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--.Jöh¡'" Carmartlicn Borough…

ILM/s Inspectors Reports.


Pertrefl Felingwm.

The Education Bill.

---_----------_. A Slander…

Ferry side and District Gossip.

Socrates and Agricultural…



AV H I T L'A LN 1).




I The Deaf h of GJadstoiiiaii…


I The Deaf h of GJadstoiiiaii Home Ilnie. REV. IIUG N PJIRT. HUGHES' OPINION. When Mr Dillon, the leader of the principal section of the Irish Party, stlt down, after giving his official support to the Second Reading of the E iue ition Bill, Gladstonian Home Rule uttered its lust sigh and died. So ends one of the most heroic, tragic, and distressing chapters in the history of England. 'I he majority of the Liberal Party and of the Evangelical Free Churches, in their intense desire to offer some generous repara- tion to Ireland for rentutiea of misrule and wrong, strained their piej^t'iccs anel preferences to the very utmosc in order to gratify the Nationalist sentiment of Irishmea. They made the greatest sacrifices, both personal and public, that have ever been made in the political history of this century. The Nonconformists especially found themselves separated from their religious kinsmen in Ulster, and submitted to frightful misrepresentations, divisions, and strife which the advocacy of Home Rulu involved, in their passionate longing to do justice to the Irish race. The very fact that they hated Popery :60 intensely made .them the more anxious to avoid even the appearance of injustice to Papists. They were keeuiy^ali'e'to the! suicidal haste with which Mr Gladstone rushed the question without consulting Mr Bright or Mr Chamberlain, or preparing, the intensely conservative mind of England for so great a change, but they recognised the sutdimity and the moral grandeur of his aim, and with bleeding hearts responded to his trumpet. They hoped desperately that the Nationalist Party in Ireland would realise and appreciate the self- sacrifice and the enthusiasm-.with which the most convinced and most determined Frotestants in the world were trying as far as possible to meet the wishes of the majority of the Irish people. They hoped that Mr Gladstone's appeal to the better and most generous side^of][ the LIrish character would awaken a response such as would enable them to bury the controversy and the antipathies of centuries. In their effort to help another race and another faith, their]_foes were those of theirjown household, and they had to allow some of.their own most cherished and sacred objects to bj placed indefinitely; on.onù side. ^.What has been their rewaiel ? The first cheque to their sanguine hopes came when the Irish National Party resolved that a convicted adulterer was not untit to be their political leader. That calamitous decish 11 was partially reversed when it was discovere 1 that the Nonconformists of England would not sacrifice molality to the exigencies of party. :Then came the miserable eternal strife of the Irish Party, which produceel an incalculable imptession upon the English people, who resent and despisp above everything a disposition to quarrel in public. and an iiabilitv to restrain the expression cf passionate feeling. Another terrible blow followed when the Irish ..Parliamentary Pariy^used i-.s votes and influence to prevent the erection of a statute to Oiier Cromwell in England. Then "ctine the Gencral Election, when serious and devout Non- conformists were staggered to discover that aU over the country Irish electors were actually voting, under the direction of their priests, against the Home Rule candielates, and in favour of the deadliest enemies of Home Rule. This deliberate substitution of Romanism for Home Rule icached its climax when the Irish Patliamentaty Party went so far last week as actnally to use the cosrciveMiscipIine to which that party is subjected, in order to compel every member of it to vote in favour of the Eduealien Bill. This was not only a deliberate subordination of Home Rule to the interests of the Roman hierarchy, but was a llagrant violation of the principle of Home Rule itself. The Bill in ejueetion was a purely English measure. It had nothing whatever to do with Ireland. And yet Irish members voted in a body on a purely English question at the dictation of Cardinal Yaughan, and in deliberate opposi- tion to the deepest convictions of theia only English ficiids, and friends who bad made the greatest possible sacrifices, both public and private, 111 their intense desire to elo jbstice to Ireland. It is quite clear that the existing Irish Party does not believe in Home Rule except for them- selves, and that Home Rule itself is fiung on one side when there is an opportunity of promoting or advancing jHome Rule. The Irish Nationalist Party having deliberately resolved that Home Rule is no longer the primary object of their policy, but that Home Rule, political gratitude, and every other consideration are to be sacrificed to the wishes of cons, Catelinal Vaughan, it would be simply puerile for English Nonconformists, or any British political party, to make further sacrifices on behalf of Irish Home Rule. This journal was the first responsible, representative organ of Evangelical Cliristianiiy in England to accept the principle 01 Home Rule. Our advocacy of that principle has involved us in gte;.t saer ificts, to which we iefer only to jubtify;our right, and indeed our duty, to speak now. We are as convinced as ever that the whole eivitisedworld is tending towards a federal svstem of government, and is increasingly opposed to centralised despotism. We believe that .111 each of the fourjgreat divisions of the Batish Isles the sentiments and ideals of the four different races that inhabit these lsirB: ought to ^prevail, so far as ja consistent with tho.unity and supremacy and vital interests of the Empire at large. But atsuredly English, Welsh, and Scotch prevail here; and it is quite as wrong for Irishmen to trample on our deepett ecii it would be for us to tramp 0 on theirs. We must fight for our own views 111 England, and Rom?n;.st^ Irishmen, resident in England are entitled to d) what they can to subject England once the authority of an Italian priest. But it is totally inconsistent with Home Rule or wita patriotism for a compact army ot Irishmen to cross the Irish Channel in order to interfere in purely English and Welsh business. We do not;'complain that I the Irish Parlia- mentary Party is now organised in the interests of the Vatican, and is placed absolutely at the dis- posal of Cardinal Vaughan. All we tay is that this wholly justifies a gnnt many things which have been said by our Ulster kinsmen, and which we had charitably hoped might be mistaken or exaggerated. The Irish Party bad made their choice. We have tried to cultivate friendly relations with them they have responded by combining with our most implacable enemies to mako upon us the dead- liest attack withii. living memory. Mr Gladstones method of dealing with ihe Irish difficulty is there- by finally 'discredited. ^Tho onlyfquettion wc,;neect consider now is whether, these circumstances,, some practical step can not be taken to heal that breach in the Party, of Protestantism] and progress which has to so fearfully an extent paralysed the forces that meke for "National Righteousness. Division among the frierus oi Civil and Religious Freedom thas created a unique opportunity for Clericalism, Mammonism, the Liquor Trado.and the Sporting League. All this implies fltlctlOn upon the high-minded)consei"i:trJU8,sections 0 Conservative party. Mary of th»m we know greatly dislike the company m which the. themselves.^But. might we net, make a ''P appeal to genuine Liheral Unionists in this country and in Ulster ? They.canjte no .uK^re g-at.hed^by the exieting situation than we aie. lhcy^ wish to ciipple to en-hrone Clericalism,°or to givest he .Liquor lrade mi .the Gambling fraternity .full sw n; for—t the paat ? M«.y wo not onre more stand ^uW^o^.oulte ta op,o.U,™ <0 ,he p.«.pU- which have degxaiid fcpam, and m eLf. l e of the principles whch; have. m.K.o ^England.-Hit Mithodixt Tiuwx.