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,THE REVENUE.

CARDIFF.

NEWPORT.

MILFORD,

,MERTIIYR.

BRIDGEND.

&NARBERTII.

WHAT 1& TO BE DONE TO IRELAND?

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-=: "n_ _M the other in Ireland. It breathed fire and bristled with pikes on all sides. It smelled with vitriol and butchery, and teemed with suggestions for bloody and decisive carnage. The other journals follow in his wake, the country is gar- risoned. Arms arc everywhere circulated. Drilling, marching, and training become common diversions of the Irish people. The United Irishman occupies the attention of the British Senate, and a special Act of Parliament is passed in order to get i-id of John Mitchel. He is appre- hended, imprisoned; tried,, and transported. But mark, be- fore tliis transporting could, take place, Government found it necessary to interfere with the ordinary constitution of the jury. Before the smoke of the Sheanvater, which conveyed Mitchel: to Spike Island,. had hardly vanished, there are two successors to his paper-—the Irish Tribune; and Irish leiotu Both meditate murder, and breathe violence and bloodshed, The country is planted all over with clubs, each club being the centre of an: armed and trained force. Every man that, ctii, reqcl, write, or who possesses either skill or valiance, is invited to, devote himself to the service of his country. Tender wives and delicate women, talk of the ap- proaching conflict with calmness, and inspire thoughts of blood and words of fire by the effusions of the muse. Four newspaper proprietors lie at the same time imprisoned at Newgate. Meagher of the sword has gone to America to gather forces and agitate the question. From, east to. west, from north to south, all Ireland is. filled with this dream of nationality, and the people, according to all appearances, are quite determined to drench the land with their own blood or that-of their opponents. This, be it remembered, is the state of Ireland under the reign of a most popular Viceroy, and a most able and devoted- nobleman, the Earl of Clarendon. Tory rule is not to be added" to the list of grievances. The Catholics are not expelled- from office,, the popular f-,ii- li is not insulted, and there is no subject to excite political ani- mosity. Offices of high importance are filled by Irishmen, and yet the country rings with the cries, Ireland for the Irish," Down with the Saxon." In forming our estimate of the real condition of Ireland we must make some allowance for the statements of the Irish press. The repeal organs, of course, wish to convey the most favourable impression of the strength of the war party. On the other hand the English daily press, the source from which the generality of the weekly and pro- vincial papers are supplied, affect to despise the real strength of the discontented parties. There are, however, two or three facts that are clear to all. First, the number of soldiers in Ireland is very large, and, the preparations of Government against the anticipated outbreak are on. the largest scale. Secondly, public opinion must be strongly in favour of war, before the newspapers, would assume a tone so warlike. Journalists in general, furnish the commodities that will suit the taste of their readers. The enormous sale of the war journals clearly indicates, then, that Ireland has a most vo- racious appetite for rebellion just now. Thirdly, young aien of property and education place themselves in open defiance of the law, and incur all the risk, of banishment from their native land to spend their clays with felons in shivery and toil, which would not he the case but for the strength of public opinion. And, fourthly, the very fact » that Government must interfere with the ordinary adminis- tration of justice, in order to secure the conviction of such men, is fraught with instruction. John Mitchel has been transported, but lie has left his principles behind. Of his guilt there could not be the shadow of a doubt, yet a packed jury alone would convict him. He burned his hand, and he has followers who push their hands into the fire with des- perate energy. They have seen the past and can divine the future. The dock, the handcuff, the Shearwater, and the penal settlement form their land of promise, and yet on, on, madly they rush, between the tremendous jaws of the British 1 i ii What is to, be done for Ireland ? Is. the elephant to squelch it ? Granted that the military and naval force of England eould easily crash any insurrection, would it add to our fame, shed lustre on our dignity, and pour consolation to our heart, to squelch the sister isle ? What is.. to be done P, The ques- tion is serious. Far be it from us. to adopt the tone of either the Irish or English dgily press in its discussion. As expo- nents of truth we have no object in view further than to lead our readers to think on the subject, in order to form an opinion of their own. Sooner or later we shall be compelled to think on the matter. There are nQW three courses open to England i,1 her treat- ment of Ireland—squelching,, yielding, or reforming. Let us begin, in the beginning. The power of England for squelching, vast and terrible as the rebellion mnjht prove, is feu yond a reasonable doubt. So thoroughly disciplined are her soldiers, so fearfully murderous are her implements of carnage, and so enormously vast are her resources, as to render success a matter of impossibilty for the insurgents. But then who the terrors of civil warfare without feeling the deepest horror creeping over his whole constitution like the mortal coldness of death p, A civil war- fare assuredly it would prove. Think of the thousands of Irish- men who are everywhere scattered throughout England, who teem through our colonies, and, who could swarm the Canadas from the United States at a very short iioti.ee/ Is it too much to suppose that these peculiarly excitablje people would not remain quiescent to witness, the butchery of their countrymen at home ? In our opinion a sanguinary conflict with two or three European powers would be far preferable to civil war in Ireland. There are yet those the torrents of ¥.ood through which our military waded in 1798. The squelching process, moreover, might not only be a very dangerous, but a highly expensive one. We are already ground to death by the millstone of taxation. A warfare of a month or two in Ireland could not by carried on. without adding considerably to our burdens. And then think of burning villages, bombarded towns, widowed wives and orphan children, and a tempestuous deluge of fire and blood! Consider it well before you determine iia, favour of the squelching process. I Shall we yield ? By what moral or hereditary right do we claim Ireland.? By the right of conquest, just as Wales, is united to the English crown. If the right of conquest;, as it is called, supplies no valid title becomes simply a ay.itter of policy. There is nothing in itself morally obli- gatory on a conquered nation to remain for ever in the power of their conquerors, if they can succeed in. gaining i J O O independence. Our opinions 6n this subject are well expressed by our contemporary, the Scottish Press:- "A neutral party will inquire whether Britain has a j uster ground for maintaining, by the sheer superiority of her physical p::wer, Ireland in a legislative union against the desire of-Irishmen, than Ireland, if she were the stronger party, would, have for main- taining Britain in a union against the will and wishes of English- men and Scotchmen. Some of our contemporaries, Scotch as well as English, we are aware, cannot afford to discuss the ques- tion on tint ground but that is the only ground on which it can he satisfactorily, and on which it must be finally discussed. ",That is the argument of states and kingdoms." The others may be left to the scribes, whose Governmental connexion restrains the ex- ertion of their faculties, shaping their logic, and fashioning their phraseology to the times. It is becoming necessary to speak out in this way. There is a disposition on the part of a portion of the press to run down Ire- land, Irishmen, and all Irish questions. Even the Examiner, en- lightened and generous on most subjects, finds a suitable exercise for its great talents, in taunting Ireland with her inability to extort the repeal of the union from resisting and powerful Britain, in vili- fying the motives of chiefs who have, enjoyed- the-confidence of Irishmen, and in ridiculing Irishmen for reposing their confidence in such chiefs. This is, as gross a blunder in logic as it would be to rail at England for her non-achievement of some impossibility. rail at England for her non-achievement of some impossibility. It is as heartlessly ungenerous as would be the conduct of a pow- e erful ruffian who, having driven a weak man up to the wall, should thcuinsult his position, asking why he did not move on his way, why he trembled, why he shrunk from the uplifted hand. We keep in the thralls of a connexion by our superior physical power, and then amuse ourselves with demanding why she does not shalke.herself free. We put our foot upon the neck of Ireland, and. then, like the magnanimous Cloten, speak an insulting speech over her pro,stratioll," Yielding might afford a dangerous precedent to other dis- tricts of. the. empire, and might be conducive to insurrections and rebellious without end, so that there can be no doubt that such a' step is highly impolitic if it can be avoided. .1 11 I But we must look at the question in another light. Is it not 11 a fact that we lose enormously year after year-by and lat the uuion is more of a curse to England than a blessing ? Think of the countless masses that are annually landed on our shores, now as our fellow-subjects, of which if the union were repealed we should have none- So far as pecuniary gain is concerned-, we undoubtedly pay too much for our whistle. Ireland is a beautiful country, but we pay too much for its beauty. We maintain, our power oyer its dis- affected denizens, but we do it at fearful expense. In regard to the financial bearings of thp question, wq are clearly of opinion, that justice to England would demand the repeal of the union. If we are to govern Ireland at all, and that with any credit to ourselves, we must try remedial measures. The disease undoubtedly is formidable, and may baffle the skill and prove the difficulty of more than one pliysican. We must however strike at the root of the matter and institute a thorough system of reform throughout all the departments of society. Absenteeism must be visited according to its deserts. The enormous abuses of the Protestant Establish- ment must be removed. The administration of law must not be tampered with, and jobbing must be reckoned with the things of the past. Let it be proved to the working classes that the Government is sincerely desirous to benefit them, and then, unless we greatly mistake human nature, the trade of agitation will languish in Ireland, when the stock of grievances will disappear. Would that our Government would try to be good as well as strong among our Celtic brethren! It may yet be saved,.by a wise and conciliatory ministry, but we greatly fear the present is not destined to achieve so happy a consummation. The session is just closing and rebellion is brewing, but there is nothing done to pre- vent the approaching catastrophe; no remedial efforts pro- posed to avert from unhappy Ireland that storm which will drench her green plains with the heart's blood of her own sons. Depend upon it we must sooner or later make our election and betake ourselves to one of the three courses we have mmed. We earnestly counsel the adoption, of the last.