subjects. This seems to be the wish and desire of many at present; and this seems to have been the aim and intention of Government ever since the Reformation. For this end an act of Parliament, already mentioned, requires English Bibles and English Common Prayer Books to be set up in every church and chapel throughout that country. This is a principal point, and it has materially affected this subject from first to last. It has, in fact, deprived: that people of the administration o justice in their own tongue. And it was likewise to prevent their hearing- the laics of God and the gospel of Christ, as well as the laws of the land, in their own language. This, it is said, was solemnly de- bated at a very honourable board in Queen Elizabeth's time." In latter days we have the same spirit at work. In 1846, a Welsh Dissenting minister translated, at the request of one of the greatest ornaments of the episcopal bench, a small work of his own on a very important subject. The transla- tion was, at the request of the venerable'prelate, given to a Church Society, by which it had already been published in England. As that Society is under the control of the bishops it was necessary to obtain their: consent before it could be published in Welsh. The rev. fathers took time to consider. Many were the objections raised, and among others, that its publication would tend to keep up the Welsh language, and that there were but very few Welsh readers unable to read English. It seems then that the policy of the Carmarthen Training College is not altogether original. We have had it even of old, and what good has it done ? Has it accelerated the acquisition of English in our days ? By no means. In the times of Dr. Llewelyn, there was not a single Welsh perio- dical published. Now there are sixteen, and four Welsh, newspapers in Wales, and six in America. Then Bibles were scarce; now the issue of the Bible Society alone is 25,000 copies annually. Then the language resounded but from few pulpits; now it is weekly heard from at least three thousand. English gospel, English bishops, and English clergy; English law, English judges, and English barristers, have they annihilated the Welsh ? No. No more wiUitbddono by English principals, English schoolmasters, and English schools. These adverse elements will cause patriotism to take firmer ground, like the oak in the tempest, and will make the love of country and language indestructible. Go- vernment aid men and the Church party strive to make Wales like the fable of the monkey and the two cats, who, having apiece of cheese, could not agree between themselves as to its division they, therefore, called in a monkey to di- vide it between them; but after he had cut it in two, he declared that one portion being larger than the other, he must bite it off' to make it even thus each time he found it necessary to reduce one piece or the other, until only A mouthful remaining of each, he swallowed it all, saying that the trouble he had had in settling the anairs of those who were strangers to him, in nation and language, deserved some remuneration, and therefore he paid himself with what was left of that which they had placed in his hands.. To. preserve freedom and nationality, let us abide by Free Edu- •ation.

ef sweat and tears. No doubt but that they cherished the hope of enjoying rest whilst bearing the flowers of the almond tree" on account of their great prosperity; and that their fields of labour, after having rendered "bread enough," should have somewhat to spare;" and that, from time to time, they should have stored up sufficient supply, so that they could be afforded to lay at rest during the" cetyn gwcddiM civta" they should be incapable of melioration. But, unfortunately, to their inexpressible great disappointment, these the worthiest of husbandmen, as they became unable to follow the plough and to drag the harrow, were thrown over the hedges to spend the retiinant of their days to study that truthful passage, "one saweth and another reapeth and so discarded are they be- come that, after the reapers declare the "harvest home," scarcely arc thev allowed the gleanings. The question what will become of the old ministers?" has, at length, found them at leisure to attend to a little interrogation, but too late Would that they had created a fund of £600 or £1,000 forty years ago, fJr it would have been by this time, together with the annual subscriptions of all our ministers, adequate to the list of neces- sitous aged ministers connected with our denomination in Wales and to render ample means for their support. Perhaps it will be doubted whether our ministers, forty years ago, would have been able to raise the above sum. What ? Morr's Rees Titus Lewis Samuel Breeze; Christmas Evans Abel Vaughan; Evans, Dolau; Davies, Haverfordwest; Davies, Llangloffan Thomas, Aberduar Davies, Tredegar Simon James Joseph Harris Jones, Ramoth; David Saunders, and their fellow-labourers, unable to raise £1,000 in Wales for an object of so great importance, and of so general a nature True, brethren, that it has gone late to commence operations, but "better late than later;" at all events this is the time for us. Our fathers might have availed themselves of a much bet- ter opportunity; but the present time is the best that we ever can avail ourselves of. If we would be more fortunate than those who have preceded us, we must be more provident than they if we remain inactive we shall have no one to blame but ourselves. To provide for old age is a matter which belongs to ourselves exclusively. It ought not to be left to others. This is entirely our own "look-out. It ought not to be imposed on the churches. It is our business, not theirs. All that we can expect the churches to do is, to assist us to raise a fund; and they are both ready and willing to do it; and they know that that is far better for them, than to retain us to deaden the cause when we become incapable of rendering it efiicient service. The churches are blamed for putting away their ministers when they become unapt; but they are blamed unjustly, unless otherwise bound by stipulation at the time of giving and ac- cepting invitations but I am not aware of any church that has agreed to have and to hold a minister from the day" of invi- tation forward, for better for worse, for richer for poorer, in sickness and in health, to love and to cherish, till death them do part." We must bear in mind that it is for our 11 work-,s sake that the churches are commanded to esteem us. As soon as we shall become unable to work, our churches should by all means be released from the burden of maintaining us, in order to enable them to engage others capable of working in our stead. It is workmen the churches require and workmen they ought to have, yea, the best workmen they can engage. And what will become of the old ministers who are in- capable of work ? This is really a very grave question, and a to question that ought to be creditably settled. But does not the consideration of the case introduce a counter question of equal weight, viz. — What will become of the Churches under their care How desirable soever would it be to settle the one, it ought not to be done at the expense of the other. However important it may be to do justice to us, it must be infinitely more so to do justice to the cause to which we owe our existence. True it is that many churches have done to their ministers the good, and to themselves the honour, of bearing with them for several years afcer their usefulness had ceased, but it becomes us to consider whether the good done to them was not counter- balanced by the injury done, in consequence, to the cause with which they were connected. That it is natural for ministers, like other men, to desire to live as long as nature will hold out is obvious but it is a poor bargain for any true servant of Christ to live to see the cause dying. It is a burning shame that ministers are obliged to cling to their churches till their last breath, and by so doing weaken the cause nearly to ex- tinction. Instances are not wanting. Another of the effects of this inconvenience is, many a commodious chapel, with crowded floors, and empty galleries. The members, out of sym- pathy, adhering to the old man," for so is every old minister called but the hearers (who in general go where they get the sweetest entertainment), to a man elope; and what must the feelings of the" old man" be, on seeing the gallery which for- merly was crowded to excess, now having become desolate. It is evident, from his appearance, that he feels as a man that had lost a battle, and that the general impression is that he remains entirely to make the best of the worst. Such, brethren, are the deplorable effects of ministerial im- providence. If our aged brethren had, in youthful days, formed themselves into a Ministerial Aid Society, they would have been now well able to support themselves and one another very comfortably but as they have been neglectful, they must insist upon having their churches so long as they shall want them remaining in offiee being the only alternative they can have recourse to. No wonder that aged ministers arc reluctant .to relinquish their posts, since the doors of their pulpits are the only doors of h )po they have in their "valley of Achor" (trouble). "All that a man hath will he give for his life." We do not blame our venerable grey-headed brethren for struggling to remain in possession of their only refuge and for declining to deliver up the keys of their only doors of hope, for it is rather a hard matter. But we blame them for not having endeavoured to secure a more suitable alternative. Who would blame the man who, clinging by the hands on the brink of a headlong precipice, for screaming on being compelled to lose his hold, and fall down into the direful abyss under his feet! And who can blame an aged minister for repining on being c.j;*pelled to lose hold of his humble benefice, and be let down on the famishing declivity, to roll into oblivion. It is not so easy as many seem to suppose for aged ministers to yield their pulpits, in which they have wasted so much sweat aud tears. still it is their duty to do so when they become in- capable of occupying them honourably and no doubt but that they possess discrimination enough to see it, and sufficient regard for the dignity of their office to act accordingly, if due support had been provided but it is a hard thing to have the pulpit door shut, withou; another being opened. Brethren, now is the time; now, white the evil days come nit," now or never, whilst the subject is being agitated at our heal-quarters (the Associations), let us form ourselves into a MINISTBJUAX AID SOCIETY. Let us set to work at once, and aiflt once. Let us lose n:) time to submit the case to the con- sideration of our churches, and let every church through the length and breadth of the principality, adopt the most suitable plan to raise subscriptions. We could easily raise a fund of £ ,00.) in Wales,, if we could but muster co-operation. I have submitted the subject to my congregation, and it was received with enthusiasm. The churches are anxious to see it on foot, b'f they wait for us to commence. Therefore, brethren, let us *• arise; for this matter belongeth unto us." The churches are r.tdy to say, '• We also will be with you be of good courage, aa.i do it." Until you shall have taken the matter in hand, I shall desist, aud remain., brethren, your's restlessly, Maesteg. H. W. IIUGHBS.