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RAILWAY JOBBING.

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THE FRENCH IN ALGIERS.—MASSACRE…

FRIDAY S LONDON GAZETTE, JULY…

---.--THE MURDER. OF MR. PALMER…

FRIENDLY SOCIETIES—CONSTRUCTION…

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TO

Tnl ES OF HIGH WATER AT NEWPORT.…

WEEKLY CALENDAR.

THE GENERAL ENCLOSURE ACT.

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THE GENERAL ENCLOSURE ACT. WE regret to see the support given to this measure, not only by a few professing Liberals, but by some really and intrinsically good members, such as Mr. Trelawney. It has the inherent vice of all the Bills on the same subject that have preceded it. Let its authors deny it as they may, it is a piece of class legislation. It is a measure to add to the possessions of those who have, at the expense of those who have not. Some members have observed that it is a popular mistake to suppose common lands to belong to the public, but that they are held in trust for the benefit of certain parties. This is one of the platitudes which abound in public speeches. The advocates of the rights of the poorer community are under no mistake at all. They know that certain classes of persons, varying in different localities, possess certain rights of commonage; it may be grazing, or cutting fire- wood, or other advantages, to a limited or unlimited extent, free of cost, or at some small payment, as the case may be; and this they know too, that in every Enclosure Act which passes, these poorer commoners are treated with great injustice nor will any sophistry or circumlocution avail to direct them from this point. Since the passing of the first Enclosure Act, in 1710, millions of acres of common lands have been enclosed, under regulations chiefly beneficial to those who were already owners of soil, and excessively detrimental to the poor. It has been in this branch of our legislation, as in most others, the triumph of might over right and whatever the pecuniary gains which have hitherto resulted to the stronger party, the seeds of injustice have obviously produced some bitter fruit. The preference," observes Sir James Mackintosh, of partial to general interests, is the greatest public evil." It should, therefore, have been the object of the laws to repress this malady; but it has been their per- petual tendency to aggravate it. Not content with the inevitable inequality of fortune, they have super- added to ic, honorary and political distinctions. Not content with the inevitable tendency of the wealthy to combine, they have embodied them in classes. They have justified these conspiracies against the general interest, which they ought to have resisted, though they cannot disarm. Laws, it is said, cannot equalize men. No but ought they for that reason to aggravate the inequality which they cannot cure ?" To the Enclosure Acts these sentiments are strictly applicable. There are Counties in the Principality to which the remarks might be directed, but we con- fess we see little cause of complaint in our immediate neighbourhood if anything of the kind occurred, the MERLIN should not spare friend or foe. Lord Palmerston's argument, that the effect of the Act now before the House, would be to find perma- nent employment for 200,000 Agricultural labourers, and that therefore it ought to be called a Bill for 0 improving their condition, is, with all deference to that nobleman, mere twaddle. His Lordship is a first-rate debater, and may have a great amount of knowledge about foreign countries, but, like the majority of our Legislators, he knows but little about the condition of the masses of his countrymen. Besides, there is an injustice about the observation which condemns it at once. Would Lord Palmerston, supposing him for a moment to be poor, consent to give up a life right, in order to receive, not an annuity of the same value, which would be fair, but -wages for labour, kindly promised to be given to him ? The thing is quite absurd none but the helpless poor would be insulted by such an offer. — ♦-

TESTS IN THE SCOTCH AND IRISH…

REGISTRATION. j

LOCAL liVTELLlGEXCE.

ODDFELLOWSHIP.