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TAXING IMPORTS.r
TAXING IMPORTS. r WOULD THE FOREIGNER PAY? WE have seen that t},('. very fevr I imports, if any, which wo tax with- out injuring some British i:tu.x. try, or in- flicting hardship upon some section of the community. The people who support Pro- tection are mostly those who hope to benefit by such a policy. They are. per'uixr.. engaged in some trade whei\j they would like to be able to charge more for thoir goods without increasing their expenses. It is no use arguing with these people tust such a policy would be extreme. eitUh and unjust. It is no use appeaiin; to their better nature. They think t:kC y making everybody pay more for what they have to sell they will make more nioi.oy. Now what we have to try and prove to these people is that higher prices me,u less sales and smaller proiits. A Comical Delusion. ALTHOUGH the above may be the real and only reason why people support Pro- tection, it is not a reason they talk m-.e'i ahout. On the contrary, they would like ns to believe that their motives are both patriotic and philanthropic. They tell us they support Projection— 1. Because the foreigner will be rn-ide to pay the taxes. 2. Because it will encourage home in- dustries. 3. Because it wi!! enable employers to pry higher wajjes. 4. Because it will give more employment to British workmen. All that Hounds very well. and one might I he led to believe that the Protectionist had no personal interest in the matter at all. But those reasons are delusions. Perhaps tie most comical delusion of all is that which supposes we can make the foreigner pay our taxes by putting a tax npon foreign goods. It is most comical, because if it were true then all the other reasons given in support of Protection would fall to the ground. If the foreigner were to pay the tax upon the goods he sent to this country then Protection-- 1. Would not keep out foreign goods. 2. Would not increase the price of British goods. 3. Would no' increase the demand for British goods. 4. Could not give either more employment or higher wages. The Protectionist cannot have it both ways. I
Protection and Prosperity.
Protection and Prosperity. As the supporters of Tariff Reform generally claim that their policy would benefit British industries, it is not neces- sary to argue whether or not the foreigner pays the import duty. But what has to be shewn is that Protection would be injurious to the general prosperity of the country.
Protection Unlimited.
Protection Unlimited. THE only kind of Protection which could be adopted would be a system which taxed the whole of our imports, excepting those articles which are not produced in this country, and which do not in any way compete witn our native products. The effect of such a system would be to increase prices all round. All our foods, our clothing, our household goods, our luxuries, practically everything we buy would increase in price. The result would be that what we can now buy for, say, 15s. would then cost 20s. If anybody will for a moment consider what the result of such an increase of prices would be they will at once realise the folly of the proposal. The working man who is earning £1 to-day would only be able to buy 15s. worth of goods. He would buy less food, less clothing, less furniture, less everything. That would mean a smaller demand for those goods. When we realise that the purchases of every workman in the country would be decreased, we can try and imagine the enormous slump in trade that would follow.. This decrease in trade would bring about an immediate and terrible decrease in employment. The food producers, the clothing producers, the furniture producers would have to discharge their men in large numbers. These men, turned out of their regular employment, would offer themselves to other trades at any wages the masters would give. And so men in occupations which might have been able to keep going, in spite of the falling off in other trades, would find themselves brought into competition with large numbers of unemployed and hungry men who would be willing to work for any wage that was offered. This would mean that every working man would either lose his job or have to take less wages. The workers would soon have starvation staring them in the face.
Argument In Brief. I
Argument In Brief. I LBT us restate the above argument in a brief form. It gives the complete answer to the Tariff Reformer: I Protection means higher prices. Higher prices mean less demand for goods. Less demand for goods means less demand for labour. Less demand for labour means less wages or no work. No work means starvation. I O; course the Tariff Reformers may reply that there will be more work, because people will buy British goods instead of foreign goods. People only buy foreign goods when they are cheaper and better. ¡ But Protection would not make British goods any cheaper; its object is to make 'I' them dearer!
Exports and Imports.
Exports and Imports. THBRB is one other aspect of the Pro- tectionist policy which must not be lost sight of, and that is the effect of Protec- tion upon our foreign trade. We have seen that all international trade is a system of exchange. If we take less goods from the foreigners we shall have to send them less goods to pay for them. Thus Protection could not decrease foreign imports without at the same time decreas- ing British exports! We must also re- member that if we put a duty upon foreign goo Is other nations would imme- diately reply by nutting up their duties againot our goods. However we may look at the question, Protection means less trade.
[No title]
The Re<v R. Jo Ms, vicar of Bodewrvd, Rhosgoch, lAngpe|3e<y, haig accepted the rectory of Hene$wys,-eum-Trewalchmai, Anglesey, vacant by the death of the, R(>.V H. S. Priestley. The value of the ore- ferment, in the g ft of t-he Brshiop of Ban- gor, is JE181 net :nd! a house.
- HOW ABOUT YOUR TEA CAKES…
HOW ABOUT YOUR TEA CAKES Are they as liph. dainty, and inviting as you would liho then, i ? If not you can make t'vTYl SO a,, nt lit' trouble and wall :-c)-f:t by one p-«.rt of Brown an-i Poison's new raising powder, eaHfd "Paisley Floul" with -MX to eight parts.of ordinary flour ir. ;tead of the ci-J'.r. >• raising ingradients. Bread i:r.,vLi wish '1 ;') Flour" is always deli- [ rious. while p.tr7 made with it is so^ light and wii r riw-t it mar he eaten without fear o. When aext bo—ng, [ Theflei-x- be r, ■» use Brown and Polnon's "Patf'ev Floor." It makes successful bak- jng* of carefully prepared r, r-pw f. -ones, cakes, and tœ- oresris ■■■ in Brown and Pohnn's t.) be "nad for Id from jod Poi. ■: "iisley.
> THE EDUCATBOM ACT,
> THE EDUCATBOM ACT, ITS FAILURE IN WALES. ANIMATED DISCUSSION IN THE HOUSE OF COMMONS, On Monday, the House of Comrions went into Committer on the Vote of Ac- couint for £ 21,500,000, and Mr Lloyd George moved the reduction of the vote by JE500 with a view to calling attention to the administration of the Education Act. He asked whether, having regard to the state of opinion in the country, and the way in which the Act had worked out, it was not really a case where they ought to consider the question of sus- pending the asperities of the Act, and even the operation of certain clauses, until the country had had an opportunity of reconsidering the whole question and pra.iouncincr an opinion upon it. The last time there was a discussion in the House with reference to the Act there were only a few hundred summonses against passive registers, and hen. gen- C, tlemen thought the whole thing would blow over; but now there* were 18,000 case, in which final notices were going to be served, and the, movement was growing from day to day. The sympathy of the public was with t.hose who resisted the Act, and invariably supported the man who protested against it. This showed that even so far as England was concerned the Act had not been accepted; there was a great protest against it, and the Government ought, he reasserted, to consider their position in regard to it from. the point of view of administration. Ho was informed on all hands that the amount of work thrown upon the Councils under the Act wa.s so enormous that it was entirely in the hands of a few officials. That might be good or bad, but it was not popular control (hear hear). Until the religious difficulty was removed he was certain that it would not work with- out friction. The Prime Minister had be- lieved that the Act would solve the reli- I gious difficulty, but he could not hold that belief now. There was no section or class of opinion in the country that ac- cepted the Act as a settlement. An in- quiry had been instituted in the case of one Welsh County Council, and he pre- sumed it was a preliminary step to issu- ing a mandamus, which would probably mean imprisonment for contempt.
LAW ABIDING, BUT RESOLUTp.
LAW ABIDING, BUT RESOLUTp. The Welsh community were the most law abiding subjects of his Majesty's domin- j ions, and he declared that therefore the i action of the Carnarvon County Council j in refusing to administer the Act was not an outburst of anarchy or a sudden desire tio break the law; it was simply a pro- test against aD. Act they considered to be unfair. The County Council knew per- fectly well that they would be levying a ratB for the support, of Church of England schools which were not popularly con- trolled, and where t-ectarian tests weTe imposed, and they also knew perfectly well that there would be a much more extended! Passive Resistance movement in Wales than in England. What, there- fore, was the alternative? Nonconfcrm- ists were in an overwhelming majority of 3 or 4 to 1, and they had to contemplate the possibility of having themselves pro- secuted and dragged to th4p police courts, of selling up their own friends, members of their own faith, and political sup- porters to pay rates for institutions they themselves condemned; and Mr Lloyd George thought the conclusion they came to, that, under tho circumstances, it were the fairer and braver act to take upon themselves the duty of protesting than to be in a position of prosecutors, was a right conclusion. This was the position in Wales, and he asked the Secretary of the Board of Education whether he really thought it was a case under the peculiar circumstances, and having regard to pub- lic opinion both in Wales and England, where he would proceed to extremities, or whether he would take a statesmanlike view of the whole situation, and attempt a settlement (cheers). It was as difficult to persuade a man with strong convictions to abandon his position as it was to per- suade a Government which had no con- victions on any subject to abandon their positions (laughter).
S&W SCHOOLS ARE "MANAGED."…
S&W SCHOOLS ARE "MANAGED." Mr Lloyd George proceeded to refer to specific instances in Wales, in one of. which Nonconformists were debarred from becoming foundation managers, though the population; of the village was Noncon- j formist in the proportion of 100 to 9, and the school was the only one in the parish. Sir William Anson said the Board of Education must pay some attention to the principles on which the education had been conducted in the past. In the case in question the. local authority had not apparently interested itself in the matter and made recommendations to the Board of Education (hear, hear\, Mr Llovd George said the County Coun- cil had presented the facts, but the griev- ance had not been redressed. If these things were put right, of course his object would have been served. He mentioned one case in which the foundation managers were an old housekeeper at the rectory and her two daughters (laughter). There was one school in a. village in which there was onlv one Churchman. At the suggestion of the rector they rebuilt their school, and when it was done it appeared that there was a National Society Trust, and there had been no manager or pupil teacher who was not a Churchman, and boy after boy had been practically bought from the Nonconformist Chapel. He agreed with Mr Balfour that there were limits to human endurance, and this was one of them (hear, hear). Was it any wonder that people would rather endure imprisonment than rate themselves to support a system of this kind? (hear, hear). Mr Haldane supported the motion, and joined in the appeal which Mr George had made to the Government. He believed there was a more bitter spirit abroad with regard to education than there had been for a long time. Yet the Act Tit being administered in Wales in a way that must convince any impartial or fair minded man that they were on the verge of great peril to the svstem of education which the Government had called into exist- ence. Sir W. Anson declared that if, as Mr Lloyd George had said, the Act was uni- versally disapproved, thev would look for evidence of the disapproval to the local authorities. But -tbere- were only ten "nv" t ■ 1 r <! W; <" •,vfu>s». seiir'-im 'S. u;)d; not been submitted and approval, and there was no local authority which h::d failed to send in a scVeme. It might, 1 norefore, be an^imed that the Act had very 0011-.i<1.'r:l.bJp merits.
"STMTLATEDV RESISTANCE.
"STMTLATEDV RESISTANCE. I1", should liico to know what «he lion, member meant hy saying thai Noncon- formists were anxious for settlement, and at the "amI:" time they would not build sehoo's of their own in order not to break up the community into sc-cts. Did they wish to drive everyone into schools which gave only Bible teaching, or did they wish to secularise education altogether? Mr Lloyd George: We accepted the proposals of the Bishop of St. Asaph (hear, hear). Sir W. Anson referred to a speech in which the hon. member had said the Bishop of St. Asaph had misunderstood him if he thought for a moment that de- nominational or religious teaching; would be acceded to in school hours. With every respect to the genuine expression of con- science which had found its place in some pairt of the Passive Resistance movement, lie should regard it as simulated and or- ganizod by a political "party for political purposes—("Oh, oh")—and he could not help putting it into the category of ener- getic political movements. I Sir H. CajnpbeH-Bannerman Have the Bishops done nothing political ? (hear, hear). Sir W. Anscn, continuing, said there had also been abundant misrepresentations ow- ing to the refusal of local authorities to provide funds for Voluntary Schools. Many had had to be closed for want of teaching material and, :n some cases of coal. This was the result of efforts by members of the House and others wdio had induced the I Welsh County Councils to decline to put the Act into operation. The Act clearly had not had a. fair trial in Wales (Opposi- tion laughter). Believing as he d'd that religion should be nart of a child'b educa- tion, he desired to see a system under which denominational teaching should be available for all who wanted it in school hours, protected by a rigid conscience At thc- tim clause (hear, hear). At the time the Act was passed they had to deal with 14,000 Voluntary Schools, and in view of the diffi- culty of bringing them into line with other In schools he thought the compromise was a fair one. It ought to have a fair trial, and so far as he could insist on it it should have a fair trial. He hoped the inquiry that had been instituted in Carmarthenshire would put the Board of Education in possession of the entire facts of the case, and the Board would then have to consider what form of order they should make to enable the Act to be carried into effect (Ministerial cheers). It was quite possible, he thought, that the remedy might be more effective than hon. members supposed (cheers). If it was not he would have to ask for further powers (cheers and laughter).
PROBABLE MANDAMUS.
PROBABLE MANDAMUS. Sir E. Grey asked whether nothing which took a political form could have strong feel- ing behind it. Was it not because the feel- ing was strong and genuine that the sense of injustice was deeply felt, that the matter had become political? (hear, hear). Did the hon. gentleman think they had been able to work up this feeling? Was tariff reform not organised ? In a case of this nature a question of halfpence was as serious as one of pounds (hear, hear). Their objection was not only to denominational teaching, but to denominational manage- ment of public elementary schools, and in the latter objection was to be found the root of the trouble. Instances had been given bv Mr Lloyd George in wh;ch the children of Nonconformist parents were forced into Church schools. This was a grievance all over the country. The Secre- tary of the Board of Education had stated that an inquiry would be held in Wales, but to what was that inquiry likely to lead, since, though the right hon. gentleman pro- mised it would be very full, he added that its result would probably be a mandamus. Sir W. Anson I did not say "probably j I alluded to the probability. Sir E. Grey admitted: that the hon. gen- tleman had pllt. the matter hypothetcallv, but had also said that if a mandamus did not prove effective still stronger measures would have to be taken. That he charac- terised as not a hopeful spirit in which to enter-open an inquiry (Opposition cheers),
jHOW TO AMEND.
HOW TO AMEND. The Act was responsible for the frictbn which Sir William Anson deplored, and until the Act was amended they would not get rid of the friction. The system of cur education must be of a national character, and all schools must be on one footing, and when our wasteful expenditure elsewne^e had been brought under control money might be forthcoming to amend the Edum- tion Act in such a manner as to bring peace to the country (hear, hear). Mr Balfour asked the right hon. baronc-t how he would propose to bring all the schools into one pattern, and how he would deal with the Cowper-Temple clause. Sir E. Grey replied that he would have I all schools that were practically supported by public money placed under representa- tive mangement (hear. hear). A large number of these schools were privately owned, but a good many of them had been built and maintained partly out of public money, and they would have to be dealt with just in the same way as land and I buildings required for public purposes were dealt with. Where a school building al- find the money out of the taxes to put the parish to the expense of providing another school. Then- would instead haTe to apnlv the power of compulsory purchase, and to find the money out of the taxes to put the educational system on a proper footing. Opinions greatly differed regarding the Cowper-Temple clause, but in his opinion, so far as religious teaching was concerned, he had no objection whatever to the grant- ing of full liberty on the matter so lono- as the teaching was provided out of private funds and was given out of school hours.
THE RELIGIOUS DIFFICULTY.
THE RELIGIOUS DIFFICULTY. Sir William Hart Dyke and Mr Abel Thomas having spoken, Sir John Gorst asked whether hon. gen- tlemen opposite really thought it right to try to bring about the amendment of aji Act of Parliament bv nutting undue strain on Welsh school children, who were the persons really injured by the refusal of the County Councils to supervise their secular instruction. The religious instruction difficulty might, he thought, be largeb' met by making it part of the duty of school managers to see that the children attend- ing received such religious instruction as was acceptable to their parents, and that was not a mere theoretical solution of the difficulty, since, for manv years, it had worked satisfactorily in a large number of Church schools. Dr Macnamara thought the suggestion of the last speaker might tend to remedy the existing grievance of Nonconformists, but not unless absolute public control of the schools was conceded and public teachers were made servants of the public authori- ties only. deplored the stupnuiv .n these who had rendered nugatory any at- tempts at a compromise. Th«* Attorney-General defended the Act on the ground that it put Voluntary schools on the same level of effic;enV>- as the non- pvevided schools, with the result that every child in the country had an opportunity of getting the best possible education. I Sir Michael Foster (London University) sn:d the bill was bad. in -that it impeded a test Act on a Deportment of the public tor- vice, and lhat it luid stirred up a relig ous strife which had interferad with the in- terests of the education of the people. Mr Griffiths Boseawen said the hon. member for Carnarvon had' said he and his friends wished to act in the broadest spirits of religious eoualitv. He would tell the House the state of affairs in one of the boroughs the hon. member repre- sented. At Pwllheli there were two schools,, the Piatiana Schools) and the Board Schools. In connection with the Board School, the teachers and officials were Nonconfomifstssj, (tthjough Church people pbid at least half the rates. The head master of the boys' department, tlm I head mistress of the girls' department, the head mistress of the infants' depart- ment, the clerk of the County Education II Committee, the attendance officers, all t he assistants and pupil teachers, and even the school cleaner — (laughtjjf) — were Calvinistic Methodists. In the Church Schools, no fewer than three assistant teacliers were Nonconformists (cheers). He ventured to say rthe spirit of religious equality was fan more manifest in the Church Schools at Pwllheli than in the Beard Schools, and that the Church in Wales was far more often the persecut xl than the persecuting) hortv. Mr Humlphreys Owen said the real question in dispute was the claim of the clergy to control elementary education.
RESISTANCE IN THE COUNTRY.
RESISTANCE IN THE COUNTRY. At the evening sitting, Mr Humphreys Owen having COIndudcd r, his speech,, Mr Kenyon continued the debate. Mr Slack, who was cheerediby the Op- position on rising to make his maiden speech, said that during. the last few months, and iospewtallv during the: M'id- Herts election, he had found among the great mass of the people serious apprehen- g sion as to the principles involved in the] Act, and the utmost dissatisfaction with its practcajl warkng. The Act was a disingenuous one, which, while giving the semblance of popular control over eduea- tion, almost wholly denied it in reality. Lord Hugh Cecil entirely disapproved of ( uncompromising resistance to the existing Act. At the same time, he did not say that passive resistance was wrong, but there must be a strong caw established, otherwis-e, there was at ret urnj to a state of anarchy. He would be "rvared to sider favourably the substitution of a rational system of pareintal control for the present system. In his opinion, the Act held out a, fair prospect of a settlement on the lines suggested bv Sir John urorst. Mr Bryoe advocated the solution of the single school districts, contending that it was practical. He agreed, with Lord H. Cecil as to the indifference to worship, but differed as to the remedy he proposed. He did not tliink the tendency described was permanent. In Oajtholic countris} and eV'!efn in Protestant Germany, sectarian teaching had not. produced the effects that Lord H. Cecil desired. He defended the temperate way that Mr Llovd George had put his ease, and asked several questions as to the, way the Act was being carried 'Is u out. He hope the Conintv Councils would devote aa mjuch money as possible to secondary education. The Prime Minister had repeatedly spoken of the Act as a great eduoatiotnal reform, but it had produced additional expense, and additional confus- ion of op'nion, without the unity of ad- ministration promised. What was wanted was popular control. With popular control everything would be easy; witliout it, everything would be difficult.
THE PREMIER'S DEFENCE.
THE PREMIER'S DEFENCE. Mr Balfour saiid the Scheol Boaid system was notoriously the most. expensive in the world, arict tht Govarnment in 1902 approach- ed the problem in no sectarian or unworthy spirit. Ha belilewed the Government had, laid broadly the foundations of the greatest edu- cational reform the country had ever known. Undier it Messrs A, B, and C had got their rates paid by somebody else (laughter). The Government could not avoid the religious question, but they had; dealt with it in a maimer of which the Noner>nfornii,%ts had little reason to complain (cheers). He said the wliole proceedik^ga were hollow, and ridiculed the idea that asking wliethex a teacher could tea-ch the elementary Christian truths was a rafigJous test. A complete remedy to the Nonconformist, grievance as to pupil teachers was pi*ovided by the Bill. ("Oh, oh!" and "No"). At any rate, tleir position now was better than before the Art of 1902 was passed. The ore man. manage- ment of schools now no longer existed in this country. There were symptoms that religious men were becoming sick of these disputes as doing harm to education, and he ventured to add to flelLgjar, itself (boar, hear). To c'low the children of Wales to go without the machinery of education was a condition of thinga in which no Government could ac- quiesce, and therefore tte Givernment must take measures to remove that defect (cheers). Mr A. Davies said he was a Passive Re- sister (laughter). The Committee divided, when there voted For the reduction 128 Against 248 Majority 120 The vote on account was then agreed to, and progress was reported.
NOW IS TUB TIME.
NOW IS TUB TIME. Do you enjoy perfect health? If not why not? The simplest way for man to secure immunity from disease is to follow as far as practicable, the laws of nature, and if illuess overtakes him, to take as remedies only such preparations as are supplied by nature. The only natural remedies, are vegetable, and the chief vegetable remedy of the present age is Gwilym Evans' Quinine Bitters, the Vege- table Tonic.
GWILYM EVANS' QUININE BITTERS
GWILYM EVANS' QUININE BITTERS Gwilym Evans' Quinine Bitters is a pre- paration now extensively taken through- out the country by patients suffering from debility, nervousness, and general ex- haustion, and if any value be attached to human testimony the efficacy of this medicine is established Its claims have been tested and proved by the medical profession and others, and corroborated by the written testimonials of eminent men.
OUGHT TO BE IN EVERY HOUSE.
OUGHT TO BE IN EVERY HOUSE. Gwilym Evans'Quinme Bitters contains not. only a suitable quantitv of quinine in each dose, but tho active principles of he following well-known herbs—sarsaparilla. saffron, gentian, lavender, burdock, ml dandelion.
GWILYM EVANS' QUININE TUTTEPS
GWILYM EVANS' QUININE TUTTEPS Gwilym Evans' Quinine Bitters is '01':1 everywhere in bottles 2s 9d and 4s 6d each or will be sent, on receipt of stamps, car- riage free, direct from the Sole Proprietors —Quinine Bitters Manufacturing Com- pany, Limited, Llanellv. South Wnles.
RF.W»"r: IMITATIONS.
RF.W»"r: IMITATIONS. r>ee the name "(}y;iIYlTI on fee label, on the stamp, atici on fhe hot He, when you ask for Gwilvm Evans' Oir.rrir.e Bitters, e.nd see that vou eet it Do rr-.r be put off wi'h any imitation or sub >tit;:l.\
DONT LOOK OLD.
DONT LOOK OLD. With advancing years arevne.-is increases. Rtop this- ,it1;. T,OfTKy7-:P1R SULPHUR FfAIR RhSTOPER, which darkens to the former colour and preservoa the appearance. Lockyet 3 ^eep off ravages of time by darken- ing grey streaks, also causing growth of Hair. Largo cheap bottles.
ITf**I,■■I),.II>L-THE CLEANING…
Tf ■ ■ > L- THE CLEANING OF VOLUN TARY SCHOOLS. EXISTING CONTRACTS TO BE DETERMINED. Notices have just been sent to the correspondents of all the Voluntary Schools in Carnarvonshire to the effect that the existing contracts with the caretakers must be determined. Tin-, notice was con- veyed in a letter sent by Mr Evan R. Davies, the secretary of the Education Committee, as fellows — "The Board of Education ha.ving advised the County Education Committee that it appears to them that they are the author- ity to provide for the cleaning of Non- provided Schools, as part of the ordinary work of mainteinance, and consequently to determine by whom such cleaning should be done, I beg to inform you that the Education Committee wili make their own arrangemeaits for cleaning all the Volun- r tary Schools, as from* the 31st of Marcli, and it will therefore be well for you to acquaint the cleaners of too fact, .so as to determine the existing contracts with them. With regard to the supervision of the Council Schools, every head teacher has ibeeni asked to see that the cleaner does the work thoroughly, by sweeping and dusting the school daily, and' washing it as often as may be considered necessary. The Education Committee stating that the windows should be periodically cleancd and the offices* kept in a sanitary condition, and. unless flushings is provided, they should be cleared out at leist once a month. The! school building should not be. left onen and unlocked at any time, unless there is someone in chairs and the use of the buildiing should on no account be permitted for any purpose, without due authority. It. is desirable that the playgrounds and all the surroundings of the school should be kept in proper order audi condition, and it would be w e-ll if the head teacher o t3.in the sanction of the managers to atte-nd to small urgent resuirerrients, such as the repairs of windows, dioors, desks, or other- wise. The Committee regard the question of proper sanitation as one of great im- portance, and on no account should any- tilling likely to affect the health of the children be permitted to continue. The County Education Committee have also decided to adopt the form published by the National Union otf Teaohers for ar- rangements with beaatmehen-, throughout the county. As it is now niecessary under Art. 71, that the engagements of dl teachers in schools not provided by the Local Authority must be in, writing, teachers a.re invited to arrange at onca to ioomjnlv therewith. The committee have further decided to do away with the sys- tRlIn of paying salaries bnsed on results, and to' adot. a fixed salary in evei"r' case where s.uch system has obtained in the past, such salary to 00 computed the. basis of the amount actually paid in salary for the three years e-nd-ed June 30th. 1903."
-'-----THE IMPORTANCE OF HIGHER…
THE IMPORTANCE OF HIGHER EDUCATION. ADDRESS BY PRINCIPAL E. H. GRIFFITHS. Principal E. H. Griffiths, vice-chancellor of the University of Wales, delivered a lecture at the Town Hall, Newport, on Friday evening, under the joint auspices of the Chamber of Commerce and the Tech- nical Instruction Committee on "Higher Education a Factor of Commercial Pros- perity He remarked that he wa* willing to allow that knowledge for itG own sake was good, but knowledge which also in- creased1 the happiness of others was better (hear, hear). The investigator and the manufactur-'r ought. to be partner. What eve- might be said with reference to the fiscal question, the very raising of the question was an evidence of uneasiness as to our commeroial position. He believed, however, that It was not so much that we had gone back as tliat- our chief competi- tors—Germany and America—had1 gone ._1.t.. ahead, and it was t-nosei two couiixrn-s W III(;JI had made the) greatest strides in higher education. It was in the higher branches of learning that a nation found its highest asset. The two general points which he set. himsalf to establish was that the United Kingdom was much behind other countries in higher education, a;nd that discoveries of science had a marked in- fluence upon the activities of civil life. In regard to the Welsh University, he said, t71 that, at times lie heard complaints that they at the college were not performing all that the engineers, miners, and business men df South Wales .had' a, right to expect. He ventured to say plainly that tliey were expect;ing them to make bricks, not only without straw, but without clay. Tlieir laboratories, for example, were so ill- equipnecV that thev had to entourage their most brilliant students to so elsewhere for the purpose of higher investigation. Their professors were prid the salaries of clerks, I, and yet. they expected to secure men of I hurh knowledge to di^chnrpe the duties thev so grudgingly rewarded. He mifht state that the stipemdis they offered to their professors were in every case less than £ 400. There was no doubt in his m'nj that if the business men of South Wales would give them) too means they could create in South Wales a university college which would be a. home of learning and research. The Chancellor of th(. Exchequer had pointed out) that small — ridiculously small—as was the amount given by the .Exchequer in aid of university education. the grant per head in Wales was almost five times as great as that given in Eng- land. In Wales* they did not contribute actor ding to tHietir wealth. He pc*\nt»d out that in Liverpool seventeen, citizens came forwardi withj a sum of £10.000 each, and he thought il was not unreasonable to ask South Wales to give a proportionate fraction of the amount raised in Liverpool alone. Staffordshire and Worcestershire were giving a) M rate to BirmiimdiMr! Uni- versity, and if tlie eouicils of SontK Wales would only devote a lc1 rate' to the purpose's of higher education the whole situntion would be altered. Thtv at the eolb'^ were prepared to help in the application of the irfe-at .sciences to the industries of Sonth Wales. They wanted' f 150.000 for I new buildings, and 0f)0 in order to I form a mining school worthy of the district
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