The North Wales Express

HOUSE OF LORDS.—FRIDAY. Earl Granville again referred to the contra di or statements made by himself and the Preirii.,r ,I the capacity of the port of Batoum. The nn1 earl remarked that the accuracy of a stitemei a Prime Minister was a matter cf national -• I v- ance, and then proceeded to give his authority lor his own asseftiou. That authority was iione other than Hobart Pasha, who had stated—in flat con- tradiction to Lord Beaconsfield—tfrat Batsura was hot a mere bay, but a harbour, and a very safe, although a small one. The Prime Minister, reply- ing to Lord Granville, professed to be able to see no substantial difference between the two state- ments. An important debate was raised by Lord Rosebery, who called attention to the Salisbury- Schouvaloff Memorandum, not with the view ot criticising it, but in order to ask if the Government Would lay it on the table of the House. The noble lord, referring to the refusal of the Government to Produce this document, remarked that but for the Occident that a clerk, employed at lOd. an hour, had abused his trust and published the Memor- andum, the country would not have had the faintest conception of what was the keystone of the Minis- terial policy. If, he added, these subterraneau methods were employed in other matters by the Government, the House must contemplate with dismay the further negotiations that had to be made. Lord Rosebery said that this was the first time England had gone to a European Congress, bound by her own act to concede stipulations which she continued to denounce. Lord Salisbury, after some supercilious remarks on the numerical weak- ness of the Opposition, repeated that the Memor- andum was part of a series containing "consider- able interchange of ideas," and said the documents Were confidential. He added that it often hap- pened that Government often received documents from foreign Powers prefaced-with the condition that they were not to go into a Elue Boole. The policy of the Cabinet was then severely criticised oy two Conservative peers—Lord Carnarvon and the Marquis of Bath. Lord Carnarvon declared that the Government had entered into a sort of "contract of limited liability with an insolvent partner, and were liable to be called upon, at pleasure and under all circumstances, to keep up the credit of the firm with blood and money." The Marquis of Bath twitted the Government with having, in direct opposition to their declared inten- tions, taken part in the partition of Turkey. After some remarks from Lord Gsanville—who sarcas- tically declined to take advice from Lord Beacons- field as to the course the Liberal party should Pursue in attacking the Government, on the ground that the noble lord himself was twenty years in leading his own party to victory-the debate ended. HOUSE OF COMMONS.-FRiDAY. At the morning sitting the Attorney-General in answer to Sir W. Harcourt, that the Anglo- Turkish Convention did not destroy the allegiance the natives of Cyprus to the Sultan, although they were bound also to render allegiance to the Queen so loug as they remained under her Majesty's Protection. When the report upon the Queen's Message with reference to the Duke of Connaught's marriage was brought up, Mr P. A. Taylor inti- mated that lie would reserve any further resistance to the annuity for the second reading of the bill. In reply to some remarks which were made on this subject, the Chancellor of the Exchequer strongly denied that there was any intention to hurry the matter through, and protested against the sup- 11 position that those who opposed the grant were better friends of the people than those who sup- Ported it. The House afterwards went into com- mittee on the Cattle Bill. During the sitting the Government proposed that the House should meet on Saturday, but ultimately withdrew the sugges- tion. At the evening sitting, a motion by Mr McArthur, calling attention to the administration of native affairs in Natal, was discussed. HOUSE OF LORDS.— MONDAY. Lord Stratheden and Campbell brought on a debate in reference to the protocol of the Congress of Berlin and the Anglo-Turkish Convention. As to the former the noble lord thought that one of the indefensible features of the arrangement was that Do guarantee had been taken with respect to the Russian occupation of Bulgaria. He admitted that the taking over of Cyprus was capable of defence. With respect, however, to our obligations in Asia. Minor we had, in his view, been bound to defend the dominions of the Porte ever since the treaty of 1856. Lord Granville complained of the language of the Prime Minister at the banquet given to him by his supporters on Saturday, and Lord Beaconsfield having justified the terms he used in speaking of the conduct of the Opposition, Lord Napier and Ettrick, and the Marquis of Ripon offered criticism on the policy of the Government of which the Anglo-Turkish Conven- tion formed a part. The Marquis- of Salisbury censured the noble lords opposite for not bringing forward a direct motion which the Government could meet. Instead of this they submitted questions which failed to indicate the points raised ni debate. Upon the question before the house he could assure the noble lord (Lord Stratheden and Campbell) no apprehension need be entertained that the Russian occupation of Bulgaria would not end in nine months, since this was a matter in which Austria was greatly interested, besides which Russia had bound herself by the solemn engagements to observe the Berlin Treaty. HOUSE OF COMMONS.—MONDAY. After the Duke of Connaught and of Strathearne (establishment) bill had been read a second time the Marquis of Hartington brought forward his resolutions regretting the manner in which the claims of the Greeks had been dealt with in the Congress, and that the Anglo-Turkish Convention imposed heavy responsibilities on the country while no sufficient means had been indicated for securing their fulfilment. The noble lord con- tended that the Government had abandoned the interests of Greece after leading the Greeks to suppose that England would help them to the fulfilment of their desires, and held the Anglo- Turkish agreement to be an "insane" covenant, because it gave us an extended frontier line to Protect, awav from our base of supplies, and was unnecessary to the defence of India. The Opposi- tion, he observed, approved of the results arrived at by the Congress, but objected to the mode in which those results had been secured. Mr Plunket moved an amendment expressmg complete approval of the policy pursued by the Government in bringing about the conclusion of the Berlin Treaty and the convention with the Porte. The debate was continued by Sir C. Dilkc, Mr Ashley, and Mr Grant Duff on behalf of the Opposition, and by Mr B. Cochrane and Mr Bourke on behalf of the Government, and was closed by Lord Sandon. HOUSE OF LORDS.—TUESDAY. Several measures were formerly advanced a stage in the House of Lords. During a brief conversa- tion on the London detective force, Lord Aber- dare and Lord Beauchamp warmly defended that service. HOUSE OF COMMONS.-TUESDAY. The debate on Lord Hartington's resolution was resumed. Lord Sandon defended the policy of the Govern- ment. He was sure that all would be thankful that it had remlted in the preservation of peace, and, as the Government felt, of "peace with honour." He denied that the Government had acted in secret without the concert of the other Powers. They had acted in concert with the other Powers as far as was possible, and when they had not done so in cases where British interests alone Were affected, none of the Powers hnd taken any offence at their action, or complained of it: on the contrary, the policy of the English Government had been cordially received, and generally approved of. They were taunted with having made a de- parture from the Treaty of 1856. That might be PO, but they had endeavoured to follow up the lines and spirit of that policy, and this new departure Y, was rendered necessiry by the altered stntc of thing?., 11, could not see much in the resolutions, but they must look for the real point of attack in the violence of the speeches outside, and not in the madness of those inside the House. He es- peeially censured Mr Foster, that the Liberals, when they came into office, would lose no time in reversing the policy of the Government. That might be left to take care of itself when the time came, but it would in the mean time be instructive to examine what the reversal of the policy of the present Government meant. It could only mean that Russia would be left to do what she liked in Asia. and throughout the East, and to occupy Con- stantinople when she seemed willing to do so. He did not believe that the country would sanction such a proceeding, or that the Liberal party, mindful oi the traditional policy of its great statesman, Lord Paiaierstoii and Earl Russell, who had always regarded the aggressions of Russia with watchful jealousy, would support it. He be- lieved that the policy of the Government would introduce into the Asiatic provinces of Turkey the blessings of good government and commercial prosperity, and he challenged those who impugned it to declare what other steps could have been taken to promote the advantages of the subjects of Turkey, or to defend the interests which England had in that part of the world. Hitherto, the policy of the Liberal party, as shown by their last five years in office, had been to do nothing, but leave the subjects of the Porte in the misery and the misgovernment which, out ot' office, they so loudly deplored. In the Congress the Government was only one among the other Powers, and it had done all that it could with respect to Bessarabia, Greece, and Armenia, without going to war. In a war it would have been alone, and he defied any one to say that any of the psints yielded by the Govern- ment justified such a war. If the Government had involved the country in war they would have had to meet something far more serious and difficult than these mild and unmeaning resolu- tions. Mr Gladstone, who was received with loud cheers, warmly commented Lord Sandon on the ability and moderation displayed in his speech. He must, however, declined to follow him, for as it was he would have to trespass, far too much, without going into matters, which, in his judg- ment. had little to do with the real question which the house had to consider. He disputed the description of the noble lord as to the policy of the late Government. That must be judged of with reference to the political feeling of the time and the necessity of maintaining good relations with the other Powers. First there were the complications that rose out of the civil war in America, and then the outbreak of the Franco-German war. When these facts are called to mind, the allegations of the noble lord, that the Liberal Government did nothing to Turkey, fell to the ground. No English Government could, on his own accord, raise the Turkish question, and it could only deal with it reluctantly when forced to do so by the attitude of other powers. In the state of affairs of Europe generally it would have been utterly impossible for the late Government to have done so without the imminent risk of involving all Europe in war. He felt reluctantly obliged to raise a personal question, and he read a letter which he had addressed to the Prime Minister, asking him to specify the points, especially in his Oxford speech, in which he said that he had unjustifiably and recklessly attacked him. He did not wish to make any reference to the speech of the Prime Minister on Saturday, and should not have done so had it not been for the defence of the noble lord gave of it last night, When he justified it by certain attacks which he (Mr Gladstone) had made upon him. Now, he had never made any attacks upon the Government without a deep sense of his responsibility, after due examination, sincere belief in the truth, and in discharge of one of the most sacred duties that could devolve upon a public man. He believe that he had never gone beyond that free liberty of speech which was the foundation of Parliament- ary Government, and the basis of all other liberties. He had never assigned any dishonourable motive to the policy of the Prime Minister, and his attacks upon it were based upon an irreconcilable and fundamental difference of opinion and of facts. He then proceeded to review the results, of the Congress as affecting Servia. Rouniania, Montenegro, and Greece. In the latter case, he regretted that the selfish jealousy of some of the Powers had been allowed to prevail. Several millions of Christian subjects had been rescued from the mis-government of the Porte. He had never looked for the protection or supercession of Turkey by any other Power, but upon the elevation of the subject races upon their own soil, and, therefore, he regretted that nothing more had been done for the independence of Bosnia and Herzegovina, which were now irrevocably severed from Turkey. With Servia and Montenegro declared independent, and Bulgaria practically so, and Bosnia and Herzegovina irrevocably attached to Austria, it was impossible to deny that the partition of Turkey, if not so complete, had been as general as that of Poland. With respect to Armenia, there were no stipulations like those in the delarations in the Treaty of Paris, which re- quired the collective action of the Powers, and it wasim.possibleto deny that England had assured the virtual protection of Armenia, and the obligation to defend, under all circumstances, Turkey in Asia. This was very difficult, and far more extensive than any right of interference on behalf of the Christian subject of the Ponte claimed by Russia in European Turkey. With respect to Crete, the organic law was t« be utterly condemned, and it wouldresult that in a population where the Christ- ians were as four to one to the Mahomedans,thead- ministrative body would be equal in numbers, with a Mahomedan governor. He could not, however, insist upon these objections to details. It was the general policy of the Government from first to last that he complained of, and the Government mtrst feel some shame when it looked upon the result which it now obtained, and what niisrht have been obtained without so much loss and bloodshed, if it had not jealously and studiously severed itself from Russia five years ago. The Czar had not much in this respect to reproach himself with, and had no reason to be dissatisfied with the result. They had certainly cut down the Bulgaria @f the Treaty of San Stefano by leaving Roumelia under Turkish rule, in so much less favourable a position than northern Bulgaria. They had left Russia the finest possible find if she desired to avail herself of it, for working against the present settlement. Coming to the attitude assumed by the British plenipotentiaries at the Congress, he said he had never desired or stated that they ought, in any- thing that had occurred, to have broken up the Congress, but they could have still done a great deal more within the limits of free discussion and free action, which were allowed them for his com plaints was that from first to last they had used all their influence, all their knowledge and power, to prop up the rule of Turkey and to keep down the subject races. This was no light charge, but he stated it after going through the proceedings of the Congress, and he was prepared to take the re- sponsibility of it. With respect to Bulgaria, with its enlarged freedom, the British Plenipotentiaries had done all they could to cut down its area and restrict its freedom of government as regarded Roumelia, whilst striving to enlarge it. Ar re- garded Bulgaria, they had done all they could to curtail its previleges as against the Sultan. They had removed the securities for its good govern- ment, and the responsibility of the Porte to the rest of Europe for its administration, and in this respect the country had never more reason to re- gret the course pursued by its representatives. There was not much to complain of as regarded Servia, but the animus was shown in the way in which all attempts to extend her country were re- sisted, and she was saddled with a portion of the Turkish debt. With respect to the cession of Bes- sarabia, most eloquent speeches were delivered by the British representatives to the other Plenipoten- taries, who were all the time aware that it had been assented to. The result was that during all the proceedings of the Congress, for the first time in British history the attitude of its representa- tive0 had not been in accordance with the free habits and institutions of the country, but on the contrary, had been asserted whenever such a policy was raised in a tone of cavil, de- preciations, and scarcely concealed hostility. With respect to (Greece, he strongly complained that although the hopes of Gve.ee*; har: been at first excited, the British Plenipotentiaries tiad not backed up the proposals of France on its behalf, but, on the contrary, the influence of England had been cast into the scale against any extension of Greece, in which the best hope lay for the future liberty and good government of the Chris- tian population, and for raising up a counterpoise to the influence of Russia and to the Sclav element. By the little that had been done to obtain a recti- fication of the frontier, it was very clear that, as far as England was concerned, the Sultan might do as he liked and no pressure would be brought to bear upon him for whatever might be the de- claration of the Prime Minister, now they were not supported by anything that would be found in the Protocols. He then proceeded to contrast the secret com* en tion which had so startled the country, with the circular despatch of Lord Salis- bury, sarcastically pointing out how little the latter even pretended to carry out the pretentions of the former, especially in the demand that, as the Treaty of San Stefano modified the Inter- national law of Europe, the whole of it must be submitted to Congress. What was the cause of this secret Convention ? It was because the Government had felt that it had isolated itself from the rest of Europe, and chose by this means to recover its position. But by so doing, it had surrendered its influence and power of action in the cause of freedom and good government. With respect to the Anglo-Turkish Convention, there was no precedent for it. It was an absolute novelty in our political and defensive history. It might have a most precarious life, for it was pro- vided that if Russia gave up her Armenian acquisi- tions, Great Britain would give up Cyprus. What, then, was to become of all those reforms in the administration of Asiatic Turkey, for which the possession of the Island was desired ? But, what was far more serious, what was to be done if Tur- key refused or neglected to carry out these reforms P Was the result only to be that we had gained a Was the result only to be that we had gained a convenient station at the extremity of the Medi- terranean ? They had had many perfect schemes of reform in Turkey in 1839. and again in 1856 but if he was not mistaken, the law and adminis- tration of Turkey was to this day absolutely un- altered. This being the case, he should like to know something of the process by which pros- perity was to be created out of chaos." It had come to this-that Turkey in Asia was now a fron- tier of the British Empire, 2000 or 3000 miles distant, and not accessible to our naval power. Over this vast territory we had incurred a vast and undefined social and political res- ponsibility. We had undertaken to provide for its civil government and military defence, and, above all, to put down the results of the com- mission at Constantinople. This was a policy which had been carefully concealed until its avowal was of no use. He asked at what period of British history, and by what British- statesman, such a policy as this would have been done. He had been associated with the greatest statesmen of England for the last half century, and be did not hesitate to say that not one of them would have imposed such a responsibility on the country, concocted, moreover, as it was, in the dark. He could not regard such a policy as coming within the limits of practical or reasonable statesmanship. It was said that Austria had un- dertaken a similar responsibility, but she had done so on her immediate frontier, not at a remote distance not by a secret convention, but openly, in the face of day, by the invitation and authority of Europe. He ridiculed the idea that Turkey had been concentrated, not partitioned in Europe; but if that concentration would enable her to administer better what was left to her in Europe, why should not the same process be as effectual in Asia ? He also ridiculed the defence set up for the cession of Batoum, which was in the heart of a population enthusiastic in its loyalty to the Sul- tan, and also the terrors and dangers which were said to threaten Asia Minor, and to justify the engagement made for its defence. On the 4th of June England signed the treaty by which the Sultan bound himself to execute certain reforms. On the 13th of July they signed another treaty of far higher authority with the other Powers, in which the Sultan was bound under the same obligation to them. For which Treaty was the authority to be greater ? That entered into with one Power in the dark, or that negotiated openly with all the Powers ? If Russia at ventured to have done one half of this they would have called out their reserves, and threatened instant war. What was the cause of all this ? It was because the Government felt it was necessary to do something. But what a something! They knew the apology which the Government put forward to justify it, but the philosophic historian would give a very different description of it. The ingenious candour of the Under Foreign Secretary had let out that which was done in the dark, and the reason was that secrecy was necessary. To get the Sultan to sign, and that publicly, would have elicited such a host of facts and remembrances that the Govern- ment would not have ventured to persevere with it. The Convention was inconsistent with the declaration of January 17th, 1871, and with all the principles hitherto insisted upon by the Govern- ment with reference to Russia. Judged by the declaration of January, 1871, it was invalid, for the cession of Cyprus by the sole act of the Sultan was utterly at variance with its letter and spirit. If Russia was not entitled to do this, why was England ? Why was Russia to be bound to give over meddling with Turkey, if England was, by a solemn compact with the Sultan alone, about to demand the right to do so, and to proceed to execute it without the slightest reference to the other powers, or regard for their assent! They had called together the Powers at Berlin to maintain the doctrines of the general law, and under that influence had carried a great many of their views but towards the close of the pro- ceedings they had assented to a secret Treaty, which was concealed from all the Powers, even Turkey, lest the Sultan should be prevented from signing it. The protectorate over Asia Minor, not in-concert with the other Powers but on the part of England alone. Were Treaties to have the same force as for Russia ? Was Russia to have the same liberty of action as ourselves ? Were we to tell the world that we had one law for her and another for ourselves? Suppose France had done this, what should we have said? The annexation of Savoy was trifling compared with this yet what an outcry it caused, especially amongst those who now supported the Government. The Government had executed the treaty-making prerogative of the Crown, which, if it had not been exercised by statesmen with moderation, with regard to prece- dents, and with a knowledge of the feelings and principles of the country, would have become long before this intolerable. England overstepped the principles of the Treaty of Paris. They had as- sumed the right of acting alone, and not in concert with the other powers, and in ratifying the Conven- tion had pushed the powers of the Crown to an extremity which the greatest statesman of our history had refrained from exercising. The treaty was ratified several days before its existence was known, and any action which Parliament might be disposed to take was effectively prevented. It was not his duty to sketch out an alternative policy, but it was his duty to protest as strongly as he could against the way in which the Government had departed from the precedents of English diplomacy, and had violated the principles of the constitution and disregarded the authority of Par- liament. These things might be santioned by a majority of the House, but whilst he rejoiced that the work of Liberalism had been so extensively accomplished, he should never cease to lament that it was not effected by the good will and assistance of England, and that instead of having settled the Eastern question, a new pha,e of it was opened by this startling novelty, the r result." of which they would not pretend to ascertain what set at naught the law of Europe, which, was not just to the other powers, and which, whilst overruling the rights of Parliament, laid new barflcns on the shoulders of a too confiding people (loud cheers). Mr Sidebottom defended the Government. Mr Osborne Morgan objected to the new phase of responsibility into which the Government had I entered after plunging the country into debt, and committing it to a new policy without taking Par- liament into their confidence. The Anglo-Turkish Convention was a treaty clandestinely hatcned in the cellars of the Foreign Office, of Cerberus and blackest midnight born." Never since the days of Sir Robert Walpole had the House of Commons beeiitreated with such ostentati ous indifference and contempt. Having digested the Suez Canal shares and the cession of Cyprus, they might next have to swallow the Euphrates Valley, and some fine morning the people of this country would wake up to find that, bit by bit, the British Constitution had been muddled. At the same time he could not help thinking that what were now regarded as master strokes of policy in a Prime Minister, would, in private life be stigmatised as sharp practice. Mr Morley believed that the treaty would confer great commercial advantages on this country. Mr Evans protested against the responsibilities z!l p we had assumed in Asia Minor. Mr Goldney protested against the course taken by the Opposition. Mr Stansfeld said he supported the resolutions because they exposed the avowed policy of the Government, which was not to promote the liberty and self-government of the Christian races, but to restrict as far as possible the blessings obtained for them by the victories of Russia, and because the Government had failed to do justice to Greece and had incurred dangerous and unnecessary responsi- bilities in Asia Minor. He was certain from his personal experience that it was hopeless to resusci- tate Turkey or give her the power to properly govern her subject races, and that the treaty instead of assisting would diminish the influence of England, and before long be generally condemned. Mr Cross, who was received with cheers from the supporters of the Government, insisted that the Liberal Government of the last twenty years had never done anything to use the power given them by the Treaty of 1856 to promote the good government of Turkey, but has regarded it with indifference, and this charge Mr Gladstone had quite failed to answer. On the contrary, his re- marks confirmed the unfairness and injustice of his attacks upon the Government for a!l the mis- government of the Porte, and the at n ocities in Bulgaria were not the outburst of the moment, but the result of a system which had long continued, is not with the approval, at least with the toler- ance of a Liberal Government. He expressed surprise that the resolutions had only been moved in this House and not also in the other, where, considering the gravity of the question, it could have been debated with general advantage by the great constitutional lawyers and by the Ministers who had been the representatives of the country at the Congress. With respect to the motion itself, he recognised the fairness and moderation of Lord Hartington, but complained that the resolution k could not be fairly deduced from his criticisms. But the speech of Mr Gladstone was of a different character, and he was doubtful whether to regard him as the rival for place and power, or the humble follower of the noble lord. The convention had been attacked without any regard being paid to the altered state of circumstances, and the resolutions clearly showed that they were the work of more than one hand, and he thought they had been drawn up before their author could have had the slightest knowledge of the proceedings of the Congress, or had received the papers on the table. He did not propose at that late hour to follow the right hon. gentleman. (Ironical cheers from the Opposition). At that late hour it was impos- sible to go into details, but he would ask the House to consider the change that had taken place in the state of Turkey A few years ago Turkey was a strong power, and the country had endorsed the wisdom of the Government in refusing to join in the attempt to coerce her by France. If the Government had accepted the Berlin Memorandum it would not have altered the subsequent course of events, and if they had allowed the Treaty of San Stefano to remain in its integrity the Sultan would have retained his throne, but his power and authority would have been at the disposal of Russia, and whilst main- taining the rights of the subject races, and Z, ensuring their good government, they nad retained the Sultan upon his throne, as the only power which could be maintained in the East without in- volving the rest of Europe in a prolonged and disastrous war. He indignantly repudiated the charge that the British ministers had departed fro:n the traditional policy of England oil behalf of liberty and good government. But it was said that the Government did not represent the feeling of the country, and was secretly encouraging Turkey in her resistance to the demands of Europe, both of which charges were equally without foun- dation. With respect to the secret agreement, he denied that there was anything underhand in it. As regard the Congress, it would have been folly to have gone into the Congress without having ar- rived at some understanding with Russia as to the differences between them. If they had gone into Congresss without some solution of these diffi- culties, the deliberations of the Congress would have been abrutly broken off, and a prolonged and general war the result. He believed there would be a durable peace. With respect to the Anglo-Turkish Convention, he was sure that the country would agree with the view taken by the Government, that we had in- terests at stake in Asia, and that by entering into them Government had not increased the respon- sibilities of the country, but had boldly recognised them, and by so doing, and warning Russia that they were prepared to defend vhem, had dimi- nished, and not increased the danger of a war. He believed that a new era probably would be opened for those provinces, although it would not be under the auspices of Russia, and he hoped that when the time came for a general election the Liberal party would maintain the assertion of their leaders, that England had no interests in Asia, and that it was a matter of indifference to her that the Euphrates Valley fell into the power of Russia. On the motion of Mr Lowe the debate was, after some personal explanation, adjourned to Thurs- day. The House adjourned at 2.35. HOUSE OF COMMONS.—WEDNESDAY. The motion for the third reading of the measure singularly styled "The Duke of Connaught's Establishment Bill provoked another debate on the subject of royal grants. Mr Plimsoll moved the rejection of the measure on constitutional grounds. The hon. gentleman resented the wide interpretations recently given to royal prerogatives, and expressed the opinion that they should be curtailed. Mr Burt seconded the amendment, which was supported by Mr Earp, Mr E. Jenkins, Mr Macdonald, Sir W. Lawson, Sir C. Dilke, and Mr Muntz. Among those who strongly opposed it were Mr Forster and Mr Rathbone. Mr Rathbone spoke in generous terms of the excellent example set by her Majesty and the Royal Family of care- ful and frugal lives, and said he believed that it had had the effect of saving the country from fall- ing into an excess of luxury. Upon a division the amendment was rejected by 151 to 13, and the bill read a third time.—Tne House went into committee on the Cattle Diseases Bill, and the remaining clauses were agreed to. Sir H. Selwin-Ibbetson acknowledged on behalf of the Government the assistance which he had received during the con- sideration of the measure and it must be admitted that the opinion of those interested in free trade in cattle is generally very favourable as to the results of the efforts made to modify the original provi- sions of the bill.-The second reading of the Bishoprics Bill was then brought forward. Mr Cowen moved the rej ection of the measure; and the debate was proceeding when the time for sus- pending it arrived. The bill is, therefore, talked out.-A supplementary estimate for £1,845,000, required to meet additional expenditure for army I services consequent upon the war between Russia and Turkey, the native outbreak in the Cape of flip?, &c. was issued last night.

KSGL.vSD AN|> TOKKEY. CONSTANTINOPLE, July 15. The news of the cession of Cyprus to England has been received with a certain amount of satis- faction here. I can assure you that the Turkish proprietors of the island are very well content. Many of these proprietors reside here, and Ihey are going off in a small cloud, like mosquitoes, to settle down upon the English invaders and to bleed them dry. There are others to whom the cession is peculiarly welcome. Certain shrewd and very influential Greeks obtained (from the Palace, it is said) the earliest possible information of the ce^ sion, and used their knowledge to very gecd pur- pose indeed. This circumstance is loudly talked of, and it is said very freely that the happy and acute Gr ek bankers derived their knowledge from the most illustrious personage in the realm, and that he shared the proceeds of their adventure. The ordinary Greeks are not so well pleased with the concession, and say openly that England in her desire to obtain Cyprus has sold and thrown over the Greeks. Still, all the talk here at present is in favour of the English. We like the idea of an English Protectorate in Asia Minor. Under the shadow of this coming Protectorate a number of projects have once more crawled out, and are gradually wriggling into active life. We are once more invited to have faith in the Euphrates Valley Railway scheme, and are gravely told that the English intend to occupy not merely Cyprus, but Mesopotamia, so that they may command both ends of the Euphrates Valley Railway. I have no objection to this. Let them turn to and occupy, I cry; but I decline to believe that the Euphrates Valley can be made to pay for many years to come, -and I defy the projectors of that railway to find any honest man between here and Bagdad who will say that the railway can be made to pay. There are, however, many districts of Turkey in Asia which afford facilities for the construction of paying railways, and it would be well if English capitalists were to direct their attention towards them. In the midst of all these joys we are not without our anxieties. From all parts of the Empire—that is, of the Empire which still clings to the Sultan— there come rumours of existing and of growing troubles. Albania, the Lebanon, Lazistan, all menace the Sultan for his neglect of Mussulman interests. In Thrace hunger stalks hand on hand with disaffection, and is ready to plunder either Russian or Turk solely for bread. In Epirus and Thessaly, and in Crete, Greeks and Turks are alike preparing for a deadly struggle; and in the capital the silly and purposelesj intrigues against the Sultan go on continually. The diplomatists of Berlin are separating in the belief that they have pacified the world, and checked the outbreak of a general conflagration. In reality they have merely banked up the fire. It is understood here that the Porte has in- formed the European Powers that the course which they are taking will bring to pass great disorders in Turkey, and that it will hold the Powers res- ponsible for any misfortunes that may ensue. I believe this to be nothing but empty nonsense, there will be no disorders here unless the Govern- ment stirs them up, or permits them to be stirred up. It is now well known that the outbreak in the Rhodope Mountains was due mainly to the exertions of foreign sympathisers. There is not only in Mount Rhodope, but in many parts of Bul- garia and Roumelia, a misery of the most appalling character. The British Consul General, who has gone to Lagas to inquire into and report upon the condition of the refugees, telegraphy that the re- ports which had reached us of their wretchedness fall far short of the truth. Doubtless where there is so much misery there will be much lawlessness and some crime, but I cannot learn that there is any desire in any part of the country to strengthen the Government or to support the Sultan. In Constantinople the fanaticism of the Ulemas has to some extent been aroused, and they talk some- what dangerously. On Saturday they met at Yildiz Kiosk, under the presidency of the Sultan. The present Sheikh-ul- Islam and his two prede- cessors in office were there, but no military or civil dignitaries were present. Very little is known of the proceedings of this Council, but it is under- stood that suggestions as to the best mode of stirring up the Moslems against the enemies of the Faith were made by many excited-speakers. As a matter of course, the Sultan was once more adjured to raise the Sacred Standard, and it is possible that in a moment of despair he may yield to this de- mand. But even if he should do so I cannot be- lieve that we should have a fanatical outbreak of any importance. The great body of the Moslems know perfectly well that their faith is not threat- ened, and it wilf not be easy to excite their wrath against a purely imaginary danger. There are, of c jurse, some old and young fanatics who might be roused into a mischievous activity, but the 0 great body of the people will remain quiet,*and will not trouble themselves greatly about the discomfiture of their rulers. An Ambassador, however, does not mix with the people. His views of popular feeling are all derived from official sources; he knows rothing but what the governing class chooses to tell him, and at the present moment the governing class does not choose to speak very pleasantly to Sir Henry Layard. Hjs position is a very awkward and disagreeable one, and he has had to listen to some very hard words indeed. He cannot make the Turks believe that the proceedings of the European Powers, and especially those of his own Government at the Con- gress, have completely taken him by surprise. He asserts with perfect truth that his own Government had kept him entirely in the dark, and that the disclosure of each fresh misfortune for the Turks was as marvellous to him as it is to them. I be- lieve him to have more than once assured the Turks that no concession whatever should be made to Greece, so that their wrath with him at the present moment is not surprising. Server Pacha, who re- gards Sir H. Layard as his enemy, and who assuredly was disgraced and dismissed at SirHgnry's instance, loses no opportunity of attacking England and her Ambassador. At a recent Council he de- nounced the English in a most violent speech, de- clared that he had always known them to be per- fidious, and reminded the Sultan that he had been dismissed for warning his master and his country- men against such false friends. The Sultan bowed an approval of these remarks, and no one offered to combat ncm. Under these circum- stances you may well suppose that the British Ambassador's position at the present time is far from pleasant. Apart from the surprises with which the Con- gress favoured us there is little to interest us here. We are told that the project of reform which was drawn up by Sadyk Pacha, and for the premature promulgation of which he was dismissed, is to be publicly announced with great pomp in a few days but we have known too many projects of reform to be gieatly moved about this. The Minister of War is in disgrace, and likely to be banished, and it is said that he will be succeeded-by Mahmoud Damad but we have ceased to care by whom the affairs of State are conducted. The trial of Sulei- man Pacha is going on publicly, but we have lost all interest in the matter. All our thoughts have been centred at Berlin, and what we are asking is by what means the Powers intend to give solidity and vigour to the residuum of the Turkish Empire they have thought fit to maintain in Europe. This, after all, is the great question, and their labours will have no good result until this question is satisfactorily answered. I think I may claim to know something of public opinion here, and I can assure you that we are all agreed on one point. We are all persuaded that the arrangement which Lord Beaconsfield has made for the apparent paci- fication of Europe, and with a view, apparently, to the amelioration of the condition of the Christians in the East, will be altogether vitiated if the Turks be allowed to exercise in future their old monopoly of misgovernment. If satisfactory provision for the future good government of Constantinople and its dependencies can be arrived at, the English Premier may leave a legacy of peace to his succes- sors but if he makes no such provision the flames of European war may break out even in his own lifetime. What England is now doing she might have done before the war broke out if her Ministers could h° ve made up their minds to a resolute course <■ policy. The Turks could not have re- sisteu the will of united Europe, and Europe merely wanted the concurrence of England to be united. Stai.dard, Julv 27.

Siberia:; HwisitoBa Any foreigner, who has oeen at St. Petersburg during the spring, and has chanced to come home late from one of the Easier balk, may have met one of these dismal processions filing through the broad streets at a quick march. "Nobody may approach the men to inspect them. The Cossacks crack their whips loudly to warn loafers off. and scamper up and down the line with lanterns tied to their lance-points, which ihey lower to the ground at every moment to see if have been dropp; d. Murderers, thieves, Nihilist conspirators, felon clergymen, mutinous soldiers, and patriotic Poles all tramp together as fast as they can go. and per- fectly silent. Then come the women, shivering, sobbing, but not daring to cry out, because of those awful whips. There are sure to be some young girls. among them—o--student's of Zurich, convicted of Nihilism, or Polish girls accused ci hatching plots-and these are mixed up elbow to elbow with hardened adventuresses, sentenced for bank-note forgeries, and with flat-faced Muscovite drabs who have killed a husband or child under the influence of vodki. At the first church outside the city there is a halt, and the two gangs are driven into the building to attend a parting mass and hear a short sermon. The preacher, speaking from the altar, never fails to extol the Czar's clemency, and to advise submission and penitence, The girls, the Poles, the alleged conspirators here get a fore- taste of the language that will be held to them every time they make an appeal for mercy. When the prisoners leave the church their chains are removed, and they receive permission to talk for the rest of the way, except when they pass through towns. They may sing, too, if they like, and sometimes do, trying to drown their misery in plaintive yells about the homes they shall never see again. Meanwhile a rumour has got abroad that a convict convoy is on the move, and in all the villages the compassionate peasantry bring out steaming tureens of tschi, piles of newly-baked bread, and jugs of kwass or vodki. They set these offerings by the roadside as the vanguard of the convoy comes in sight, and they retire, for they must not speak to the prisoners. The pity felt for the Siberian exiles is universal, and is only too natural in a country where it is by no means the worst rogues who habitually come to punishment. A villager will bring out his last crust to feed one of the poor wretches whom he pathetically men- tions as having been "unfortunate," and even the Cossack guards show a rough sort of sympathy for their charges. They allow them to take freely of whatever is put out for them, and only make use of their whips in cases of insubordination. Un- fortunately, the delirium of fever is often taken for insubordination; so that a delicately nurtured convict, man or woman, whose intellect gives way under the fatigues of the march and the horrois of impending slavery, is liable to be stripped aud brutally flogged as an example to the" rest.— Russians of To-day.