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SATURDAY, MARCH 26, 1892.

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SATURDAY, MARCH 26, 1892. THE EIGHT HOURS BILL FOR MINERS. IN the House of Commons on Wednesday, the Mines (Eight Hours) Bill was defeated on the second reading by a majority of 272 votes to 160. The measure was not made a party question, and the division lobbies showed a striking mixture of representa- tives of parties, and interests. MA EON spoke well in favour of the Bill, and Mr CHAMBER- LAIN lent his voice and vote Mr FEJTWICK and Mr Bum spoke against it. A number of Liberals also- voted against the Bill, while some Conservatives voted for it. The debate on the Bill illustrated one thing very clearly, and that is the difference which exists between Trades Unionist leaders on the question of legislative interference with the hours of labour. This, by the way, is the line of demarcation between the Old and New Trades Unionists—the older section of Unionists dislike legislative interference, preferring a slow progress bv means of combination to < a quicker change by means of an Act of Parliament. All sections of Unionists are agreed upon the desirability of shorter hours of labour, and in fixing the span of the shorter working day at eight hours, but there is the greatest diversity of opinion as to the means by which it shall be brought about. We are evidently a long way off the desired goal of a legislative Eight Hours' Day judging by the decisive ma- jority which was registered against the second reading moved by Mr LEAKE. Some of the most ardent advocates of a Universal Eight Hours' Day admit the difficulties by which the question is surrounded in the varying circumstances attendant on different trades, but they point with confidence to the coal mines, and say that there the conditions of labour are so nearly uniform that legislation would bear equally on all districts. A legislative Eight Hours' Day for miners is looked upon as the initiation of the movement, the thin end of the wedge, or the experiment which would tell in favour of the wider application of the Eight Hours' Day made compulsory by Act of Parliament. Mr LEAKE, who acted as sponsor for the Bill, said all he could in its favour, but his speech was not the utterance of a man confident of the success of his motion. He adopted a too apologetic tone in pleading for support, but it must be remem- bered that he was speaking with the consciousness that the miners themselves are strongly divided on the question, and herein lay the greatest weakness of the measure. He stated that from a Parlia- mentary return, dated July, 1890, he found that out of 450,000 persons working under- ground, 125,000 worked eight hours or less, 250,000 were returned as working nine hours, 50,000 working 8^4 to 8% hours, and 25,000 were returned as working 10% to 10which he characterised as an extraordinary number of hours for underground work. Mr LEAKB'S plea for legislative interference was that Unionist combination was unable to bring about a general reduction of hours. MAJBON scored in the opening of his speech in support of the Bill. Capitalists and others are fre- quently telling the advocates of a legal eight hours' day that legislative interference s unnecessary, and that they can bring it about by combination. MAEON retorted that while they told the miners what they could do, they carefully stopped short of recommending the miners to do it." Mr BURT, in opposing the measure, gave himself away very innocently when he said the best way to shorten the hours of labour is by mutual agreement between employers and workmen. Exactly no one will dis- pute it. But Mr BURT seems to forget that one side to the agreement—the employers— stoutly refuse to agree. We thought a leader of labour of so long standing as Mr BURT would have sufficiently recognised the attitude of capital towards labour to have got beyond the utterance of such platitudes. It is like offering a stone when the cry of the labourer is for bread. Mutual agreement is out of the question, except the demand of the worker is backed up by a powerful organisation. Even the opponents of legis- lative action admit this, when they tell the leaders of the men that they can bring about a shorter working day by means of their Unions. However, we can support Mr BURT when he says that before Parliament interferes there ought to be an immensely preponderating opinion amongst the miners. The debate and the division illus- trate very clearly that before any legislative action is taken to interfere with the hours of adult labour, there will need to be a greater and more preponderating demand for it. No one ventured to argue thai the hours of miners were short enough, and no one who has been down a coal mine could conscien- tiously say that eight hours at the face are not long enough for one day. The ques- tion is a direct issue between capital and labour, and Parliament has shown by Wednesday's debate that it prefers to leave it there. It should be a powerful incentive to the miners to effect a strong organisation —that is their only hope, and if it leads to more thorough combination among miners the result may be as beneficial as the passing of an Act of Parliament. There is a concensus of opinion that the hours of a miner should not be unreasonably long, where the difference comes in is as to the means to be adopted to shorten them. There are two methods of bringing about a shorter day—Parliamentary interference and Trades' Unionist action. Parliament refuses to act. The duty of the miner is clear. If he really desires a shorter day there is only one course at present, and that is combination and Trade Union action.

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