The North Wales Express

RE-DISTRIBUTION IN WALES. It was onr fortune last week, in discuss- ing the possible re-arrangement of the circuits to make use of that suggestive word "redistribution," and it occurred to us, as we wrote, that it would be well to seize an early opportunity of attackiag the figures with which those upon whom the duty -of reorganising the representation of the United Kingdom will be compelled t) deal The subject in general has been exhaustive- ly discussed in the leading paper of the day, and has been made a matter for special in- vestigation. But it was not to be expected that the Times could devote a whole chapter to that corner of the United Kingdom in which we, as Welshmen, tako a special and natural interest. The observations which follow will, therefore,*be particularly devoted to the phenomena which will come before the notice of the redistributors when they sit in j adgment upon the state of the repre- sentation in Wales. It is not proposed to marshal a formidable array of statistics, the sight of which is apt to appal rather tha.n to instruct, to confuse rather than to cIen' ,he mind of the reader. On the contrary, it is proposed to summarise, using official figures as the basis of calculation. Upon a comparison of the number of electors to that of the population it will be found that in Wales, under the present law, one person out of every seven is, as a general rale, en- titled to the franchise. The figures are very rfry the Slme in England, f om which it fdlows that Wales and England are almost equal, in prop r'ion to their respective sizes, in point of prosperity. Looking to Wales alone it will be found that, between counties and boroughs, the population amounted in the aggregate to 1,360,513 persons in 1881. The Financial Reform Almanack makes the number a trifle less. The whole of this body of persons is represented by 30 mem- bers of Parliament. It therefore follows that, according to a rough estimate, upon arithmetical principle?, rather more than 45,000 people ought to be represented by a single seat. When, therefore, we find that constituencies are either far below or far above that number, we ara entitled to leok for some definite logical explanation of the apparent anomaly. It may be said at once that these anomalies are not nearly of so frequent occurrence in Wales as in England; but there are some. Glamorganshire, with a population of 235,000, has two seats, while Radnorshire, with a population of IG,872, enjoys ore, and, after having exposed this inequality, it may be immedi: tely confessed that the remaining counties are all suffi- ciently near the standard numbers for prac- tical purposes. When, however, we look to the boroughs, the figures are at first sight startling: Carnarvonshire Boroughs have a population nearly double that of the Arglesey B roughs; Anglesey Boroughs are about double as large as Brecon, and Gla- morganshire three times as populous as Carnarvonshire Boroughs. Eadnorshi e Boroughs (they are six in number), only contain the same population as Brecon. Still, upon a comparison of the statistics hfra summarised with those of the United Kingdom in general, it is to observed that, upon the faC3 of things, the state of the distribution of seats in Wales is very satis- factory. The Glamorganshire figures are not in reality alarming, for it can hardly be seriously argued that the representation ought to be distributed upon purely arith- metical principles, and Welshmen would bo the last men in the world to advocate an entire disregard of those natural divisions which are due to the physical conformation of their country. The reason of this satis- factory state of things is not far to seek. It is to be found, in the first place, in the fact that Wales was not admitted to a place in the Imperial Parliament until a compara- tively late period. We are not, th^reforo cu'sed with those insignificant boroughs which the Tudor kings created in abundance for the purpose of maintaining the power and obsequiously obeying th i "will of the Crown. Ncr have we any anomaly which can compare, except upon a very small scale with that system of rural boroughs of which East Retford, with its area of 325 square miles and its population of 50,000, is a pro- minent example. The nearest article of the kind which we can supply, to use a com- mercial phrase, is the contributory borough of New Radnor, which is 43l- square miles 4 in extent. Above all, we are blessed with the institution of grouped borough3, a system which has worked so excellently well both in Scotland and in Wales that it is a matter for wonder and regret that it should not have been more generally adopted be- fore this. This brings us to our present point, which is this: that a lesson in redis- tributors may be well learned from the stud v of the distribution of seats in Scotland and in Wales. The problem with which the re- distribution will be confronted is complex. It must c)me exceedingly soon; perhaps at an earlier date than the party which now clamours for it expects or desires. When it does come, it is of al^things most important that it should receive a final solution. The redisti ibutors, whore task we certainly do not envy, will be called upon to fac shifting populafons, local and sentimental associa- tionf, wId.estaMIsaed prejudices and selfish ( inteiests. Not without coiifidmce may they be reminded of the fae:, for a fact it •; £ s, that in the countries where there are grouped boroughs, where ius;guific^nt boroughs and vast hybrid constituencies like East Retford are not, they will find, not in- deed a perfect model, but a tolerable I example of a system which has not worked otherwise than well. The proof of this statement is found in the fact that while to Welshmen the great measure of reform now before the Bouse of Commons is al- most a complete fulfilment of the pledge which the Liberal party gave upon their acces3ion to power, to Englishmen tho pros* pect of radlstribut'oi^s full ot over vi elm- ing excit3ireit. This is a matter for great congratulation, fcr ve do not belong to the I body of thohe who love change for mera change's sake, and it is pleasant to know not only that we have a good thing and a prospect of keeping it, but also that the same good thing dates from our Parlia- mentary union with the country to which we owe a great portion of our material prosperity.

THE PWLLHELI SCHOOL BOARD. SINCE the passing of the Education Act in 1870, the strides which education has made in our midst have been great indeed, and no one will doubt but that the passing of the said Act ushered the dawn of a great era in education. At that point in the country's history, the question of the education of the poor was considered by the country and the Government to be of so great importance to the welfare and pros- perity of the nation, that they deemed it imperative to interfore in the matter by means of an Act of Parliament, and the blessings conferred by the Acts which have been passed are inestimable. They have placed such machinery at the disposal of ratepayers, that if they only make that use of it, which it is their bounden duty to do, ignorance and its dreadful consequences would soon cease to exist, and the social condition of the people and the stability of the Government would be infinitely im- proved. But unfortunately like many another blessing aehievei by the indomit- able energy and perseverance of our great benefactors, it fails in. its aim in numerous instances for the want of capable and energotiG hands to lay hold of it. One of the latest instances of such lack of energy which has recently come under our notice is, that of the Pwllheli School Board, and what appears strange is) that while the education movement in Wales has become of such national dimensions, hitherto there has not been sufficient of this national enthusiasm in the inhabitants of that important town, the metropolis of South Carnarvonshire, to urge the Board to a duo consideration of its duties. For the benefit of our readers and in substantiation of our charge against the Board, we shall offer some few remarks for their consideration. We find that the average attendance at the schools under the Board is something like 130 for each school, or 320 for the two. The staff of teachers consists of two head teachers, two assistant teachers provisionally certificated, four pupil teachers, and four monitors. According to the regulations laid down by the Government in the Code, this staff is sufficient for an average attend- ance of 430 children thus: 2 Head Teachers 120 2 Assistant Teachers 120 4 Papil Teachers. J60 4 Monitors fO Total 4SO Therefore the teaching capacity is sufficient for a further average attendance of 160 children or in other words the Board is paying for teaching about 320 children as much at it should cost to teach 480. With such a staff of teachers, these schools, if it is within the bounds of possibility for any school to do so, should most ceitainly earn the maximum. Government grant, that is to say, 17s 6d per head of the average attend- ance. Again, the majority of the children which attend the Board Schools baing children of the better class, we may fairly estimate the school fees to equal 2d per week on the average attendance. Let us then, since, the ratepayers seem to know so little concerning ths Doard's income, make a rough estimate of what it might be if jits affairs were vigour- ously managed. Baling our calculations on the fo.egoing^figures, wo get at the follow- ing result:— Government grant at 17s 61 per hetd J ot average attendance. 280 School Fees nearly 140 Kent cf house siy 15 ltates 150 Total 585 With an annual income of from £ 500 to Y,600, the Pwllheli people have a right to expect the educational facilities of their town to be in a very advanced state, and the education impaited of a very efficient character. Let us assume then that all this is supplied by the Board. School Boards however are expected to do something'more than this. It is their duty not only to provide educational facilities, but to see that the children of the ignorant and poorer classes, either by compulsion or otherwise, get the full ber efU of the same. And it is here that we notice the chief failure of the Board. We pass by the other numerous charges which have been brought against it in the columns of this paper, and proceed to consider what we deem a weightier sub- ject. With fine school buildings, a large, and we presume, well-paid staff of teachers, a compulsory officer, visiting committee, and all f the machinery necessary to carry out the grand object of the Education Act, this board, nevertheless, fails to accomplish the chief object of its existence. The children of the ignorant and poor that dreadful source from which the criminal class is supplied, derive but little benefit therefrom, and this costly system of education is no check on the social dangers, m sery, and expense which the criminal class is the cause of. We are informed on the best authority that there are scores of poor children within the juris- diction of the board, of school age, whose education is almost entirely neglected, a large number of whom never. had their names on any school register. They are allowed to wander about the streets, intel- lectually uncaroi for, either by their ignor- ant and poor parents or by that body of gentlemen who have been elected for the chief purpose of caring for them. Has the Pwllheli Board ever considered that this is really the great work which has been en- trusted to it, and that by its lack of energy to carry out this work the members thereof prove unworthy of their charge. Compnl- io-y education is the great aim of the Educa- tion Act, and if the machinery of the act does not answer that purpose, it will proro