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WORKMEN'S TOPICS. » « BY MABON, M.P. THE FREEDOM OF LABOUR. It was half-past two o'clock on Wednes- the 28th ult., that Mr E. Robertscn, ^6 member for Dundee, submitted to the •House of Commons his proposal for an fended conspiracy law. It would have ueen difficult for him to secure a better 4,1dience, or one in which the labour repre- sentatives were more conspicuously in evi- But it was feared from the com- mencement that the time would prove utterly ^adequate for the ventilation of such an "ftportant question. The sitting had been Receded by the issue of a Government re- in which a revised report of the much- r*scussed judgment of Mr Bompas, Q.C., at ^ymouth, had been reprinted from the 'Vestern Morning News, and it was on this *&d a similar decision given at Newcastle- ?Pon-Tyne, that the Liberals, represented *y Mr Robertscn based their claim for an iteration of the law. The Bill of 1875 was regarded by the forking classes as a fairly satisfactory one, its promoters had been frequently Ranked for passing it but the "startling Interpretation" it has received by the Recorder at Plymouth has opened up possi- bilities of the most alarming character. 4nd it was to minimise the injustice of -he law," as well as to prevent any further C eccentricities in its administration that member for Dundee had drafted his bill, ^fid, as I stated last week, to accomplish ?his object he desired, first, to have no com- ioations treated as criminal unless it contem- plated a criminal object and second, to the penalty for intimidation—that is say, he would have no man punished e.tcept in cases that would justify a blagistrate in binding him over to keep the Peace. THE PLYMOUTH INCIDENT. I^et us examine how the Plymouth Trades leaders, for that is what they were, ^Hsgressed the Bompas law, and also is Mr Bompas's interpretation of the 0lispiracy and Protection of Property Act, ^cessitating the words proposed by Mr ^°bertson. The three men were secretaries of :^ree trade unions that have branches in the They saw a certain coal merchant, Treleaven, with the view of in- I^cing mm to discharge some non-unionists 51 employ, and for the future to employ rjpoc but union men, further stating that if was not complied with, they would out the members of their union then forking for him, and prevent members of union from working for him in tho •attire. Mr Treleaven would not yield, gave the non-union men a engagement to discharge another This decision he communicated 'the leaders on the 14th of October last. the evening of the same day a joint /feting of the unions was held, at which it 48 decided to call out the men according AI the statements made by the leaders in interviews with Mr Treleaven for the Rowing resolution, which they also asked »vt Treleaven to hear when it was read to | /p6 Oien at the wharf Inasmuch as Mr still insists on employing non- men, we, your officials, call upon 1 Union men to leave their work, xio violence, use no immoderate language, quietly cease to work and go home." orders were obeyed, and the union that were unloading Mr Treleaven's 4^Ps immediately ceased unloading them. this, according to Mr Bompas's views, the "conspiracy on the part of e men's leaders. MR BOMPAS'S JUDGMENT. £ r Bompas, in delivering his judgment, *—" Whenever employers or workmen to do acts which are intended to 4ue others in their employments or trade, tlj6 a°^s being such as they would not do if did no injury, and they convey their of doing the act to the persons, rjjj be injured either by words or conduct, QI with the object of conduct, with the f JCct of compelling them, from of the injury, to do or abstain doing what they have a legal Sj&t to abstain from doing or do, a in my judgment, infringe the section, are liable to punishment. To put the Setter in popular language, I am of opinion ..t a strike by the members of a trades ^°n, for the purpose of increasing their or altering the conditions of their k>l°yment, is lawful, unless accompanied t1 violence or intimidation to individual ^^Hbers, or persons supplying the place I those on strike but that a strike the purpose of compelling employers u u to employ other persons, or to alter e terms of the employment of such other :>ns *s and renders all persons to proceedings under ls section. Although the learned Re- j°^er admitted that he believed that the pendants acted bona fide with a desire to their fellow -men, and not from a J1 nor a desire to presei*ve or increase i eir own payment, as was suggested Mr Poland, the Public Prosecutor, j! that they intended and desired in o they did to keep within the law, j e*i thcugh they may in fact have failed to c: So-—still they were fined 20s each and th sts or six weeks' imprisonment. Such is ca e ambiguous state of this law, where men 11.. be so punished, even when it is ^Hiitted by their judge that they desired th intended in all they did to keep within law." This is still more evident by the jfj?ts that the interviews between them and Treleaven were of the most friendly factor. THE DANGER TO TRADES UNIOitISTS. As I have already said, the decisions ^Mer this law, as up till now, have been, the whole, pretty satisfactory to the 0i"king man. But the moment Mr Bompas' j^dering of it was made known it became operative on the parliamentary committee the Trades Union Congress to place the P^stion in the hands of some eminent *^yer to bring this before Parliament j^th the view of its being amended for if Bompas' rendering of it should be found ?°rtect the trades unionists of the country been misled and placed in a false l^siticn. The committee, as we have seen, ,0Qnd a willing champion in the lion, raem- r ber for Aberdeen. Yet, with the professed Promoters of the law in office, Mr Robertson ail(i the labour party found themselves in a tnlnority of 36. "CIRCUMSTANTIAL" EVIDENCE. The facts in this case altogether are sUrrounded with a string of somewhat I I^ysterious circumstances. In the first place Mr Bompas himself is a Liberal Unionist, fcewly appointed to the Recordership of that most important seaport town, Plymouth. III the second place, why was the Public Prosecutor allowed to interfere in the case yhere so many conflicting interests were Evolved, and to take the part of the em- | ployer against the employed 1 In the third place, why did the present Tory G overnment reject Mr Robertson's amendment to the law, which was couched in the very identical words that were placed in the bill of 1875, I by the then Tory Government, out which were struck out by the House of Lords. That no substantial griev- < ance up till now has arisen under the I act is no reason why the ambiguity it con- tains should be allowed to remain. If it Was necessary and just in 1875 to have intimidation defined as conduct that would justify a magistrate in binding a man over to keop the peace, why not so at Present, unless the Tories and their allies have become coercionists for England and Ireland alike. LIBERALS OR TORIES FOR THE WORKING CLASSES? However, the debate and division on this bill put an end to the idea that nothing but Home Rule separates Liberals and Conservatives from each other. It is now evident that there is* 1 still the old jealousy-of freedom amonsr. the ———— "• pp—mmmtimmmm Conservatives, and that there is also the old love and enthusiasm for it among the real Liberals, and the attitude of the two parties has been clearly defined, both as regards the liberty of the subject and as regards the rights of labour. Several references were also made during the debate to the assistance received in 1875 from Lord Hartmgton and Sir Henry James, but neither of these gentlemen was present on the occasion to say a word for the poor and the much- abused working man. And is this not another proof of the truth of the old saying, Ymddiddanion drwg yn llygru moesau da" (Evil communications corrupt good manners). It will be the duty of the work- men throughout the country to press home this question, and to promote the return of candidates who will vote for striking off their shackles.

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