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The Queen's Grand Ball.


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HOUSE OF LORDS. WKDNKSDAY, JUNE 4. The Bishop of Cashel presented the Marquess ofNormanby with an authentic copy of the ch-irgedeiiverfd by him at Lis- more, and repeated his denial of the words attributed to him by Lord Normanby. In fact. said the right rev. prelate, the state ment rend by the noble earl was a wilful fabrication from begin- nino to eod. The Marquis of Normanby mentioned the name of his author, the Rev. Dr. Fogarty, the vicar-geoeral and parish priest of Lis- more. Lord Campbell asked the meaning of the following words he found in the avowed charge :—" I feel that I need not go into particulais in warning you (the clergy) against those new or rather old, revived heresies, for I have no reason to beheve that vou areaffèded with the poison, for you live so much in the midst of genuine Popery, as not to be inveigled in its corruptions. The Bishop of Cashel answered that, as he must speak out, what he stated was addressed against what is now denominated Tractarianism. The adjourned debate on the Maynooth Bill was resumed by the EMI of Clancarty, who opposed the bill, and supported the amendment moved by Lord Roden, for a committee to inquire into the class-books and doctrines taught at the college. No case had been made out for the biH and no expediency could justify the violation of the oath their lordships had taken. Let the oath of supremacy be abrogated if they pleased, and let a new Parliament he then called, unfettered, to piooounce a deliberate opinion on the policy the Government had now indicated. He challenged them to pursue such a course. This measure would not be a boon to Ireland it was a mere surrender to Rome. Looking to the whole conduct of the Government with reference to Irish questions, he must say it had not been such as to warrant either coufidence in their wisdom and abIlity. or any well-founded anticipation of good result. The noble earl was referiing to the course which ministers had taken as to the monster meetings and state prosecutions in Ireland, when he was called to order by The Duke of Wellington, who submitted that tli^e matters had nothing whatever to do with the question before the House. They might be subjects perfectly proper for discussion, but not on a motion for the endowment ol the College of Maynooth. The Earl of Clancarly insisted that he had a right not merely to consider the tendency of this particular measure, but to look to the circumstances under which it had been introduced. Many of his Irish fellow subjects seriously doubted, after the Papal rescript, which had lately made so much noise in this country, whether it wa3 iu the power of Ministers to extend to them the protection of the British Constitution; and the Maynooth Bill looked vtty like an attempt to subsidise Papal authority to aid them ill the government of the country. The D.ike of Cleveland having always voted in favour of the grant to Maynooth, felt bound in consistency to support the bit! although lie was free to add, that if it had been introduced by the Goveiercent for the purpose of ascertaining how far they could go in endowing the Roman Catholic Church at all in conformity with the suggestions offered last night by a Lord of the Bed- chamber, no failute could have been more complete. The Eai I of Hardwicke explained that he alone was responsible for the opinions he had expressed. In lact, however, he had only put a hypotheiical ca"e. He bad not named the source from whence tbe endowment of the RoinanCatholic priestsshoutti come, but admitted that he had in his mind the levenues of the Irish Established Church. Earl Spencer was ready to take his share of the unpopularity and odium which this B II had excited against Her Majesty's Ministers although, if he legarded it as an isolated measuie, he should nut attach much importance to ir, He trusted, however, that it was only a pielude to an improved system of policy with regard to Ireland. If the Government pursued a proper and a steady course of impartiality and conciliation, they would not only conliim the union of that country, but render Ireland the strength rather than the weakness of the empire. He was most decidedly opposed 10 the Roman Catholic religion; but still it was the dUly of the State to provide religious instruction for the people; he was therefore iuliy prepared 10 give his support to this Bill. Presbyterian Scotland had always been In a state of confusion and discontent till the Piesbyterian form of church government had been fully conceded; and prosperity and peace followed its establishment. Roman Catholic Ireland was in the same stats of confusion, and they must do something for the Roman Catholic religion there before they could expect either Ilanquillí¡y or contentment. The Bishop of Norwich supported the bill. He was adverse to Popery in every shape; but he considered this a measured justice, equity, and mercy. It was an expetimeot in the Itghl direction—in favour of education, which as it advanced would elicit truth; and when truth was elicited, he felt confident that the laity, at least of the Roman Catholic persuasion, would at once rise 89 one man, and denounce that thraldom of priesthood under which they were now in bondage. Whatever odium might for some time attach to those who supported this bill, in the days of their children it would be regarded as one of the most wise, benevolent, and useful measures that had been propounded iq the 19th century. The Earl of Momington hailed the measure as the fust step towards the regeneration of Ireland. Lord Colchester could not think that Maynooth was very popular among the.Roman Catholic laity, or contributions would not have been wanting, either to give adequate salaries to tbe professors, or maintain the buildings in a decent state of repair. It was intended, by I he act of 1795, that the college shollld chiefly be suppoltecl hy private subsciiptions but, except the benefac- tion of Lord Dunboyne, and two or three others, the college had derived no support whatever from Roman Catholics. He did not think there was such a promise of improvement iD the system of education given at Mavnooth under this bill as to induce him to give it his support. ]f carried, he was sure the measure would produce as much dissatisfaction in England as it would give con- tentment to Ireland. Lord Monteagle regarded this measure IS the most important which had been introduced, if not since the Union, certainly since the Relief Bill. Its practical effect in Ireland would be very great. Hitherto our course of legislation had been to create a wall 01 separation belween us and the religion of the great body of the people in that coun!ry-between us and their spirilual in • structots; aad now almost for the time, the Parliament of thp Uuilefl Kingdom touched the so»« plat* for"itTS purpose of hlnfing it, udtold the; Irish people not only that we felt no jSalousy of tiieir religion, and desisted from subjecting it 10 penal disabilities, but that we were disposed to countenance and sup- port iI-to deal with it, not indeed as a religion which we os Protestants prefer, but as the religion which was preferred by the great body of the Irish people. It had indeed been said that they ought not to propagate error; but they had contributed to this institution year by year for the last half century, and in many of our colonies we had gone much further. We had even founded a college in the East Indies for the instruction of Hindoos in their language, literature, and religion. Were they prepared to any they would do that in the sacred city of Benares which they would not do in Ireland—for "he Mahomednns what they would not do for their fellow-citizans and friends ? He thought the Roman Catholic church should be considered further than regarded May- nooth but as he valued the peace of the country and the security of proDerty, he could not for R moment conlemplate the endow- ment of that church, or anything belonging to it, out of the reve- nues of the Protestant establishment. The Bishop of St. David's could not entirely approve of the mSnner in which the opposition to this bill had been organised and conducted- He thought unfair means had been taken to bias public opinion yet he was fully prepared to admit that the petitions which had been presented expressed the sincere, earnest religious convictions of a very large poition of his fellow country- men. He denied that this measure at all involved any sacrifice of principle to expediency. The question was, would they do no good, unless it were pure good >—would they convey no truth, lest it should be tainted by ihe slightest admixture of error? It was the dictate of wisdom to do alllhe good they could, although ihev might not be able to do all they could wish. He deprecated the use of the epUbeis idolilllous aud superstitiou8" as appli. cable to the doctrines and worship of the Roman Catholics it would be better even 111 public official documents to avoid such language which, while it conveyed no very clear, distinct, or in- telligible ideas, must always excite angry and unpleasant feelings. Evpiessing no opinion, whatever, as to the truth of the Roman Catholic leligion, they could not be said in iupportlItg this \,ill either to sanction error, to strengthen, or to perpetuate it. He supported this bill because it was a conciliatory measure-because it formed pail 01 a large and liberal policy which was absolutely necessary to the tranquillity and safety of this country—and be- cause it was the fulfilment of a grellt and solemn obligation con. tracted at the Union. In passing the measure they would consult both the temporal and spiritual welfare of the people of Ireland. The Earl of Chatleyille opposed tbe bill, and mentioned as an additional ground of inquiry that the students at Maynooth had been admitted into the oider of Jesuits, thereby subjecting thent- selves to the penalty of transportation under one of the clauses of ihe Catholic Rel ef bill. Lord Stanley, in a speech of some length, replied to the various objections that had been urged against the bill. If students at Mnynootb had been admitted tothetocietyof the Jesuits they were ameoable to the taw and if the noble Earl was cognisant of the fact, and desirous of proceeding against them, they were open to prosecution fur a misdemeanour, aDd. liable to banish- ment. For this purpose inquiry was not necessary indeed, inquiry woul.1 be altogether useless but It would be more than u-.ele.j—it would produce an incessant and daily increasing acer- bity of religious animosities among different classes of the Irish people. If he believed this measuie likely to injure the Irish Protyitant tthurch either in its temporalities or spiritual influence, he w./uld not only have refused his assent to it, but have been the first to denaunce and resist it to the uitcrrflost. He did not think it necessary to injure the one in order to advance the other. He had been atljed whether the permanent endowment of Maynooth would lead' to tl.'1 endowment of the Roman Catholic church. He said that was no necessary or even ptobable consequence of this measure. The permanent endowment of Maynooth would no mort! lead to the permanent endowment of the Roman Catholic church than tbe annual endowment of Maynooth led to the annual endowment of that church. He saw serious obstacles to the endowment of tbe Roman Catholic church in the opinions, the feelings, and the prejudices of the people of this country, and in the avowed opposition of the Roman Catholic clergy themselves but religions scruples would not be a very serious obstacle with him on soch a question as this. He fully believed if this measure had any efleclal all on the religion of the Roman Catholics, it would be not 10 make more, but better catholics. No new prin- ciple was involved in this bill, and the sum they were called on to psv was inconsiderable in compansonwith the magnitude of the objocts to he gained. Government wished the measure to be received in Ireland, not as the haibinger of future measures, but as an indication of their determination to treat with kindness, conciliation, and favour, the Roman Catholics, as they did all their otfter lellow-ciiizens in lieland. Ho believed it would be so received; he rejoiced to say it had been so received in that country. It might not produce the gratitude of those fanatical firebrands of the church whom 110 justice would conciliate, or of those political agitators who, from mercenary motives, preyed on the distresses of their country, but it would secure the gratitude of those through whom was our nearest road to the hearts and affections of the people. He had too high a sense of the wisdom, justice, and patriotism of their lordships to doubt the issue. Their lordships then divide^ on Lord Roilen's amendment— Contents, 59 not contents, 1^5 majority against it, 96. On the main question—contents present, 144; proxies, 82; total contents, 226. Not contents present, 55; proxies, J4; total, 69 majority in favour of the second reading, 157. THUKSDAV, JUNE 5. Lord Brougham complained of the imperfect ventilation of the House, and seveiely censured Mr. Hatry, the architect of the new HouseM of Parliament, charging him with contutuaciousdisreoard of their lordships' wishes iu icspect to the preparation of the'new House for their reception. Mr. Bairy was all but resisting the authority of the House. He was fencing with the Housa, and he foolishly and short-sighiedly, as he would find to his cost, and most ignorantly, fancied that be had some high protection out of the House. Lord Cotteoham moved the committal of the Ecclesiastical Courts bill, The Bishop of Exeter moved its commitment that day six months. Hecould not consent to taking away froin the church its spiritual jurisdiction. Lotd Brougham suggested a leference to a select committee. The Bishop of Salisbury also concuired in the propriety of that course. He thought the church should at least retain the shadow ot spiritual power. Lord Wbamcliffe wished the bill to be allowed to pass through committee, the objections to it to be postponed to its next stage. The bill was referred to a select committee. On the motion of the Duke of Buccleuch, the Calico PIint. works bill was reart a third time and passed. On the Lord Piesidetit's motion to adjourn to Monday, on ac- count of the Court ball last evening, Lord Brougham objected on the ground that he wanted to make a very short speech on the Small Debts bill. His Lordship said he woutd promise their lordships that he would not detain them beyond half-past 5; and if their lordships were afraid that they would not have time to dress, why not at once come down to the House in their ball.dress 1 He should be most anxious to see the Lord President of the Council in the attire of Lord Burleigh, which he understood the noble lord intended to assume, and also his noble and learned friend on the woolsack iu that of Lord Hardwicke. Their lordships nevertheless adjourned to Monday.




Corn Trade.f

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