Monmouthshire Merlin

HOUSE OF COMMONS.—FRIDAY. The Speaker took the chair at 4 o'clock. THE COURSE OF BUSINESS. Mr. GLADSTONE, who was received with cheers, then rose to make a statement with respect to the prospective course of business. He assumed that the Arms Bill would pass that night. Nevertheless, th« future was one of great difficulty and embarrassment. The main subjects now confronting the House might be summed up in the description'Votes in Supply, and the Ways and Means Bill, which must follow the votes in supply, and which must absolutely become law not later than the 20th of this month, unless the law was broken by failing to provide for the payments required for the public service. There were one or two other extraneous matters which made imperative demands on the time of the House. A vote of want of confidence had been proposed from the other side of the House in regard to Candahar, the discussion of which would not, in all probability, b< confined to a single night. (Hear, hear.) For that discussion it was the duty of the Government to make the earliest provision in their power. He ventured to hope that by Thursday week they should be able to give place to the hon. member who had given notice of this question. Besides that, it would be a matter of absolute necessity that the House should have some power of addressing itself to the general legislative business of the session, particularly when they recol- lected the extreme importance, and he would even add, apart from its technical sense, the extreme urgency of the great measure respecting the land tenure in Ireland. The Government felt bound to Include in their plans such elements as would enable the House, at any rate after Easter, because the time up to Easter was nearly disposed of—but after Easter, to apply itself sedulously and effectively to legislative work. Another notice of motion had been made that night with respect to the representation of Northampton, which raised a question of privilege not likely, judging from the experience of last session, to be easily got rid of. What he had now stated did not in the least degree contemplate what was called obstruction. On going into Supply opportunities were given for moving preliminary motions which members were entitled to take, and which he had no right to describe as obstruc- tive motions. The necessity which existed was a necessity for giving special expedition to the proceed- ings of the House in order to secure to the House a reasonable time for discussing these votes which it would be the duty of the Government to sub- nit. With regard to the votes for supplemental ser. vice in 1880-51, every one must be disposed of by Mon- day week. It was necessary to furnish members with opportunities for discussing these votes. He was sorry to say there were no less bhan bO supplemental votes for services of various kinds. Among them there was a certain number that must lead more or less to dis- cussion. The votes connected with Ireland would probably give rise to some, discussion upon the relief of Irish distress. There would be a vote with reference to the constabulary of Ireland, and for the supplementary extension of the constabulary service, and there would be a vote for legal expenses in Ireland—(hear, hear)- which would bring before the House the subject of the recent trials in Dublin. (Hear, hear.) There was also a vote for stationery and printing, which, owing to causes for which the gentleman at the head of the establishment was in no way responsible, unhappily required a large additional subvention, and with respect to which the member for Preston (Mr. Hermon)-the last man in the House to give countenance to obstruc- tion-had given notice of his intention to raise a debate. There were also points of novelty in connection with the law charges in England, which would no doubt give rise to some question. Then there were supplemental votes connected with military and naval expenditure incurred in the Transvaal. An- other matter which had been greatly pressed upon Government last year, and with regard to which they were under positive pledge, was a proposal for giving a subvention to India at the charge of the British ex- chequer in relief of a portion of the expenditure in con- rection with the Afghan war. (Loud cheers.) Their proposal was to make a total contribution of X5,000,000 towards the very large expenditure that India had been called upon to pay, and* they proposed to give that £ 5,000,000, partly in the shape of a remission of the debt of 12,000,000 which had been contracted in behalf of India, subject to repayments over here, and partly in a series of annual grants of ways and means. It would be necessary to take the votes of 1880-81, and a number of votes for 1881-2, including the votes fer men for the army and navy. It was most desirable that every opportunity for discussion should be given upon these votes. The Government were not disposed to set an example or establish a pre- cedent, even under the circumstances that were sub- mitted, for taking the votes for the men for the army and navy on account, because such a course, in their opinion, would greatly and seriously diminish the control of Parliament over supply. (Cheers.) These votes must be taken absolutely not later than the 23rd, which was the same as the 21st, since the 22nd and 23rd were days at the disposal cf private members. He regretted that in view of the debate upon Candahar it would be necessary to make a further demand upon the time of the House, and, in order to get through the -necessary business and to avoid what they considered the most serious evil of breaking the law, which was totally intolerable, or the evil of trenching upon that old and wise rule of the Commons that under no cir- cumstances should they take more than one stage of any money bill on any one day, or another evil, which will be regarded as almost absolutely intolerable, of being reduced to such a position that the proposals of the Government in Supply involving taxes on the people should require to be put from the chair without the power of discussion, the Government had considered by what proposals they could avoid these evils: and to provide for a reasonable discussion in Supply the course proposed to take was to move on Monday that the state of public business is urgent —(cries of Oh," followed by loud cheers) -with refer- ence to the Ways Supply, and with regard to the Ways and Means Bill; and that unless the House shall other- wise order, Committee of Supply would have prece- dence of all orders of the day and notices of motion from day to day until this declaration of urgency shall have been disposed of. (Cheers.) Sir STAFFORD NORTHCOTE said it was not his desire to do anything so irregular as to prevent discus- Bion upon the statement they had heard, which was of a serious and, he must say, somewhat alarming cha- racter. After the statement the Prime Minister had made as to the rules he desired to avoid, be was sur- prised to find that he should end by an intimation that he would propose urgency in Supply. He must say that, although the party with which be acted had been most anxious to suriport the Government in what they thought necessary to be done in regard to propo- sitions of urgency, the proposal now made was one that would require the very gravest consideration. He had some difficulty in making out the distinction which the Prime Minister drew between the rule he proposed to avoid and the proposal which he made. He also asked whether the right hon. gentlemau pro- posed to make his financial statement before Easter or after it. Mr. GLADSTONE said, with regard to the financial statement, he should endeavour to give as early an intimation to the House as he could. He hoped it would be made be "ore Easter. It would certainly be for the public service that that should be done, as the House might desire a long recess at Easter after the prolonged labours of the first part of the session. His object in moving urgency was to give bcni. mem- bers a reasonable and full opportunity of discussing the votes in supply, and he must have been obscure indeed in his first statement if he did not make that apparent. Lord RANDOLPH CHURCHILL (C., Woodstock): I wish to put before the Speaker a question on the point of order. There was a sort of general under- standing that the rules for urgency were not applicable to the Committee of Supply, and I wish to know whether all. or some, or none of them would apply should Supply be declared urgent? The SPEAKER said that should the Committee of Supply be made urgent it would be his duty to bring down special rules with that view, and in contempla- tion of that event he had prepared rules accordingly, and they would be laid on the table of the House to. day, and would be in the hands of members to-morrow morning. Mr. RYLAND8 (L., Bromley) quite understood the anxiety of the Prime Minister, that in Committee of Supply there should be ample opportunity of discussing the votes, but he asked whether, in the event of the pressing votes now required occupying discussion. fot a period up to the 21st of tbia month, it would not be the case that any remaining clauses in urgency would be taken without any discussing? Mr. GLADSTONE: There are no urgency rules at all applicable to Supply. Consequently the rules in certain cases in Committee do not apply to supply votes being taken without discussion. Mr. JUSTIN M'CARTHY (H.R., Longford) asked whether there was any Irish Land Bill actually pre- pared. Mr. GLADSTONE: In regard to the question of the hon. gentleman, I must say that the questions which hon. members are called upon to answer in this House ought to be framed with a certain regard to those rela- tions of mutual respect—(cheers)—which ought to pre- vail among hon. members of this House, and in that view I distinctly decline to give any answer whatever to the question of the hon. gentleman, or to any similar question which he may think fit to I Eat. (Loud cheers.) In answer to the on. member for Lincolnshire, I assure him I have a certain amount of sympathy with the tremendous in- convenience to which private members have been subjected, and within the bounds of reason the Goyernment will do everything they can to accommodate them; but at the same time an absolute pledge is impossible, because the improvement of manufacture in modern times doei not extend to the manufacture of new days, and unless we could do that we could not give a place for private members' bills. (Laughter and cheers.) Mr. PARNELL remarked that the Prime Minister had stated that he desired, in proposing urgency, that each motion in Supply should be fairly discussed, but he wished to ask the Speaker whether, if urgency was declared, there would be anything preventing him, if he thought right, from framing a rule giving the Chairman of Committees power to close the debate on any particular vote in supply at any time be thought proper, or giving power to the Government to move a resolution that at a certain hour in the night the votes in Supply should be put without further dis- cussion. The SPEAKER said: I have already stated that I propose to lay on the table of the House in the course of this day's sitting rules with reference to the Committee of Supply, when supply is declared urgent, and if the hon. member for the city of Cork will hava the goodness to wait till to-morrow morning he will receive such rules as I propose to lay on the table. Mr. GIBSON: Will you declare the present state of urgency to be over before renewed urgency is stated? The SPEAKER: At the conclusion of the third read- ing of the Peace Preservation (Ireland) Bill I propose this evening to declare that the business is no longer urgent. (Cheers.) THE ARMS BILL PASSED. The third reading of the Peace Preservation Bill was then proceeded with. Mr. PARNELL moved the amendment "this day six months "-as a matter of form, he said, and without the smallest hope that he would be able to change the opinion of the House. At the same time, he contended that the bill had been carried by misrepresentation, and, defending the Land League, he protested that, instead of following the advice of Mr. Gladstone to blow up a prison or murder a policeman, they had endeavoured to attract public opinion in England to their cause by peaeeful agitation. Coercion, however, he predicted, would fail, for the people now were too well organised to break the law. After some observations from Mr. NEWDEGATE, Lord It. CHURCHILL, in a sarcastic vein, rallied the Government on the irony of fate, which, after all their fine promises to Ireland, had compelled them to bring in a Coercion Bill, comparing Mr. Forster to the "heavy father who flourished the rod with a tear in his eye, and the Home Secretary to the heartless Lothario who had deserted the Irish party, to which, not long ago, he had paid desperate court. As to the bill, he asserted |hat it was tne most stringent Arms Act ever passed, and placed the Lord-Lieutenant in a position of absolute and irresponsible power, and pre- dicted that the manner in which the Government bad managed the affairs of Ireland would be their ruin. Sir W. HARCOURT, in the same strain, replied to Lord R. Churchill's speech, which he described as the "screaming farce coming after the serious play," twitting him with having dissolved the Fourth party into* space by his erratic conduct and with acting as confidential adviser to the Third party. Replying to Mr. PARNELL, he pointed out to him that not a moietv of the Irish members had voted against the bill, ana that it had been steadily supported by the Liberal party as a whole, because its necessity had been fully demon- strated. Enforcing this point, he read further ex- tracts from the Irish World illustrating the designs of Fenianism, and remarked, amid much cheering, that he had never succeeded in obtaining from the Land Leaguers a repudiation of the American Fenians. for the very sufficient reason that it would stop the supplies. The discussion was continued by Mr. Dawson, Mr. T D. Sullivan, Mr. Byrne, Mr. T. P. O'Connor, Mr. M'Carthy, Mr Redmond, Captain Aylmer, and Mr. Sullivan. Mr. FORSTER, after expatiating once more on the reluctance and disappointment with which he had consented to return to coercion, said that one of the reasons which had convinced him of the necessity of an Arms Bill was the danger of an armed resistance to the police and the possible loss of life. He denied that the bill was more stringent than any of its predecessors, and with regard to the duration of the bill he said the experience of the last few weeks must make any Government anxious to avoid a repetition of such pro- tracted debates. After justifying the measures taken to put down obstruction, he predicted that a good Land Bill would counterbalance all the attacks on the Governmrnt, and expressed a hope that nothing which had happened would deter the House from doing the fullest justice to the Irish tenants. Lord ELCHO predicted that the constant alterna- tion of concession and coercion in Irish legislation would always fail. Tracing this bill to the legislation of 1870, he felt certain that another coercion measure would be required if the coming Land Bill were not founded on justice. This closed the debate, and the House then went to a division on the amendment, which was negatived by 255 to 36. The third reading was carried by 250 to 28, and on the question that the bill do pass,-the "Ayes were 236 and the "Noes" 26.

HOUSE OF LORDS.—MONDAY. The Lord Chancellor took his seat on the woolsack at five o'clock. THE ASSASSINATION OF THE CZAR. Earl GRANVILLE said: Your lordships will have heard with consternation of the fearful crime, which has resulted in the death of the late Emperor ol Russia. Her Majesty's Government have received no information as to the details beyond that which has appeared in the daily press; but I wish to give notice that to-morrow I will move an address to hei Majesty on the assassination of her relative and ally, and that at the same time I will ask your lordships to consent to an address of condolence with her Koyal and Imperial Highness the Duchess of Edinburgh. (Hear, hear.) The House adjourned at 5.20.

HOUSE OF COMMONS.—MONDAY. MR. BRAD LAUGH'S POSITION CHALLENGED. The Speaker took the chair at four o'clock. Mr. BRADLAUGH rose, but was immediately in- terrupted by Mr. GORST, who appealed to the Speaker whether, after the judgment of Mr. Justice Mathew, Mr. Bradlaugh was competent to take part in the proceedings. The AiTORNEY-GENERAL pointed out that the question was not determined by the judgment of a court of first instanoe, and that Mr. Bradlaugh might appeal. Sir J. HOLKER remarked that the question was not whether Mr. Bradlaugh was unseated, but whether it was fitting that he should take part in the proceedings. Mr. LABOUCHERE read a letter from Mr. Brad. laugh explaining hisposition, and Lord R. CHURCHILL said the House had no secu- rity that an appeal would be prosecuted for a twelvemonth. Sir S. NORTHCOTE asked the Speaker to give his decision, and Mr. BRADLAUGH having said a few words stating that he had given notice of appeal at once, and that the judge had stayed judgment and exe- cution, The SPEAKER said the question put to him was one of great difficulty, but its determination rested rather with the House than with the chair, and until the House had determined it he should continue tc regard Mr. Bradlangh as filling the seat for Isorthamp ton. He thereupon called on Mr. Bradlaugh to proceed with the presentation of his petitions—which were al? in favour of his motion on perpetual pensions. THE ASSASSINATION OF THE CZAR. Mr. GLADSTONE (First Lord of the Treasury): Mr. Speaker, sir, I shall to-morrow move an humble address for the purpose of expressing the sentiments of the House on the assassination of her Majesty's ally and relative, the Emperor. (Cheers.) Mr. GLADSTONE: Mr. Speaker, sir, 1 rise to correct an error of mine in relation to the address on the subject of the lamentable assassination at St. Petersburg- I propose to move an address of con- dolence to her Royal Highness the Duchess of Edin- burgh. (Cheers.) STAMPS FOR RECEIPT AND POSTAGE PURPOSES. Mr. PAGET asked the First Lord of the Treasury if he would be good enough to consider the desirability of meeting the public convenience by an arrangement which would make the existing penny postage stamp available either as a receipt or a postage stamp. Mr. GLADSTONE: I have long desired that the public should be relieved from the inconvenience which attends the obtaining of inland revenue stamps as com- pared with the great facility that exists for obtaining postage stamps, and there. is no way which I know of for relieving that inconvenience, except by the union of the stamps, that is, allowing postage stamps to be used for inland revenue purposes. There would be a certain amount of disadvantage for statistical purposes in that arrangement, but on the whole the convenience would be very great, and 1 think I may state that we shall proccse to carry it into effect. (Cheers.) THE CENSUS AND SCHOOL BOARDS. Mr. DICK PEDDIE (L., Kilmarnock) asked the Lord Advocate whether school boaid officials might have access to the enumeration books, containing copies of the contents of the schedules in the forth- coming census, for the purpose of extracting therefrom the names, ages, and other particulars regarding all children of school age, and the names and particulars of the parents or guardians of such children. The LORD ADVOCATE (Mr. M'Laren) replied that he had found, on communication with the Regis- trar-General of Scotland, that there were serious objections to communicating the census returns to school boards. Those returns were held to be of a confidential character, and he was afraid that if they were given to any person outside the department, it might interfere with their accuracy. SIR G. COLLEY'S ROUTE TO THE TRANSVAAL In reply to Sir HENRY TYLER (C., Harwich), Mr. GUILDERS (Secretary for War) said the late Mr. CH1LDERS (Secretary for War) said the late Sir George Colfey was in full telegraphic communica- tion with the Home Government when he advanced towards the Transvaal by the Newcastle and Laing's Nek route. It was also true that an officer lately returned from the Transvaal had pointed out to the Intelligence Department an alternative route, and that the information thus con municated had been telegraphed to Sir George Colley. He depre- cated the putting of such questions, because, while it was very desirable that her Majesty's Government and her Majesty's officers should be in possession of all available information as to routes, it was very un- desirable that the enemy should be made aware of the state of their information. (Hear, hear.) MEDICAL POOR LAW GRANTS. In reply to Mr. CRUM (L., Renfrewshire), Lord FREDK. CAVENDISH (Secretary to the Treasury) said that in reply to an observation made by a member of a deputation from the parochial boards of Scotland, which waited upon Mr. Gladstone on 8th March, that there was no necessity for legislation on the subject of medical poor law grants, and that what was needed to secure equality between England and Scotland was to place an increased sum on the estimates for medical relief in Scotland, he had pointed out that to put Eng- land and Scotland on an equal footing it would be necessary to make the conditions of the grant the same as well as the proportion, and that could not be done without legislation. He had added that to secure absolute equality they must not look at this particular grant in aid alone, but include in their survey other prants in aid, such as those for pauper lunatics. He could only repeat the statement which he had made some time ago, that the Govern- ment was considering the subject of grants in aid at large, with the view, if possible, of devising some better method of arriving at an appropriation of the public moneys for local purposes, and that in the meantime the Government did not consider it desirable to insert in the estimates an additional sum for medical relief in Scotland. THE OXFOBD ELECTION COMMISSION. In reply to Sir GEO. CAMPBELL (L., Kirkcaldy), The HOME SECRETARY (Sir W. Harcourt) said that he did not know whether the adjournment of the Oxford Election Commissioners from the 20th October to 22nd December had anything to do-with the pro. fessional engagements of the Commissioners, but he bhould think it was very likely. (Hear, hear.)

THE URGENCY QUESTION. THE PREMIER'S REPLY TO SIR STAFFORD NORTHCOTE. Mr. DILLWYN (L., Swansea) put a series of five questions to the Prime Minister as to the accuracy of the statements contained in the address to his con- stituents, issued by the leader of the Opposition. Mr. GORST rose to order. It was the resolution et the House that a motion for urgency be put from the chair without debate. He asked whether it was not an evasion—(loud Opposition cheers)—of the order of the House for the hon. member opposite to put a question to the Prime Minister, the answer to which would enable the right hon. gentleman to state the reasons he desired to urge upon the House. The SPEAKER: The bon. member for Swansea has risen in his place to ask for information from the Prime Minister upon several points. I am not in a position to interpose between the hon. member and the House. (Ministerial cheers.) Mr. RITCHIE (C., Tower Hamlets): Will the hon. member for Swansea kindly state at whose request he has put his question? (Hear, hear.) Mr. GLADSTONE said he should take care to obviate the reasonable apprehension of the member for Chatham, if he confined himself in the strictest manner to matters of fact in answering the question. It was not the case that the present demand tor urgency was made either wholly or partly because the Government desired to secure the time from Easter to Whitsuntide for legislation. It was their duty to have made that demand for the very same number of votes on the very same subjects, if they had had no desire to secure the time from Easter towhitsuntide. The change tbey had made, and which led to his reference to the subject, was this, that in consequence of that desire they asked for a vot5 on account of the Civil Service Bill for 1881-82 for a longer period than was otherwise asked. With regard to the second question, he must say that in the opinion of the Government, the House could have no such security. He would not enter into details which would be of a technical character, but perhaps he might be permitted to sav, as a matter of fact, that during twenty years past the votes on the last supple- mentary estimates in Committee of Supply had never been voted later than the 21st March, and never but once so late as the 21st March, when the Government had very recently assumed office. With regard to the third question, it was not usual to postpone the first votes for tbe coming year, nnd the Ways and Means not relating to them after March 31st. The Act had always been passed on or before March 31st since the Exchequer and Audit Act was passed, and the stricter rules came into force. With regard to the fourth question, the Estimates of which the Supplementary Estimates were a portion, were framed by the late Government, and presented anew by the present Government with one or two changes in matters of detail. With regard to the fifth question, the matter stood thus:—On the 4th February, 1880, the expenses of the Afghan war were estimated by the Indian Government at 5& millions. On the 4th May, 1880, they were estimated at a sum not defined, but which it was stated would nearly reach 10 millions. On the 1st June, that was the latest information they had, the Viceroy of India telegraphed that they must expect the sum largely to exceed 10 millions. Sir STAFFORD NORTHCOTE (ex-Chancellor of the Exchequer), who on rising was loudly cheered, said he certainly did not rise to attempt anything like discussion, but he wished to put a question upon one of the statements of the Prime Minister as to matter of fact, upon which he did not think his answer was quite-full. He stated he would not go into details with regard to the possibility of passing the Ways and Means Act on the 31st March if the last vote was taken upon the 24th of March. He wished to ask him whether this wa-s a correct statement or not of what the course of business might be if the last vote in Supply were taken on the 24th March ? Assuming that the last vote in Supply were taken on that day, and a resolution in Ways and Means were also-taken on that day, would not on Friday, the 25th, the Supply resolu- tion be reported, and the Ways and Means resolution reported, and if a bill were brought in and read a first time-would it not be possible by sitting on Saturday (cries of Oh.") The right hon. gentleman said he was merely suggesting supposing a bill to be read a second time on the Satur- day, Committee to be taken on Monday, the 28th, the bill to be read a third time on Tuesday, March 29th, sent up to the House of Lords and read a first time there, if the House of Lords passed it on Wednesday, the 30th, whether Royal Assent might not be given on Thursday, the 31st? (Cheers.) Mr. GLADSTONE, in answer to the question, said the statements with regard to Thursday, tbe 24th, and Friday the 25th, were perfectly correct; but sitting on Saturday at this period of the year- (cheers and laughter)—and when her Majesty's Cabinet were occupied with questions of peace and war- (cheers)—of the utmost delicacy and anxiety, which were not of their seeking—(cheers and counter cheers) —was no doubt for this House a matter of convenience or inconvenience; but considering that they bad to contemplate a state of things in which the Ways and MeansBill might be made the subject of debate occupying all day on Saturday, it certainly would be impossible for her Majesty's Government to discharge their duty as members of the Cabinet and as members of the House. Passing over all that, let them assume that the second reading of the bill would take place on Saturday, the 26th. On Monday, the 28th, they might have the committee on the bill, on Tuesday, the 29th, they might have the third reading of the bill; but the Government had no command of Tuesday, and they had no means whatever of ensuring that they could read the bill a third time on Tuesday, so as to send it to the House of Lords, and procure the adoption of the first stage on that day. (Cheers.) The question was whether it might not be read a second time, and passed through its remaining stages in the House of Lords on Wednesday, the ijOth. He presumed it might, but he knew very well that the practice of the House of Lords was not to sit on Wed- nesdays. (Cries of "Coercion" from the Irish members.) Mr. T. P. O'CONNOR: They sat on b Wednesday to pass a Coercion Bill for Ireland. Mr. GLADSTONE said they had no right, espe- cially the Government had no right, to calculate upon a change in the practice of the House of Lords made to suit- (Interruption from the Irish members.) He asked to be allowed to answer his right hon. friend. (Hear, hear.) They bad no right whatever to calcu- late, and it would have been most imptudent in them to calculate upon such changes in the practice of the House of Lords made in order to meet difficulties which they might properly say the House of Commons had special means of dealing with. Then the right hon. gentleman proposed, that the bill having passed the House of Lords on the 30th might receive the Royal assent on the 31st, and what he had to say was this, that if the bill should receive the Royal Assent on the 31st, the law could not be put in force. The necessary transactions, the necessary communications with Dublin, the necessary proceedings in the Bank of England and all the Departments, could not be con- eluded. That was his answer, and he hoped it was sufficiently clear. ICheers.1 THE ABOLITION OF FLOGGING IN THE ARMY. Mr. CHILDERS, replying to a question of which he had received private notice in regard to the abolition of corporal punishment having placed the military authorities in Natal in a very dangerous position, complained of the extreme inconvenience of re- ceiving notice of questions in this way. As he understood it, the difficulty about corporal punishment" was the difficulty raised by the Act of 1879. AH he had to say was that he had read the tele- gram in the Standard, and that the Government had no telegram confirming the statement. NEW MEMBER. Mr. Eaton, the new member for Coventry, took his seat amid loud Opposition cheers. The hon. member was introduced by Mr. Newdegate and Mr. Staveley Hill. COMMITTEE ON SUPPLY. Mr. GORST intimated that, in consequence of the condition of supply, and in order to give the House the opportunity of considering it in a constitutional manner, he would postpone his resolution in refe- rence to the Northampton seat to a more convenient season. Mr. GLADSTONE then made the requisite declara- tion as to the urgency of the business of supply, and moved, That the state of public business is urgent." The question was put forthwith from the chair, and, on a division being taken, there voted-Aves, 296; Noes, 212. The SPEAKER then said that, as the question had not been carried by the required majority of three to one, it was his duty to declare that it had not been resolved in the affirmative. On the orders of the day being called on, and supply being the first, Mr. GLADSTONE, in moving that the Speaker leave the chair, said that as the House had chosen to place the direction of affairs in the hands of the mi- nority the Government had no choice but to acquiesce in its decision, hoping that in all quarters there would be a disposition to assist in expediting business (here the Opposition cheered loudly), but reserving to them- selves the discretion of making whatever proposal might seem necessary hereafter. Sir R. CROSS, who had the first motion on the paper, met the Prime Minister's appeal by withdraw- ing it, and Mr. O'DONNELL also said be would post- pone hi3 intention of challenging the vote of suspension on him the other evening. The House then went at once into committee of supply, and before midnight 42 supplementary civil service votes in all the seven classes and five revenue department votes had been agreed to. The eight more important Irish votes, including law charges and con- stabulary, were postponed. An excess vote of £ 12,109. 4s. 2d. on the civil service estimates was also agreed to. After some formal business, the House adjourned at 17 minutes to three

HOUSE OF LORDS.—TUESDAY. The Lord Chancellor took his seat on the woolsack at five o'clock. THE ASSASSINATION OF THE CZAR. Lord GRANVILLE, in moving an humble address to her Majesty to express the sorrow and indignation of the House at the assassination of the Emperor of Russia, paid a high tribute to the character of Alexan- der II, as that of a benevolent monarch. He pointed out that the first act of his Imperial Majesty on his accession to the throne was to put an end to a war; that he also granted a general amnesty; and that he gave freedom to 23,000,000 agrarian slaves. The noble Earl described the late Czar as a kind-hearted man who was always desirous of peace, though his own inclinations in this respect were sometimes overborne; and he expressed his conviction that, having regard to the relationship between our Queen and his late Majesty, the mind of the country was filled with indig- nation at the assassination, and sympathy with those whom it had cast into profound sorrow. Lord BEACONSFIELD, in seconding the motion, referred to the fact that the marriage of the only daughter of Alexander II. to the second son of the Queen had resulted in great domestic felicity. He com- mented in terms of admiration on the character of the Duchess of Edinburgh; and said her woe must be great. The crime was one which must cause great pain to her Majesty also; and Europe was at once alarmed and indignant. The motion was agreed to. Lord GRANVILLE then moved that the House con- dole with the Duchess of Edinburgh at the great loss she has sustained bv the assassination of her father. In doing so, the noble earl said that, though there had been periods of tension in the relations between this country and Russia since the marriage of her Imperial and Royal Highness, she had never since she came to England uttered a word to diminish the affection and respect entertained for her by the Queen and the Royal Family. Lord BEACONSFIELD seconded the motion. The motion was agreed to: and it was ordered that the Duke of Richmond and Gordon and the Duke of Bedford, on the part of the House, should present the address to the Duchess of Edinburgh. PEACE PRESERVATION (IRELAND) BILL Earl SPENCER (President of the Council) moved the second reading of this bill. and said it was only the second part of a measure their lordships passed a fortnight ago. He would not pretend that the peace of Ireland was moredisturbedat tbepresent time than it had been for some time past, but there had been a marked improvement in the condition of the country since their lordships passed the Protection Act. The bill was then read a second time. The House adjourned at seven o'clock.

HOUSE OF COMMONS.—TUESDAY. Tke Speaker took the chair at four o'clock. THE ASSASSINATION OF THE CZAR. ADDRESS OF CONDOLENCE. Mr. GLADSTONE rose and said: I rise to move, U That the notices of motion be postponed until after the notice of motion for an address to the Crown, and a message to her Royal' and Imperial Highness the Duchess of Edinburgh on the assassination of the Emperor of Russia." I think the House will be unanimously of opinion that the assassination of a great sovereign, placed upon one of the highest thrones on earth, would, even under ordinary circumstances, supply fitting occasion for us to carry to the foot of the British Throne the expression of our sentiments of sympathy and condolence; but, sir, in the present instance there are many heightening circumstances which cannot be excluded from our view. There is first the noble self-forgetfulness with which it appears that the Emperor, having escaped from the first attack made upon him, was induced to disregard the anxious advice of those around him that he should again enter the carriage, and to say no, that it was his duty to see to the wounded. (Cheers.) Again, I think we cannot but bear in mind that the circumstances of this assassination have reached a pitch of gnet and horror perhaps hardly known in the melancholy annals of such deeds; and, finally, we must express our feel- ing of the black ingratitude to such a sovereign which alone, according to all human judgment, could have led to the conception of such a crime. It recalls to my mind some sentiments in which the poet has recorded his feelings upon the grief that was caused to a very ancient hero whose words and reign had failed to elicit the universal gratitude they de- served:- Let tyrants govern with an iron rod. Oppress, destroy, and be the scourge of God; Since he, who like a father held his reign, So soon forgot, was just and mild in vain. (Hear, hear.) We all know that whatever there may be in that great empire, as doubtless there may be found in all communities, calling for censure as sharing in the imperfection of human institutions, none of these was owing to Alexander II. It was part, if it existed, of the inheritance he received. The zealous labour of a devoted life was with him to improve that inheritance for the benefit of his subjects. Believe me, it is not the language of flattery, nor the language of mere feeling naturally excited by what has occurred, which leads me to state with confidence that there cannot be a doubt that the reign of Alexander II. in the history of Russia, and in the history of European find Christian civilisation, will ever be re- garded as an illustrious and memorable reign. (Hear, hear ) He came to the throne when his country was locked in a deadly struggle with three Powers of Europe, and two of them among the greatest in the world, and he extricated it from that struggle with all the promptitude and with all the honour that the most loyal citizens of his country could exact. It was not his fate to pass through a long reign without again seeinghis country involved, towards the close of it, in another great and dangerous war. But that great and dangerous war was ennobled, at least to him and to many of his subjects who thought and felt with him, by the deep conviction that it was a war of duty and a war of liberation. (Hear, hear, and a hiss.) But even if we turn from the considerations of peace and war, which may awaken in our minds mixed associations, let us only ask ourselves whether modern times have exhibited a reign more distinguished, more remarkable, for the great works of pacific legislation which it has bequeathed to that great empire. Perhaps we are some of us aware-I certainly can't pretend to any very accurate or minute knowledge of these works—but even the outlines and even the names of a few of them are such as to demonstrate that they were due not only to a sense of high duty and Christian philanthropy, but also to enlightened intelligence and to a powerful will. It was the happy fate of Alexander II., and one of the greatest acts ever peacefully accom- plished in the annals of civilisation, to give civil and social freedom to a population of serfs estimated at more than 20,000,000. (Cheers.) It was his happy fate also to establish in Russia a system of local government which, as a local government, I believe to be thoroughly free, independent, and popular. It was also among the triumphs of his reign to intro. duce into Russia an institution which we fondly cherish as being specially associated with our own history—the institution known as trial by jury. (Hear, hear.) Nor were these the only acts for which he may claim the favourable judgment of the enlightened historian. My duty is not to enter on the catalogue of these acts, but only to point to a few of the more memorable among them. It is, indeed, sad to think that such a man should have been reserved for such a fate. (Hear, hear.) Doubtless such events are overruled by a Providence behind whose purposes it is not foi us to look, and which it is not for us to scrutinise, and which we must believe will tend through all their ways to good. In the instance which a few moments ago I quoted, the poet lamented that the works of a, good man were so soon forgotten. That will not be the case with Alexander II. The fond affection of his people will ever cherish and keep alive his memory, and will dwell upon it with sympathy and with admiration. (Hear, hear.) Sir, under these cir- cumstances, it is easy for us to understand with what feelings the Queen, allied as she is with the Emperor of Russia by domestic ties, and thoroughly cognisant of all that has taken place in the reign of the Emperor—must have received the iiad and startling intelligence of his death. Therefore I have no more to do than to invite the House, loyally, earnestly, affectionately, and unani- mously to go to the foot of the throne and to assure her Majesty of the grief and the horror with which we con- templated the act, and the sincere and respectful unity with which we entered into all the feelings that she can and must entertain. Mr. Gladstone then moved a formal resolution in accordance with the terms of his SpGGCh Sir STAFFORD NORTHCOTE (Leader of the Opposition): It is quite unnecessary for me to add anything to the eloquent language which has just pro- ceeded from the Prime Minister. I only rise that there may be no doubt whatever in the minds of all who may take note of the proceedings of this House on this occasion of the universal feeling of sympathy, of the nniversal feeling of admiration for him whose life has thus been cut short, which animates the people of this country, and the members of this House. I believe that throughout the European family there is no member who has felt the thrill of that horror more sincerely or more deeply than has England. We have known, we have watched, and we have sym- pa.thised with the work which has been so eloquently and so truthfully set forth; and if there ever have been moments in which in the course of political differences there might have been a shade of jealousy with regard to the external policy of the great empire over which he ruled, I venture to say that never for a moment have the hearts of these people ceased to beat with a feeling of sympathy for the personal character and the great domestic labour of the Emperor Alexander. We have seen and we have known how truly and in what a spirit of self-sacrifice he has laboured in a field, strange to us in some respects, but in which we have perhaps appreciated his labours all the more on account of the great difference which existed between that country and our own. We have known, also, and have shuddered at, all the long- agony which he must have endured in the contemplation of the crimes which have been in course of commission for more than two years, and which have been consummated at la.t in one of the most terrible and most repulsive acts. We can but share the feeling, which has been expressed bv my rieht hon. friend the Prime Minister, that, sad as has been, in one sense, the termination ot tbat career, the sadness and horror will, after a time, pass away in the recollection of the great work which has been done, and of the great name which has been left behind. I know I am acting in the spirit of the whole House when I state that I cordially agree in and second the proposition which my right hon. friend has now moved. (Cheers.) The resolution was put to the House and unanimously passed. Mr. GLADSTONE then said: I have now to ask the House, in full expectation of a similar manifestation of feeling, to adopt a resolution of condolence with her Royal and Imperial Highness the Duchess of Edin- burgh. When the Duchess of Edinburgh became the wife of the second son of the Queen, it was thankfully known that there never had .been a daughter in any rank of life more Tenderly beloved by her parents, or more worthy of their love; and when they committed her to the care of the Sovereign of the people of this country, it was the affectionate desire of the Emperor that she should be cherished and appreciated here as she had been at home. The experience which we have had of the Duchess of Edinburgh has convinced all who have had an opportunity of knowing her of the perfect worthi- ness of her Royal and Imperial Highness to fill the place which she did in the Imperial family of Russia, and to fill the place which she holds in our own country. This sorrow is indeed a deep sorrow, going to the heart and centre of her life. I follow precedent, and if there were no precedent, this would be an occasion to make one, but I follow precedent in mov- ing the House that we should assure her Royal and Imperial Highness of the deep sympathy and sincere condolence which alone we can offer to her under the grief and distress for which her adequate consolation can only come from a higher source. (Cheers.) Sir STAFFORD NORTHCOTE seconded the reso- lution, which was adopted unanimously, and the Mar- quis of Tavistock (L., Bedfordshire) and Earl Percy (C., North Northumberland) were appointed to pre- sent to the Duchess of Edinburgh the resolution of the House. SUPPLY. After the report of Supply of the previous day, the House went into Committee of Supply. The Irish votes postponed from the previous sitting were first taken. On the vote for the Board of Works, Mr. W. E. FORSTER, in reply to Mr. PARNELL, gave explanations of the principles on which the Relief ol Distress Act had been administered, and on the vote for legal charges there was a long discussion. Mr. PARNELL, in moving to reduce the vote by X3100, fees to law officers and counsel in connection with the state trials, attacked the Government sharply for the institution of these prosecutions, and specially denounced their resort to the old law of conspiracy, which he contrasted unfavourably with the straight- forward conduct of the late Government, who made every man responsible for his own words. Mr. W. E. FORSTER, in defending the Govern- ment, maintained that they had no other course open when they found men going about recommending the tenants to break their contracts, and when they were informed by their law officers that when this was done in combination it amounted to a breach of the law. The ATTORNEY-GENERAL, replying to Mr. GIBSON, who, while supporting the vote, remarked that the Government should not have undertaken the pro- secutions without some better assurance that they would be successful, laid it down that when two men combined to prevent any person obtaining the fair per- formance of a contract they were acting illegally. Mr. T. O CONNOR, Mr. A. M. SULLIVAN, Mr. BLAKE, the ATTORNEY-GENERAL for IRELAND, Mr. CALLAN, Mr. BIGGAR, and other members also spoke, and on a divi- sion the amendment was negatived by 153 to 20. The succeeding votes were agreed to after some dis- cussion on details, and the last Irish vote, the Con- stabulary vote, was carried on a division by 189 to 16. This concluded the civil service supplemental esti- mates, and, on progress being reported, Mr. GLADSTONE, in reply to questions from Sir STAFFORD NORTHCOTE and others, fixed the Indian grant in aid of the Afghan war expenses and the vote on account of the civil services for Wednesday, if members would withdraw their bills, the army estimates for Thursday, the navy estimates for Friday, and the Transvaal vote, in all probability, for Monday. The House adjourned at 20 minutes past 12.

Her Majesty the Queen has forwarded, through General Sir Henry Ponsonby, aii annual subscrip- tion of £50 to the Royal Lifeboat Institution. At the Birmingham Police Court, last week, David Turner, Frank Oerton, and William James Watkins respectively, managing solicitor and clerk at the Birmingham branch of the National Mer- cantile Bank, Limited, Covent Garden, London, were summoned for conspiring to obtain a bill of sale from Thomas Wilson Hadzor, Court Farm, Droitwich, by false pretences, the false pretences as alleged being that the deed was for five years instead of ten months, and that it was to be private, wlieieas it was registered, and that the interest wad to be G per cent., whereas it was nearly 40. On the application of the counsel for the defence, the case was adjourned till April 7th. A novel and rather important contract has been recently signed in New York for the draining and reclamation of Lake Okeechobee, in Florida. This scheme, when carried out, will place no fewer than twelve million acres At the service of the sugar planters, who have initiated the move- ment; and as the land and climate are admirably adapted to the cultivation of the sugar-cane, it is calculated that South Florida will be in a posi- tion to supply all the sugar needed in the States, and have a large surplus in hand. The contract is notable as the largest of its kind, and if success- fully completed will have an important inliuence on the future of the great tropical State. xne rapid aeveiopm Bessemer steel trade is one of the most remarkable features of American industry at the present time. The total amount of steel produced last year was 1,203,173 tons net, against 928,972 tons in 1879, and 500,587 tons in 1877-the increase being 30 per cent. for 1880 over 1879, and 115 per cent, over 1877. When we reflect that only eight years ago the American pro- duction of this class of steel was only 120,108 tons, and is now over a million, it would seem as if the United States manufacturing power, young as it is in age, would soon be a match for any other country in the world. The steel rail production was 91,070 tons in 1872, and 917,502 tons last year; and, large as this turn-out was, it will be in all probability greatly exceeded in tho present year, for several extensive steel works are now in operation for the first time, while other older establishments have greatly added to their plant. In the former cate- gory are the Vulcan Steel Works at St. Louis, the Pittsburg Bessemer Company (which can turn out 60,000 gross ingots per annnm), the North Chicago Steel Company, and the Colorado Iron-Steel Com pany; while in the latter are the Bethlehem and the Pennsylvania Steel Works, which are being enlarged.

THE LADIES' COLUMN. FASHIONS FOR MARCH. Owing most probably to the weather having been even more changeable than usual, the outdoor toilets have been anything but remarkable of late. February is always a dull month, and but few new dresses are displayed either upon wooden or human frames, everyone reserving their energies for what we fondly hope may be the beginning of spring, namely, that most treacherous month, April. One fact we hail with pleasure, and that is that. our most useful friend, black silk, is again being taken into favour, and where black dresses are worn during the early spring, will be a material often used, taking the place of satin and brocades to a great extent. This, mattering little to the rich, is a great boon to those less favoured with worldly goods, and yet to whom it is necessary to dress well, for we have had found no material as yet that is so serviceable for general wear as a black silk. Cashmeres will only serve for morning wear, and brocades are generally too costly, but a black silk dress does for anything and everything. I have seen one made for a lady, who wished her travelling gear to oocupy as little space as possible, and it may serve as a model for many others. The skirt, which was short, had at the bottom a double kilt- ing going all round. Above that the front part was simply made by the silk being deeper than the lining, falling in natural easy folds. The back bad a straight breadth, fringed and pointed at the end, arranged as drapery. The bodice is a plain tight-fitting one, with close sleeves buttoning upon the outside seam and no trimming, the most becoming style for a really good figure. To form this into an evening or dinner dress took but little time; there was a short train, which, with hooks. was so deftly arranged to fasten under the upper part of the drapery and down the sides, that no one would know it was not part of the original structure. This train was trimmed with black Spanish lace, a cascade ot which went down one side, the join on the other being hidden by a fancy lace trimmed pocket, and below that some bow4 with falling loops of black satin ribbon. So much for the skirt, but the bodice was contrived with equal ingenuity. The fronts and the lower parts of the sleeves were lined with satin, and the former, upon being unbuttoned, turned back as revers, edged with a frill of lace, while the latter, having been unfastened to the elbow, turned back so as to form half-long sleeves, with a frill of lace showing beneath them. A scrap of white lace inserted in the opening of the bodice and a flower, thus rendering it a dinner toilet that only took a very few minutes to arrange. Before leaving the subject of black dresses I should like to mention a pretty demi-toilet, one made of black satin and beaded lace. The front was full, and drawn in by jetted bands from the top of the kiltings, three in number, which went all round. The drapery behind was like a double scarf of satin edged witn laoe, the points of which fell one over another. The bodice was only lined with the satin (which does not make a becoming one) being made entirely with jetted lace, the sleeves being elbow ones and unlined. With this was worn a thick ruffle of black lace with a cluster of tea roses, and the sleeves finished with a narrow frill of lace. Black ball dresses are also in favour, and at a recent one I noticed several with neither colour nor white about them, made of some silk gauzy material, or lace over satin, and looking very pretty, while one of black gauze, with a thread of Sold running through it, richly trimmed with lack lace and looped with cord and tassels of gold, was very elegant. Still, at the same ball, one of the prettiest dresses in the room was one of that pretty now pale shade of pink silk and crimson velvet. At the bottom, where tbe silk skirt was out out in broad tabs, each turned back to show a lining of the velvet and a series of narrow pleated flounces of the silk with one at the bottom of the skirt, of velvet, while down the sides were slash- ings of velvet at intervals, the silk being arranged in flat foidB in front, and the back draped so as to show that the corners of the silk were lined with velvet. The bodice, which was coat shape, the basques of which buttoned behind with cut steel buttons, the same fastening down the front, was plain, save for some slashings of velvet at the elbow and shoulder. This, though more appro- priate for a dfnner toilet, was yet very pretty, and very becoming to its wearer. White, entirely white, is used for a great num- ber of ball dresses; and I have noticed some entirely made of white silk, made like a short walking dress, being trimmed entirely with the material. A very pretty dress can be made of the figured nets or Indian muslin over silk or satin, and the old fashion of having the underskirt of colour is revived. An example of this style is one of lace,- that now sold by the yard, the ordinary width of muslin, for the purpose. The underskirt and bodice were of pale pink silk, the former quite plain and short, with a narrow kilting at the bottom, the latter out in a very low square, with only a strap of silk over the shoulder, and no sleeves. The over- dress was of the laoe, the fulness in front canght up here and there with little bou- quets of pink primula, and at the bottom, where it was eiged with broad lace, it just showed the silk kilting. The net dress was in fact merely a long polonaise, the back part of which was made in two pieces, and set in full at the sides, both pieces being bordered with lace and pointed, made a graceful drapery when caught up, as they were, upon the silk foundation, one large bunch of flowers and ferns being used for this purpose, from which a long spray was carried down the side. The bodice was high, with elbow sleeves, both these and the neck being finished with lace ruffles and small bouquets of flowers, a wreath of the sarna. being worn in the hair. Beginning in the right direction by making the dresses for balls short enough for dancing, they now make them in many cases too short, some young girls who possess pretty feet and ankles showing more of them than could be necessary for comfort in dancing, and if this abuse of them goes on we may fear a return of those inconveniences in a ballroom, namely, long trains. o Just now ffLnov balls are all the rage, and as many ladies have their dresses made for these at their milliter's, hints for a few may not be un- acceptable. For those possessing regular features, dark hair and eyes, Spanish, Greek and Egyptian dresses are suitable, and those who possess any peculiar type of feature may often find their countertype in history, when it is a good plan to adopt the character, taking care that every detail is faith- fully carried out. An Egytian dress, to be effec- tive, must be of rich and heavy materials, with a quantity of jewels introduced. Greek dresses are also rather expensive ones, but the most useful of all fancy dresses are the peasant ones of any country but our own. For these correct coloured plates are easily obtained, and if only care is taken (and the selection of a fancy costume demands a good deal of it) dresses can be found to suit every Btvle. Bulgarian costumes are now fashionable, and can be made in either calico or rich materials, the latter being undoubtedly far the most effective. They consist (when made in the latter) of full satin trousers reaching to the ankles, the short skirt being of another coloured satin, made as close as it can be to the figure, but opening in front to show the trousers. The small embroidered velvet jacket is open in front over a chemisette made of white gauze, with long flowing sleeves, and quantities of gold coins are worn round the neck. The chemisette is drawn in at the waist hv the gold band of an embroidered apron, which does not reach to the knee. A small velvet cap, covered with gold coins, is worn on the head, and the shoes are gold embroidered. A very good calico dress is called Chinese shadows. The skirt must be short and white, bnt of any material, white washing satteen being the prettiest. This skirt is cut tight at the waist, and standing out at the bottom, to obtain which effect we will describe the under petticoat, but first mention that the skirt must be covered with Chinese figures cut out in black velvet or silk, or even paper (the latter being pasted on), which can he obtained for the purpose. The petticoat is close-fitting like the dress, about half-way down, and there a deep flounce is sewn on to make it the depth of the over-skirt, on this a flounce of half the depth is sewn, andon this again one half the depth, so that the extinguisher shape is formed, and as each flounce is edged with lace the effect of this under the skirt is pretty in dancing. Over a low full chemisette of white a black bodice, with tabs edged with gold braid falling over the hips, is worn, this being laced in front with gold cord. There are no sleeves, only a Mack velvet bow at the shoulders. The orna- ments should be bands of black velvet, with gold Chinese figures upon them round throat and arms, and the stockings white, with black figures upon them, to match the skirt, with black velvet shoes. -illillimr and Dressmaker,