The Cardiff Times

LORD R. CHURCHILL AT PADDINGTON. Lord RANDOLPH CHURCHILL, on Tuesday evening, addressed a large meeting of the sup- porters of Mr Lionel Gohen, the Conservative candidate for North Paddington. He said he had good news to tell them. (Hear, hear.) It had been his business to ascertain and to learn the best and most reliable information as to the pro.pects of the Unionist party. He thought of little else day or night. He had many friends in many part.. of the country, and as the result of reliable a d authentic information which be bad gather? he could tell them in all truth and sincerity that the Union won hands down. (Loud cheers.) But; they must, nevertheless, record their votes— (hear, hear)-for they and thousands outside those walls would have the business of establishing on a surer and firmer foundation than ever it was established by Mr Pitt the legislative union of the three kingdoms. (Hear, bear.) Mr Gladstone always said that he had the people on his side. (Laughter.) What was the difference between Mr Gladstone's people and bis (Lord Randolph's) people ? He claimed that his people meant the whole people, the srreat voice of the overwhelming number of the English people of all classes. (Hear, hear.) He learned from his study of Lnglish history that the people of England had never Koq« wrong. (Cheers.) But what was Mr Gladstone's people ? Mr Gladstone's people were a very different body. Mr Gladstone's people was only composed of those persons who agreed with Mr Gladstone—(laughter and cheers) —and everybody outside that magic circle was ostracised. He would analyse Mr Gladstone's people. (Laughter.) At the last election, while two million voters supported Mr Gladstone in Great Britain, 1,950.000 voted against him. Even deducting the handsome number of 100,000 for the Irish vote, that reduced his figures to 1,850,000 who voted that they bad no confidence in Mr Gladstone. (Hear, hear.) How, in the face of that conld Gladstone say that the people were on his side. What bad occurred since then ? Mr Gladstone at the last election got two million votes, but the great party which was repre- sented by those votes had been broken up. It had gone. (Laughter.) Lord Hartington, Mr Bright, and Mr Chamberlain had left it. They all had a personal following c.4 considerable numbers, and the way they voted would more or less influence the result of the election, so that he thought he might fairly deduct from Mr Glad. gton's two millions that personal following, which he thought was equal to the Irish votes. He added that personal following to the votes of the Tory party, who represented the working classes, and whom nothing could turn. What then became of Mr Gladstone's assertion that the people were on his side, and that everybody against him was unworthy of being nominated Quder the grand name of the British people ? (Cheers.) It was a ludicrous, nonsensical, and arrogant assertion. (Laughter and choera.)

Mil. GLADSTONE'S OVER- TURES TO THE SALISBURY CABINET. The following correspondence, bearing oa the overtures made by Mr Gladstone to the Salisbury Cabinet, touching the Irish question, has been furnished to the Central News for publication:- "Dear Mr .t3alfollr,-It is intimated by Mr Laboucbere that while a member of the Salisbury Government you laid before that Government, as from Mr Gladstone, propositions for non-partisan support to be given by Mr Gladstone to measures for the settlement of the Irish question, and that it was on the rejection of these propositions by the Salisbury Cabinet that Mr Gladstone felt bound to press his own Irish Home Rule measures. May 7 ask if this is correct?—Very truly yours, W. t;, HUBLBBRT." 4 June 23rd. Dear Mr Hurlbert,—Stated in that way I should say the assertion was mislead- ing. Ou the 20th of December, 1885, Mr Glad- L '3 wrote me a. letter in which he expressed a desire that the Irish question should be dealt with by the then existing Government, intimating that in that case his desira would be to treat any proposal they might make in the same spirit in which he had treated their action in Afghanistan and the Baikhan Peninsula, reserving to himself, however, all necessary sreedom. There was nothing in that letter to indicate what scheme he was prepared to support, and the words used, taken by themselves, and without the commentary supplied by Mr Herbert Gladstone's indiscretions, would have covered a policy of coercion as well as a policy of Home Rule. It should be recollected that the only indications publicly given of Mr Gladstone's Irish policy at that time were contained in bis Midlothian speeches., and that in the course of these speeches be took occasion to ask the country to give hire an overwhelming Liberal majority in order that he might himself have a free band in dealing with the Irish problem. It is curious to note that while one ol the accusations made against the Conservative party is that for the sake of office they were prepared to coquet with the Parneilites and themselves to take up the question of Home Rule, their unhesitating re- jection of Mr Gladstone's overtures conclusively proves that office to be held on the tenure of carrying out the Irish policy hinted at by Mr Gladstone had no attractions for them. One would like to know why Mr Gladstone, if he had made up his mind on Home Rule, did not boldly rais<* that issue on the Queen's Speech, and turn %b« Goveiaaaeot out it v (if !*• floAH rather t tl^n fnat;!] a ;liv -• >> .in :> 'I". ,I n with which. Lord Salisnm-yV Govenvoetr \w><5 •olenlly pledged hi deal;-=V«r7 tvi'y y.vjr. A. J. P,'A;A r n.

MR PARNEMAS ALLEGATIONS DENIAL BY LORD SALISBURY, I At a meeting; in Manchester, on Tuesday affcr- noon, in furtherance of the candidature of Mi" Houldsw^rth for North-Vvest Manchester, Mv J, W. McClure read the following iafcter from 1, rd Salisbury :— "HatScid, June 28th, 1S86. "Dear JMr McClure,—Mr Parnell's assertion* are a spring of baseless fabrications. It is falsa that Mr Parneil had reason to believe that if the Conservatives got into power after the general election they would have given him a statutory legislature. No one belonging to the Govern- ment, or connected Wltt, i;, gave him any in- dication of the kind. It is false that I was only too anxious to convince him in favour of a statutory legislature for Ireland, and that I ever showed the slightest leaning to such an opinion. It is false that Lord Carnarvon urged such a concession on the Cabinet,' and conse- quently false that it was not refused by the Cabinet until the polls went against us.' It is false that Lord Carnarvon urged bis views in favour of a statutory legislature on the Cabinet for six months,' and consequently false that he urged them without being opposed in the Cabinet to any extent.' It is false that after the result of the polls was known, the Cabinet swerved round in opposition to the project for a statutory legislature,' for they never had the slightest inclination towards it. I need not tell you that the story of the Land Purchase Bill having been passed in deference to a wish ex- pressed at his interview of the first of August is simply impossible by the fact that it had already passed the House of Lords, and the Government were publicly pledged to it. The Government resolved upon it as soon as they came into office-a month before the date Mr Parneli speaks of.—With kind regards, Yours very truly, SALISBUBT. It

LORD HAMPDEN ON MR GLADSTONES IRISH POLICY. The Contemporary Review for July opens with a short but able article on Mr Gladstone's Irish policy by Lord Hampden, father of Mr H. fi. Brand, and the late Speaker of the House of Commons, of which the following forms the most important part • Of the leading questions referred by the con- stituencies at the late general election to the Parliament of 1885 for settlement, the most important was that .of self-government, whether in England, Scotland, or Ireland. Ireland spoke its mind upon that subject with redoubled force. It may be presumed that the magnitude of the return of Irish members pledged to Home Rule was an important factor in the consideration of statesmen both of theGovernmentof Lord Salisbury andafterwardsof the Government of MrGladstone; and that it weighed both with the Government of Lord Salisbury in suspending for a short period coercive legislation, and with that of Mr Glad- stone in taking up the Irish question as one of pressing and paramount importance. Local self- government had been promised all round by all parties to England, Scotland, and Ireland but the state of Ireland stamped with urgency the question of local self-government for Ireland, and gave it precedence over all other questions. The question which has stirred both Governments,and which now stirs the country, is this Can the desire of the Irish for a separate Parliament for Irish affairs be met without detriment to imperial interests? "Upon some leading points it is to be hoped that there will be general agreement, although upon minor matters there may be wide differences. May we not look for general agreement upon the following propositions?— 1. That self-government is a safe and sound principle of government, if applied within proper limits. "2. That self-governmeut should be given in all cases in such form as may be deshred by the governed, provided no injury be thereby done to the common good. "3. That the form of self-government desired by the Irish should accordingly be conceded, pro- vided the common good is not thereby damaged. Now, we may look upon the Government of Ireland Bill lately rejected by the House of Commons as a bond fide attempt to satisfy Ireland without injury to the State, although there may be wide diversity of opinion whether both those objects will be effectually secured by it. The House, by refusing to read the bill a second time, has rejected the essential principle of the bill— that is, the government of Ireland by an Irish legislative body—and has rendered necessary aa appeal to the people on that question. It is for the electors of the United Kingdom to determine whether the Irish shall or shall not have self- government as they desire, securities being taken for safeguarding the honour and interests of the State. For the proper determination of this grave question it is important to bear in mind that there are Parliaments and Parliaments. Of all Parlia- ments in the world our English Parliament has the largest powers. It is, humanly speaking, omnipotent. But Parliaments differ widely in the extent of their prerogatives. We have colonial and foreign Parliaments of varying types, exercising functions more or less extensive. Iu England, when we speak of a Parliament, we naturally have in view that branch of our Parlia- ment with which we are all famiiiar-our House of Commons. But we should commit a gross mistake if we attributed to all Parliaments powers such as those wielded by the House of Commons. And if we look at the Parliament of Ireland, as defined by the Government of Ireland Bill, we find that its powers are much restricted—far more restricted, indeed, than those of our colonies. It cannot make peace or war, nor can it enter into treaties with foreign powers, nor can it make laws with regard to the army, navy, militia, or volunteers, or with respect to trade or naviga- tion or the postal service or the currency. It can raise neither soldiers, nor sailors, nor militia, nor volunteers neither can it man a ship of war. It cannot appoint a postman, nor a tidewaiter, nor a consul or other officer to conduct our business with a foreign power. Its jurisdiction is strictly limited to Ireland alone, and it has no force beyond the shores of that island. At the same time, while the Parliament of Ireland is -by the bill thus strictly limited in its functions and powers, the Imperial Parliament will retain all its functions and powers, and will be relieved of the constant demands upon its time for legislation for Ireland which will be relegated to the Irish Parliament. Let us, therefore, not be deluded by the baseless cry that the Imperial Parliament and the Irish Parliament will be of co-ordinate authority. The Government of Ireland Bill, as intro- duced by Mr Gladstone, was not without its faults, but these would have been open to correction in committee by a friendly Parliament. The House of Commons, however, by rejecting the second reading, showed that it was not friendly to the essential principle of the bill—that is, the establishment of a legislative body in Ireland for the government of Ireland. What may be the form and substance of the next Government of Ireland Bill we cannot pretend to say, nor can we predict by whose hands it will be presented to Parliament; but we may be.sure that self government for Ireland in some form will engross the time and attention of Parliament until the question is finally set at rest by conces- sion to the reasonable demands of Ireland. The main objections to the bill which have been raised are— "1. That the Irish members are at all times totally excluded from the Imperial Parliament. 2. That the rights of property and of the person are not sufficiently protected. 3. That the Protestant minority in Ulster and elsewhere are left exposed to the vengeance of the Roman Catholic priests. As to the first objection above stated, Mr Gladstone has himself held out hopes that he can meet it, and there are several ways in which it might be met. We may be assured that he will take care that the questions upon which the judgment of the Irish members may be taken shall be strictly defined and limited to imperial matters otherwise confusion may ensue, and Irish members may be again taking part in the affairs of Great Britain. With regard to the second and third objec- tions, they are founded upon the belief that Irishmen will, upon the attainment of their ends, show their gratitude by immediately ignoring the rights of property and the principles of religious liberty. Let us hope for better things. There are prophets of evil who contend that the Irish are no better than Hindoos and Hottentots, and are unfit for self-government. For my part I have higher hopes cf the Irish race. I do not believe that they are incapable of self-government and of doing justice to thair neighbours. "But if there are those who really believe that, upon self-government for Ireland being conceded, Irishmen will at once proceed to break all the Ten Commandments, let them declare what securities they desire, in order that we may see whether they are reasonable and practicable. I would rather not predict what would happen in the event of the prayer of Ireland being again and again refused, lest it should be said that I had the bad taste to use threats instead of argu- ments. But having bad some experience, as Speaker of the House of Commons, of the severa strain upon parliamentary government consequent upon the attitude of members from Ireland dis- affected to the British connection, I deem it my duty to warn all those interested in Parliament (and who is not ?) of the dangers ahead. If Ireland were asking for concessions either unreasonable or dangerous, I would be the last to raise my voice for peace; but, as it is, I am per- suaded that peace may now safely be made with Ireland, ensuring better government, more real union, and increased strength to the United Kingdom."

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ARRIVAL OF HIS LORD- bill P. A graai many people gathered ir» the vlcini'y of the Gre=>* Western Railway Station at Cardiff en Wediip^riay afternoon to witness the arrival of Lord Hartington, but neither in point of touttsbeM nor degree of enthusiasm did the assemblage at all approach that which greeted the advent of Sir E. J. Reed <>u Saturday, and Mr Parneli ou Monday. His lordship waa timed to arrive at Cardiff by the 6.5 p.m. train, and as he passed through Newport en route, a large number of gentlemen gathered on the piationr, to cheer him. When the train stopped Sir George Elliot entered the carriage, and among1 others who tendered a welcome were the Mayor of Newport, Mr E. J. Grice, Mr C. F. 'j Wallis, Mr J. Gibbs, and Mr C. D. Phillips. Sir George pressed the Unionist leader to come to Newport to give him a helping hand, and Lord Hartington promised to try and address a meeting there to-day, for which arrangements will in the meantime be made. In response to renewed cheers be appeared at the window, and cordially acknowledged his reception. Lord Hartington arrived at Cardiff in due time, and was received on the platform hy, among others, Mr H. R. Brand, the Liberal Unionist candidate for Cardiff Mr J. T, D. Llewellyn, Mr J. Gunn, Major Ingram, Mr J. B. Ferrier, DrWallace, Mr H. B, Cory, Councillors Trayes, Oliver, Morgan, and Waring Mr L. Carr, Dr Paine, Mr J. Andrews, Mr Louis Tylor, Mr C. H. r Williams, Mr R. E. Spencer, Mr G. C. Downing, and Mr T. H. Plain, After a few momenta spent in the interchange of congratulations between his lordship and the gentlemen awaiting his arrival, the party proceeded to the exit of the station, where their appearance was greeted with loud cheers, intermingled with some hooting, hissing, and groaning. Lord Hartington, Mr Brand, and Mr Gunn rtook their seats in a carriage which was in readiness, and, pre- ceded by a brass band, drove off through the crowd. Here the difference between this demonstrations and the Liberalgatherings became immediately manifest. In place of the vociferous cheers which resounded through the streets and squares on those occasions, there were now only weak-voiced cheers from those surrounding the carriage, whilst eager crowds of working men assembled at the sides of the streets groaned the Unionist leader very heartily. The progress of the. procession was not altogether unopposed, and a few free fights took place between over-ardent Gladstonians and enthusiastic Conservatives. When his lordship gained the Angel Hotel a large crowd assembled outside. His lordship and other gentlemen appeared on the balcony, but such a roar of cheers, groans, and hisses went up that he found it impossible to speak.

MONSTER MEETING IN THE DRILL-HALL. SPEECH BY LORD HARTINGTON. Long before the appointed hour a vast crowd assembled outside the spacious Drill-hall in Dum- fries-place, but all the doors wera barricaded and guarded by a strong force of police. There was a private entrance for the platform in the rear of the building, but even here the crowding and crushing were excessive. Although the meeting was supposed to be strictly limited to ticket- holders, a goodly number of Sir E. J. Reed's supporters managed to gain an entrance to the building at this point, for the main doors were shored up by huge pieces of timber, and the result was that a spare half-hour anterior to the commencement of the proceedings was beguiled by several free lights. Although the executive made the most elaborate and weli-planaed arrangements for the couduct of the meeting, and notwithstanding the fact that the ball was divided into compartments by barricades, the dense crowd which filled every comer swarmed over these obstructions, and stormed the reporters' platform, and from it the chief platform, which consisted of the large gallery and an advance stage for the speakers. The heat from such a packed audience was intense, and many persons were obliged to go out before the proceedings terminated. Mr John Gunn presided, and among others present, in addition to the Marquis of Hartington, were the Hon. H. R. Brand, Mr J. T. D. Llewelyn, Mr Marchant Williams, Dr. Wallace, Messrs J. B. Ferrier, Louia Tylor, Professor Setb, C. H. WiliiauKs, T. H. Ensor, J. Andrews, Alderman Cory, Alderman Taylor, and Councillor Morgan. At eight o'clock, and before the Chairman had taken his place, Mr C. H. WILLIAMS, of Roath Court, came to the frout of the platform and said that there was a vast crowd outside, and Lord Hartington was engaged in addressing it, bnt that he would enter the hall in a few minutes. (Applause.) Upon Lord Hartington appearing on the plat- form, accompanied by Mr John Gunn, the Hon. H. R. Brand, Mr J. T. D. Llewelyn, and other gentlemen, he met with a reception which was boisterously enthusiastic. The CHAIRMAN, in the first place, expressed his regret that the capacity of the ball was msumcienf to hold a quarter of those who wished to come in, andthencalledupon Mr HARRY COUSINS, who read tho following telegram from Mr Joseph Chamberlain :—" I can attend meeting at eight o'clock on Tuesday." (Loud cheers.) The CHAIRMAN next requested the audience to give Lord Hartington an attentive hearing. He expressed the pleasure with which he saw the interest which the people of Cardiff were taking in the Irish question,and wenton to say that heand the other gentlemen on the platform were not there as partisans, but as enthusiastic patriots. (Ap- plause. ) They had been told upon a certain authority that a few—sometimes they were called a handful, and at other times a hundred— Liberal followers were the only support received by Mr Brand in these boroughs. He, however, could tell them from facts within his knowledge that there was a Liberal committee alone of a much larger number than those who had sent their names as representative men able and willing as he was to work on the Loyalist platform and he would venture to say, further, that at a special meeting, in the Liberal Club, 22 gentlemen voted against Mr Gladstone's measures —(hear)—and 52 voted for them. (Hear, hear.) Now, in this age of liberty and civilisation they were fully entitled, as honest men, to say what thev meant, and not to bow down and be afraid of speaking their minds for fear of a mere party machine. (Cheers.) Even more he might say-thali subsequently, at a meeting repre seating something like 70 per cent. of the other side, it was shown that they would be able to take straight away from their opponents something like 25 per cent. (Loud cheers.) Their Conservative friends bad, he was sorry to say, been traduced by their opponents in phrases unworthy not merely of a statesman, but of an ordinary British intelligent citizen. (Cheers.) They repudiated this with scorn, for they were upon that platform to serve the empire in the best and most honest and most straight- forward manner possible. (Cheers.) They were honoured that evening by the presence of a nobleman whose name was familiar to every man in the kingdom-(lond cheers)—a statesman who, whether they agreed with his political opinions or not, they would at least admit that he filled a noble, manly, and conscientious position in defence of the British Empire. (Loud cheers.) Lord Hartington was not only noble by birth and bis history in the past, bat In the best sense of true British statesmanship. (Cheers.) He had done noble work for his party, and they would forgive him for saying as a. Liberal that he could have rejoiced with all his heart if Lord Harting- ton's position were that of leader of the Liberal party. (Cheers.) He thanked them for listening to him so patiently. If ever he had pleasure in bis hie, it was in asking them to give an enthu- siastic reception to the Marquis of Hartington, i*who would now address them. (Cheers.) Lord HAKTINGTON, who on rising was received with great cheering, said: Mr Chairman and Gentlemen,—I can observe,by the difficulty which your eloquent chairman baa already had in making bis voice heard by this vaet assembly, that it will be all I shall be able to do to make my voice heard 1 7 you for any considerable space of time. (A Voice Hear, hear.) You know, gentlemen, that I have been doing a gteat deal of work lately—(applause)—and that I have got some yet to do, and therefore, gentlemen, I am sure you won't take it as any mark of disrespect to you if I try rather to compress than to extend what I have to say, and not to treipass on your attention tor any great length of time. MR BBABD. I have come here, gentlemen, with very great pleasure-(cheen)-to give any support it aaayba in my power to give to a very great private and public friend—Mr Brand. (Cheers.) Mr Brand has not talked in the House of Commons as much as some of ua have done on this question, but not the less has he dose good work in the cause in which we all, or a great majority of us present I here, are interested. However good the cause r.-we rdl know vei.y well that it cannot j-evai) 'vuhout onrauisatioft a ill hard work } oSice wo! k an<J IIK work of arrangement and firganisntion are quite p.9 important* if not more important, than the Work of making speeches, ec.qneut or otherwise—(hear, hear)—and in this r pari, of the cuiilest which We have had to carty ',?i1 there i.« JJO man will] has done better service I': flic caus'5 "f what we think is the United empire—in the cause of the maintenance of the ls;risla-tive union between Great Britain and Ira. Jand—tban-roy friend Mr Brand. (Applause.) TiiS "SOL'TH WALES nAILY NEWS." I. As I «■< comins: here to-day I read an articlo in >R P tpsr'which I believe deservedly enjoys a great circulation in this district—I believe it is c.a!'ed the Soulh Wales Daily News-.—(groans)— v.id it gave me what it sailed a welcome. (Ly'-isrliter.) It-was a welcome of a somewhat peculiar character, for it said that although it would have been very g-Iad to sse me here on any other mission, there was nothing more mean or contemptible than that on which I had come to Cardiff to-day. (Shame.) Now, we may be all qnrte wrong, we may be very much mlstaken- (No; no)—but I do not think that the business in which, we are engaged can properly be des- cribed either as mean or contemptible. CNIONISTS NOT MEAN OR CONTKMPTTBL*. Mr Brand and I are advocating the opinions which were advocated only a few months ago by almost the whole of the Liberal party, and we have had the misfortune of not being able to see the errors of our opinions, which were those in common with the whole of the Liberal party. (Applause.) And if we have not been able to change our opinion on this question in the same way as the great majority of our friends, I say that we may be very much mistaken, we may be wrong, but that can hardly be described as mean or contemptible. (Applause.) Now, I don't think it is necessary to use hard words about the conduct of any of cur opponents. Some of them made a very sharp, a very rapid, turn in their conduct. 1 don't in the slightest degree attribute any bad motives to them. (Applause.) I don't say that they may not be actuated by the highest motives. They may be perfectly sincere in advocating something very different from what they professed a few months ago. But surely, if we exercise this forbearance on our part, we are entitled at least to equal, if not a greater share of forbearance from them. (Loud applause.) For in my opinion there can be nothing mean and nothing contemptible in adhering to opinions which you have deliberately thought out, and on the strength of which you had successfully recom- mended yourselves to the constituencies of your fellow-countrymen. (Applause.) Why is this conduct mean and contemptible? The only reason that I find is that it is alleged that Mr Brand, a Liberal, has come to Cardiff with the support of only a very small fraction of the Liberal party ID Cardiff. (Hisses.) MB BRAND'S CAEDEPP SCPPOKTEBS. Now, of course I don't know as much about your local politics 1n Cardiff as any one of those whom I am addressing, but I feel very sure of this-that Mr Brand would not have come to Cardiff unless he had received a warm and cordial invitation—(applause)—from a very considerable and influential number of the leading Liberals in Cardiff, and unless he had received from them evidence which MtisSod him that he was likely to have a very substantial amount of support from the bulk of the Liberal party in Cardiff. Now I, unfortunately, have not the gift of know- ing a Liberal from a Conservative when I see him. (Laughter and applause.) I cannot tell how many on this platform or in this ball are Liberals and bow many Conservatives, but I am assured that on this platform are a very large number of Liberals who are just as good Liberals as Sir Edward Reed—(applause)—and a very large number of Liberals in this vast assembly which 1 have the honour of addressing. (Slight applause.) SOUTH GLAMOEGAN: AN AXSOUXOZMXNS. Gentlemen, I am afraid I have not much to tell you that is new, but, perhaps, there is one an- nouncement which I am able to make which may be new to some of you, even although it concerns your local political affairs. I am told that on this platform to-night is Mr Mowatt, a Liberal who is prepared as a Liberal, and at the same time as a Unionist, to work for the suffrages of the electors of South Glamorgan. And perhaps this action which he has decided to take may be a proof to some of our friends that the Liberal party in Cardiff and in South Glamorganshire is not quite so unanimous upon the subject of the Irish policy of the Government as some of their supporters atfirm. (Cheers.) PARTY NAMES AND ORGANIZATION. Well, gentlemen, I say that neither Mr Brand nor myself have, in my humble judgment, done anything to be ashamed of in the course we have taken. It is not altogether agreeable to us to be obliged to find ourselves in opposition to those with whom we have been hitherto acting, or to be in alliance with those to whom we have been often opposed. (Laughter and cheers.) But to suppose there is an} thing to be ashamed of in the position in which we are placed is, in my judgment, to at- tribute a great deal too much importance to party names and party organizations, and to attribute a great deal too little importance to the objects of the policy for which alone party organization or party names are worth having or bearing. (Cheers.) The question which we have to consider is whether this subject of Irish policy is or is not one of greater importance than any of the other political issues which divide us. (Cheers.) We have given the best consideration we can to this subject, and we think that this question, which will occupy all or almost all of the time and attention of the next Parliament, is infinitely more important than any other question which will c.)D;le before it. Thinking so, we are com- pelled as honest men to separate onrselves, as we hope only for a time, from the society and com- panionship of those political friends with whom we have hitherto acted, and to act loyally and cordially, accepting the alliance and giving our alliance—(hear, bear)—to that party with whose views upon this issue we find ourselves at present in the closest connection. (Cheers.) MB PABNXLL'S DECLARATIONS. I am told, gentlemen, that in the last few days Mr Parneil has been here—(groans and hisses)- advocating the candidature of Sir Edward Keed. (Groans.) No, gentlemen, I see no reason why we should groan the name of Me Pamell. (Hear, bear.) The Government, I am sorry to say, have adopted a very great part of Mr Parnell's policy, and if it is to be adopted and recommended to the people of the United Kingdom, I think it is just as well it should be advocated by its author— (laughter and cheers)—and that English audiences should hear from the best authority what are the arguments by which it can be recommended to them—(hear, hear)-and I must say that all the speeches of Mr Parneil which have been made in England which I have read recently-(langhter) —have seemed to me to be marked by a great deal of moderation and a great deal of ability. (Cheers.) Here and elsewhere Mr Parneil has ridiculed the idea of separation between England and Ireland as a consequence of that measure. Now, what we have got to consider is whether we are going to accept Mr Parnell's authority in this matter or whether we are going to accept his arguments. As to his authority, it is all very well for Mr Parnell to say now that he, in the name of the Irish people, accepts this measure as the final settlement of their claims. Well, if we are to attribute great importance to the declara- tion of Mr Parneil on that occasion, we can't attribute very much importance to other declara- tions which he made, as some short extracts from his speeches not a very long time ago will show. Now, not very long ago Mr Parnell, in Ireland, told us—also speaking in the name of the Irish people—what their real demands were. I won't read you many extracts from his speeches. Perhaps you will remember that in January of last year he said, We can't ask for less than the restitution of Grattan's Parlia- ment. Now he tells us that they are going to be satisfied with much less than Grattan's Parlia- ment, but yet it is to be a final settlement. He apologises in 1885 for asking so little. "We can't," he said, "under the British constitution ask for more than the restitution of Grattan's Parliament; bat no man has the right to fix a boundary on the march of a nation. No man has the right to say to his country, Thus far ahalt thou go and no further and we have never attempted to fix a ne plus ultra in the progress of Ireland's nationhood, and we never shall." Now, gentlemen, either Mr Parnell has attempted to fix a ne plus ultra on Ireland's nationhood, or else he has not tho authority he claims to accept this as a final settlement of the Irish demands. Well, but still later he described the Irish demand still more explicitly. Speaking in November last he said, "Speaking: for myself, and I believe for the Irish people and for my own colleagues, I have to declare that we will never accept, either expressly or implied, anything but the full right toarrange our own affairs and make our land a nation, to secure for her, free from outside control, the right to direct her own course amongst the peoples of the,, world." (Cheers and confusion.) Well, now he is accepting something which is very different from the position of a nation free to take her own course amongst the nations of the world, and if we are to attribute any authority to Mr Parnell's declarations at the present moment, I say we eannot altogether ignore this equally solemn declaration of Mr Pamell as d) what really was the claim put forward by the Irish people. But Mr parneil also argues that the idea of separation as the result of this measure is ridiculous and cowardly. I have dealt on another occasion with the argument he makes about the g)wer of Great Britain, the superior power of reat Britain, to resist any attempt at actual separation, and I will not repeat it, But he has pointed out to you that self-government of this character baa never in the history of the world led to any desire for complete separation, THB UNITED STATES. He baftKiven you the circumstaacea pt {he United States, where each state of the American Union possesses « great ot greater powers of self-government than are proposed to be conferred on Ireland. Now it is rather dangerous to appeal from the experience of the history of other nations unless you are quite sure that the circumstances are so alike as to render the com- parison possible. The United States have very great advantages which we in these narrow islands do not possess. The United States are still possessed of an unbounded supply of uncultivated but cultivable land. They have vast regions where the unemployed inhabitants of the States can find work., comfort, and wealth, and perhaps it will be time enough to compare our positions when the United States have become fully populated, and the Americans are brought face to face with the same problem regarding the land, labour, and population with which we are confronted. And perhaps it will be time enough to compare our pu»tiou and system of governm^ with the Systeiri of government of the Uriited Stated Wheb the United States hava filled and populated the whole of their vast continent, and are brought face to face with thesame problems regarding landj and regarding labour, and carding population with which We are Confronted. (ApplAt13&) Then, getitlgmen, thii base of the United States differs from our own altoprethsf in Other respects (Appease.) The states pi the Attieriean Union Wcro independent state: -It was by a voluntary act, for the purpose of mutual protection ana self-defence, that they came together, (Hear, hear.) The, tendency in the case of the history of the United States was exactly the opposito of that which is going on between us and Ireland. (Applause.) The tendency was a desire to coma together, a desire to federate, a desire to sur- render some of the powers of government which were at the time possessed by the independent states, and to place them in a common flock for the benefit of the whole. That is a very different thing from the tendency that is going on in Ireland—(applause)—where at present the government of the country is under a united Government and a united Parliament, and the desire is not to make that union close, as it was in the United States, but to make the union less close, to loosen the bands and not fasten them closer. (Applause.) Then, gentlemen, not even in the United States, with all their advantages, with the history to which I have referred, has their federal system preserved them from very great trouble, nor from the greatest war which, I believe, ever took place in the history of mankind. (Hear, hear.) I think that in one of his speeches Mr Parneil states that the moral force possessed by the federal Government of the United States had enabled them to overcome and resist the desire for separation which was expressed and manifested by a sovereign state. But was it only the moral force of the United States ? No. (Applause.) When real difficulties of opinion arose between the United States of the South and the States of North America, it was necessary for .the Government of the United States to bring an enormous army into the field, and it was only by the exercise of snch a physical force as has never been paralleled in the history of the world that the unity of the United States was preserved. (Applause.) Then the constitution of the United States is not in the least like ours. We are, I believe, the only country in the world who are governed almost directly by Parliament. The Government of the United Kingdom is practically a com- mittee of the Imperial Parliament, and through that committee the Imperial Parliament exercises the supreme power in the government of this United Kingdom. They have nothing of the same kind in the United States. They elect from time to time by a popular vote a very strong executive Government, which is not dependent, as our Government is, on the will or the con- fidence of Parliament, but which can exist, and which can carry on the affairs of the Government, altogether irrespective of the action of Congress, which in the case of the United States is simply a legislative body for the purpose of altering the laws, and not of control- ling the government of the United States. Those are difficulties—vital and fundamental difficulties —which make it quite impossible for us to accept the example of the United States, admirable for their own purposes as their system of government may be. THE APPEAL TO OUB COLONIES. Then an appeal is made to our own colonies and we are told that the grant of self-government has not impared the unity of the empire, because our colonies are as devoted, or more devoted, to the Imperial connection than before they received it. (Applause.) Well, is there any analogy or any likeness between tbe case of our great British self- governing colonies and the case of Ireland ? Why, it is the most natural, the most simple, and most rational thing in the world that those great com- munities should be self-governing. What do we know about the wants, requirements and needs of those great communities thousands of miles across the sea—(cheers)—which have planted themselves, founded themselves, with little or no assistance from the mother country, and have for themselves built up great and still increasing states and politics? (Cheers.) Would it not be the most absurd thing in the world if we in this little island, with plenty of our own affairs and our foreign policy to look after, together with India, were to insist upon attempting to control the in- ternal government of one of these great nations across the sea which we call our colonies! (Cheers.) But, gentlemen, is not the case of one of these colonies separated from us by thousands of miles, and by those circumstances to which I have referred, a very different one to that of Ireland and onr own affairs in Ireland ? (Cheers.) Ireland inhabited, as we are constantly being told, by a population which; is to a great extent English. Ireland I with which we have constant and daily relations of commerce and business, and which is to all intents and purposes closely connected with England—more closely connected with England than some parts of Scotland and even Wales. (Hear.) This case of the colonies reminds me—I may try and put it to you by a very simple example. We do not expect that a father of a family will attempt to exercise any control over the affairs or conduct of sons who have left the family home and bave set up in business for themselves. But is that &ny reason why he should give up the right of being master in his own bouse-(no, no) or of exercising control over those members of the family who are content to remain under the parental roof, whom he has a right to expect will submit to his authority ? (Cheers.) IRELAND AS A. CONTRIBUTORY COLONY. Bat, gentlemen, again as to these colonies. Are we going to give Ireland the constitution that we have given to any of our colonies ?J (No, no.) Nothing of the sort. I hope I; shall never see the experiment tried of attempting to enforce upon any of our colonies this constitution which we are going to give to Ireland. Who has ever heard of a tributary colony, and what do you think any of our great Nortb-Ajnerican colonies or Australian colonies would say if we were to ask them to pay over half, or mora than half, of their available income to be expended by the Government of Great Britain ?—(cheers)—and if, in addition to that, we were to ask them to pay another large annuity in the shape of compensa- tion to a body who were as obnoxious to them as unfortunately the people of Ireland consider the landlords to be to the people of Ireland ? (Cheers.) Why, gentlemen, I say that the colonial pre- cedent of which they talk so much tells exactly the other way. For it can't be denied, and I don't think any ministerialist will deny, that if the attempt had ever been made, or should ever be made, to offer to any of the self-governing bodies of Great Britain the constitution they think is good enough for Ireland, it would have brought about immediate demands for separation complete and entire. (Applause.) MR GLADSTONE AND THE PABNELLITES. Now, gentlemen, Mr Gladstone in a speech—in his last speech-made some reference to an argument which I had used. He said that he regretted that I had used an argument which (I think he said) seemed to him to be nothing short of ridiculous, I had referred to some very strong observations which Mr Gladstone had made five years ago about Mr Parneil and his party. Well, Mr Gladstone said, "I did denounce them then, and I denounced them then, because I thought they were wrong but I don't denounce them now because I think they are right. (Laughter.) But what does this now mean? Since when has the policy of Mr Parnell and his party been right ? Since when has it merited the approval of Mr Glad- stone ? Does it date back any further than the date of the introduction of the bill and its acceptance by the Irish party? Well, if the acceptance of the bill was all that was required to make Mr Parneil and his party right, they might have been made right a very long time ago —they might have become right at the moment Mr Gladstone was denouncing them five years ago. Mr Gladstone might have put them in the right any time within the last five years by giving the measure which is all, or very nearly all, they have been working for. But if Mr Gladstone means that, before the date of the introduction of this measure, there had been any change in the policy of Mr Parneil and his party since the time at which he denounced them, I altogether controvert that statement, and I say that up to the period of the general election the policy of Mr Pamell and his party has remained precisely the same as it was five years ago, which Mr Gladstone vehemently denounced, and which he now says it is absolutely ridiculous for me to attempt to refer to. Now, what was that policy that was denouncedfiveyearsago? It was described by Mr Gladstone as being a policy for the first time in our history expedited by a party—a small party, the party of public disorder. He con- trasted the policy then pursued by Mr Parnell and his allies with the policy pursued by t another leader—Mr O'Connelt-and he contrasted it in five points. 1 am afraid, and may be wearying you too much, but I should like to tell you ona or two, at all events, of these five points under which Mr Gladstone then thought the policy of Mr Parnell was open to condemnation. Mr O'Connell," he said, M had these five character- istics — always declaring in favour of coercion, always. declaring his desire for a friendly relation with Great Britain, always declaring his respect of liberty. He never, so far as I know, byword or deed went in con- travention of it. He declared his respect for law and for human life, and, finally, he always availed himself of, and promoted every measure, whether small or great, however far it might fall short of his views, intended to promote the happiness of Ireland." Now, Mr Gladstone went on to show that Mr Parnell and his party had acted directly in contradiction to every one of these character- istics which he applauded as the policy of Mr O'ConnelL He spoke of loyalty to the Crown. Mr Parnell said if the Crown is to be linked between the two countries it is to be the only link. Had Mr Parnell up to last November altered his position ? I have told you that Mr Parnell made bis claim to a united Ireland taking I her Lown place amongst the nations of the earth. Mr O'Connell, he said, desired hearty friendship with the people of this country. What does Mr Parnell desire! He said that the Irish people must create manufactories in order to buy nothing out of Ireland, and last November Mr Parneli claimed the Irish Parliament, the power of pro- tecting Irish industries, and excluding British manufactories from the country, (Shame.) On the third point, Mr O'Connell always respected property, but Mr Parnell, aceording to Mr Gladstone, has a new and enlarged doctrine of plunder to proclaim. He says :— Whereas the land yields a rent of seventeen millions of money, the landlords are entitled to nothing but the value of the land before the spade touched it, and that rental is not seventeen millions, but about three millions of money." And what was the comment of Mr Gladstone on that doctrine 1 I ask you as honest men, not as politicians or Liberals, I ask you whether he could have condemned it in; any words more just or accurate than as w the promulgation of the gospel of plunder 2* (Applause.) Well, then, I could give you, if I had time—("GQ on")—the doctrines which were held last autumn by Mr famell and some of his lieutenants on .4e subject of the laiidj which Ill) hot differ very milch, if at Hi)$from that whifch was denounced in the Words I have quoted from Mr Gladstone; But are we quite certain that Mr Parneil has abandoned his doctrine Of public plunder, a" denounced by Mr Gladstoae ? ("N0, hoi15) What did he say to the English audienes tha other day? He said that Jrish landlords were great fools if they did not accept the compensation which it was proposed by the Government to give—of course lit your expense. (Laughter and applause.) He went on to suggest that if they wero left to the mercy of an Irish Parliament and an Irish government they would have very poor times indeed. ("We will never have it," and cheers.) Mr Parneli quoted verses describing the position of a shipwrecked crew, and went on to state that that would be the position of the Irish landlords. ("Shame.") Some of them, he said, would be seen struggling in tho whirlpool for a brief period, and then they would be submerged and would disappear. (Shame, shame.) Well, gentlemen, I will ask you, when Mr Parneil declares such opinions before an English audience, whether his party have receded, even now, when Mr Gladstone thinks he has given up the policy and the doctrines which were de- nounced a very short time ago by Mr Glad- stone as the policy of pluuder? (No, no.) I don't think, gentlemen, it is necessary that I should go though the other points. I would only refer to one. Mr Gladstone said that Mr Parneli had never expressed any condemnation or detes- tation of what Mr Gladstone described as the assassination literature of America. I am not aware—I hope I am not doing an injustice, but I am not aware—that Mr Parneli has ever up to the time of the introduction of this measure yet expressed any condemnation of that litera- ture. (Shame.) I am not aware that he has ever declined to receive in support of his political agitation funds which have been, as is well known, raised in America to a very great extent by those who were putting forth what Mr Gladstone calls the assassination litera- ture. (Applause.) Well, now I have referred to some of .these five points which Mr Gladstone denounced five years ago, because he said he thought they were then wrong. WHAT HAVE THE PARNELLITES DON Ii: ? Well, Mr Parneil and his party have, in my judgment, up to the present time maintained that policy which was thus denounced by Mr Glad- stone. They have not only continued to preach every one of those doctrines and practice every one of them thus denounced, but they have done a great deal more which was not referred to by MrGladstone. They have done all they couldinthe House of Commons, in Parliament, and in Ireland to obstruct and to impede the administration of the law. (Applause.) They have covered with every species of reproach, of obloquy, and of contumely every person from the highest to the lowest—from the members of Mr Gladstone's own Government to the judge and the magistrate and the process-server—they have attacked and con- demned the character of every man who is engaged in the administration of the law and in the preservation of order in Ireland. They have done still more. They have attempted to bring into contempt and to put a stop to the working of that which is the mainspring of the British Government—the action and independence of Parliament. They have placed every obstacle in the way of Parliament doing its duty either to Ireland or to any other part of the country. Mr Gladstone speaks In terms of great indulgence of that conduct now. lIe says ha is not surprised at it because they were ecting in pursuance of that which they considered their duty. Mr Parneli and his party, at the time of that speech which I have referred to before, pursued steadfastly, firmly, and without the slightest alteration of their policy, a course which was denounced at the time by Mr Gladstone, and which Mr Gladstone now says be thinks was wrong. They have carried on a conflict, they have carried on a war waged against the Govern ment of Great Britain according to their own conceptions of duty, and they have never denied that it was war they were carrying on against the British Government, and that the only reason why it was a war in that shape and not one with arms in their hands was because they knew that the military force of Great Britain was over- whelming. (Cheers.) Well, they have been carrying on this conflict or war m their own methods and with their own weapons— the conflict- MrGladstone foresaw, and describee that time, and what was that conflict? I will give it to you again in Mr Gladstones own words-" If there is still to be a conflict—(Mr Gladstone foresaw and recognised a final con- flict)-in Ireland between law on the one side and sheer lawlessness on the other if the law purged from defect and any intent of injustice, is still to be rebelled against and refused, and the first conditions of political society are to be set at nought—I say without hesitation the resources of civilisation against its enemies axe not exhausted. (Cheers.) I call upon all orders and degrees of men in these three kingdoms, to support the Government in the discbarge of its. j duty, and, in acquitting Itself of that responsibility, I, for one, in that state of things, relying upon my fellow countrymen in these three nations associated together, have no doubt of the result." (Cheers.) Well, gentle- mea, that is the conflict which Mr Gladstone saw going on at that time, and which has been going on ever since, and now we are approaching, it seems, the end of that conflict. Is it the end Mr Gladstone foresaw then ? ("No, n0, it not exactly the opposite? (" Yes.") The resources of civilization have been invoked,and I suppose now we are expected to acknowledge that they have failed. It is not the side on which the resources of civilization were invoked that is Somg to win this conflict, but the side against which those resources ware thus invoked. (Cheers.) They have achieved—Mr Parneli and his colleagues have achieved—in this struggle and conflict tho end for which they were. fighting. The struggle to which Mr Gladstone invited all good citizens in the three tkingdoms has been going on from that day to now, and Mr Gladstone and the good citizens have been defeated, and It is Mr Parnell and his party who rise triumphant from this issue, and now that they have gained the object they were striving for Mr Gladstone com- placently turns round to the people of his country and says, Why should I denounce them now ? (Laughter, and "Shame.") I think a.nd know they are right,for they are accepting my poli cy, and that policy is a policy which they have been askiug for all this time." (Prolonged cheering.) Well, gentlemen, why have I dwelt so upon this subject—why have I disinterred this piece of ancient history ?" (Laughter.) It is not only because I was challenged by Mr Gladstone in bis most recent speech, but I think It necessary to give some reason why this reference on my pa,rt did not seem quite so ridiculous as It appeared to Mr Gladstone. But it is not only for any reason of that kind, neither is it, gentlemen, for the purpose of casting any discredit or opprobrium on the Irish members with whom I £ aged in political controversy. I do not think I have ever denounced them. At all events I am quite certain I have never been capable of denouncing them in nearly as strong terms as those employed about them by Mr Gladstone. (Hisses and laughter.) I have opposed them to the best of my ability, and though I do not admit their weapons of warfare were Jlegitimate, I have thought there was not much in complaint or denunciation, and I have endeavoured, without complaint or denunciatijn, to do my best to withstand their policy by recog- nised constitutional and Parliamentary means. Therefore it is not for the purpose of rstIgtDatising- or casting obloquy upon political opponents that I refer to these descriptions of them by the Prime Minister. No, gentlemen, it is for the purpose of showing you and the country what is the real character and real nature of this controversy in which we have been engaged during the last five years, and what is the real nature # 6 real character of the transaction by wbicni this conflict is now, as it is hoped, to be terminated. ARE THEY TO BE TRUSTED ? Gentlemen, it is also for the purpose of asking you—and I think it is a legitimate question— whether you are-quite sure that these are the men —who ba.ve carried out the same policy through- out the laat five years, and only varied it when they had obtained the object for which they were fighting-to whom the destinies of Ireland and all sections and classes of the Irish people may without doubt, hesitation, or distrust be confided for the future 1 ,'tJ0' no-) we have been told by Mr Parnell that the alarm about the Protestants is much an £ that he knows the Protestants are not so much opposed to the bill as we are made to believe. But when by every constitutional means open to them the Protestant people have told you that they do mistrust and fear the operation of the measure, and if this policy I have been describing toyoa IS the best policy of those who are to be their tuture governors, I say I don't think we can wonder the Protestants of Ireland should fear the change, it is quite true that the sense of responsibility wmcn attends upon power may work wonders, ana tnac the party which is led by Mr Parneli may show a moderation in power, and may show a sagaci y for governing,which we have no reason fronit previous history to anticipate. But I 8s". whether the risk is not enormous, and w is one which we in honour, or in prudence, oug to undertake? We are dealing not only witno> own interests—although those to thousands ana to millions of our countrymen are a matter small concern—we are dealing with something which surpasses our interests. We aro dealing with our honour, which is pledged to do justice indiscriminately to all classes in Ireland—(applause; —and we are dealing also with the right, the liberty, the means of existence, the means or life of a large minority in Ireland, aa devoted to the Crown, as devoted to this empire* as any citizens that dwell in this town, PARLIAMENT AND IRISH GRIEVANCES. It is denied, gentlemen, that this measure is intended to thrust out of their allegiance to the Crown a portion of the inhabitants of Ireland. I don't, know whether the bill thrusts them out of their allegiance; but I say it excludes them from their rights. At the present moment every Irish citizen as well as every English citizen has the right, if he has a grievance, if he suffers injustice or wrong,to bring his grievance before Parliament, to make known his wrong to Parliament, and Parliament, if it thinks there is a wrong, will m its power redress thia wrong. (Applause.) If these bills are passed there will be no such power left to deal with any portion cf the inhabitants of Ireland. They may have grievances, they may suffer wrongs, they may, rlj| ? or wrongly, think they have. tsntfered wrongs, they nny appeal to the Imperial Parlia- ment, but the appejd" will be made in vain, for the only reply which Parliament can give to them is—We have excluded ourselves from the consideration of your complaint or grievance, we have given you a parliament r\nd a government to control those affairs the mal-administration of which you complain; we have divested oucsrlves of the power which might have helped you, and it is now under your own control, and to that bodyjyour appeal can alone be carried. J ¡ (ApJ plause.) If that he not thrusting them from their allegianoe it is thrusting them from their rights —and I fear that if our fellow citizens are excluded from the rights they possess tinder the constitution, we cannot expect that a cheerful ov willing allegiance will loii £ be reiid^red to ir. If they af<?, I liavet srtid, deprived of the rights Which they enjoy under your great and your lroo constitution—'(applause)—you are re;>dy, I am sure, to extend toevery inhnbitantof Ireland every liberty, every privilege which you enjoy your- selves—(applause)—and you will extend to them every privilege which you think to obtain for yourselves. (Applause.) Bus, gentlemen, so long as you yourselves look to the High Court of Parliament as the great court of justice to which you carry your own grievances, your."own complaints, to which you look for the redress of your own wrongs, so long you will not allow any portion, of your fellow-citizcns, whether they live in Ireland, in England, in Wales, or in Scotland, to be excluded from the protection which it is alone in the power of the High Court of Parliament to confer. (Loud and, prolonged applause.) The audience, rising' up, enthusiastically waved hats as the noblo lord resumed his seat. The CHAIRMAN here rose and said he had to express his regret that their opponents, who throughout this contest bad been the friends of disorder, had organised a disorderly meeting cut- side of the haD. and one of them who had done this was the newly-made magistrate, Mr WM. Sanders. (Applause and groans.) Mr J. T. D. LLEWELYN then rose to address the meeting, and said that a few minutes before they had told Lord Hartington they were all Unionists. (Cheers.) If they all did their best they would most certainly win. and they would achieve a victory, not alone for Wales, but for the cause of unity throughout the whole length and breadth of the country. (Cheers.) It was a few months now since ho last addressed them, and he then told them that the question now before the country was only in its initial stage. It was not then ripe, and be teared it was not ripe yet, but they must deal with it as it stood. (Hear.) If they worked as one man for Mr Brand they would return him. (Cheers.) Any man who abstained from voting was not doing his duty to his country, for he ought to go to the poli and vote according to his conscience. (Hear.) He must ask them to consider for a few moments what was their duty. Let them think of what was going on in Ireland. It was a tyranny which had to be put down—(cheers)—and they must not allow a loya! minority to be tyrannized over by what called itself a majority. They could not help admiring the position taken up by Lord Hartington, and even his most bitter opponents honoured him. (Cheers.) He opposed what he believed would act against the unity of the empire. (Hear.) When they had the example of such Liberals as Mr Bright—(cheers)—Mr Chamberlain—(cheers) —and Mr Trevelyan—(cheers)—and he was quite sure there was not a Radical in the town who could impute any but the highest motives to these gentlemen—their way was clear, and they knew what course to take. One hundred Liberal members in the House of Commons al>o followed the lead of these leaders, and joined in that majority which brought about the present appeal to the country. (Hear.) Mr Llewelyn thenmoved the following resolution :— That this meeting heartily approves of the course adopted by Lord Ifartin&tou and his political asso- ciates in resisting Mr Gladstone's Government of Ire. land Bill, and is of opinion that the unity of the empire should be maintained against the efforts of those who uow seek to destroy it; and, further, that the Honourable Henry Robert Brand is eminently qualitied to represent the borough of Cardiff in the new Parliament. Dr, MII.WARD seconded. The resolution was carried with acclamation, against about 100 dissentients. This result was received with loud cheers for Lord Hartington, Mr Chamberlain, Mr Bright, and Mr Brand. The Hon. H. R. BranC moved a vote of thanks to Lord Hartington for coming to Cardiff to deliver in address. He said that Mr Gladstone must take the issue upon his bills, and upon his bills only; because Mr Gladstone's words showed as clearly as words could express that if be got a majority at his back in the House of Commons he would introduce the very same plan which had lately been condemned. The main reason why it had been condemned was tbat the plau was not consistent with the con- ditions which Mr Gladstone himself laid down, nor was it in the wit of man to make it so con- sistent. Again, although it was exceedingly desirable to settle the land question in Ireland, and increase the proprietary owners in that coun- try, yet the only way in which that could be effected, so as to give reasonable security for the money which it was proposed to employ in com- pensating the landlords, was to maintain the control of the Imperial Parliament over every part of her Majesty's dominions. Another reason for conoemning the billys Lord Hartington had sald, was that the bill was not consistent with the political equality of the two countries, because the day aftent became an act it would be impos- sible for any Irishman by petition to the Imperial Parliament to lay his grievances before it. (Shame.) Councillor JACKSON seconded the vote of thanks, which was carried with acclamation. Lord HARTINGTON, ia acknowledging the vote, said: I will only say one word, if you will allow me to thank you for the very kind manner in which you have passed this vote, and also for tho patience to which you have listened to the long speech, which I fear many of you must have had someditheulty in following. (No, no.) Well, all I can say is that I heartily agree with the last speaker that the way iu which you can show any small amount of gratitude you may conceive you owe to me, and that will be most agreeable to my feelings, will be to support the cause of the Unionist candidate, Mr Brand. (Applause.) We hear sometimes that we have all the great and powerful influence of the country on our side, and we hear a good deal about dukes and money, but the battle which we are fighting is not an easy one on the con- trary, it is an uphill one. Our opponents have got the greater part of the powerful organisation of the Liberal party. They have got that organi- sation, which was designed, I think, for other purposes, but is now being used in support of the cause which we conceive to be the cause of the disruption of the union. (Shame.) It is hard work to fight without organisation, and this contest has come upon us all so suddenly that I cannot but feel we are all labouring under some disadvantage in that respect. It will have to be by your voluntary and ener- gefcic exertions that this difficulty under which we still labour will be overcome, and if they are given, as I doubt not they will be given, I have every hope and confidence that not here only, but throughout the country, the verdict will be in favour of the maintenance of the union between England and Ireland. (Applause.) tt *°W^rv) 'ias come forward as the ssnsssr"'Mb T? V°SP^rSank8 ^as> on thQ potion of Mr ™ ^or<2ed tbe Chairman, who, m rep ying, called for three cheers for the Marquis of Bute for lending the Drill-hall for the prS'iogs he*r'ily give0' *ntl "»

OPEN-AIR MEETING. LIBERAL DEMONSTRATION. Shortly after 8 o'clock the- immense crowd of persons in front of the Drill-hall, who had been unable to gain admittance to Lord Hartington's meeting, were entertained by a series of speeches in favour of Mr Gladstone and Home Rule. Mr Frank Beavan, Mr Gronow, Mr W. Sanders, M. Barbier (South Wales College), Mr W. Johnston, and various other gentlemen delivered energetic speeches, which elicited immense applause from about 5,000 Liberals who bad gathered round them at the Proprietary School, corner of the parade square. A resolution in favour of Mr Gladstones Home Rule Bill was carried with immense enthusiasm. While this meeting was proceeding the Tory managers endeavoured to get up a rival demonstra.tion by putting up Dr Wallace to speak from one of the windows of the Artillery Volunteers' offices at the opposite corner of the square. He was, however, immediately saluted by a round of groans and hisses, which drowned the cheers of the comparatively small number of Tories who surrounded the window. After vainly attempting for several minutes to deliver a speech, the Tory managers withdrew the doctor and abandoned Pr«r C°?nter demonstration. Soon after Mr v took possession of the corner of the same ahd commenced a speech, when a company of about 20 policemen were marched to This was apparently done at the °* t*10 Tory managers, and with the °* frustrating the meeting. The crowd, while enthusiastic, had throughout been gooa tempered, immediately showed signs of angjer when they became aware of the manoeuvre. Atwr a strong protest by Mr W. Sanders, Mr r,?av,ah> and others, the police were speedily marched back to the front of the Drill-ball, and thelrretirement, whilst calling forth derisivecheers, led to a speedy restoration of good feeling on tho fr ? immense crowd. In approval of the stand of Mr Sanders and Mr F. Beavan, they were mounted on the shoulders of some of their supporters and marched in triumph down Dumfries-place. A further meeting was organised in Dumfries-place by Mr Ebenezer beavan, Mr Gronow, Mr Bush, Mr D. Shepherd, and others mounting the wall by the Proprietary ochool playground, and delivering vigorous speeches in favour of Home Rule, which were warmly cheered by another great crowd. Altogether the scene outside the Drill-hall waa a most enlivening, hearty, and good-spirited character, and showed that the vast majority were warm supporters of the Liberal cause.

A LOCAL BOUNDAKY DISPUTE. In the Court ot Appoal, London, on Wedneo- daY-before the Master of the Rolls and Lords Justices Bowen and Fry-the case of Powell v. Kershaw and Pcle, Limited, was mentioned.— Mr Bryce said he applied in this case on behalf of the defendant company for liberty to adduce further evidence, and for stay of proceedings pending an appeal from the judgment of the Lord Chief Justice. The plaintiffs were the owners of a small piece of land close by the Neath and Brecon Railway. They claimed a portion of the land itself, and said that their property ran over it. The defendants were a ccinpajay engaged in quarrying silica. and silicate.—Lord Justice Bowen, in giving judgment, said he thought that this was a matter which ought to bi settled between the parties themselves.—The Master of the Rolls quite agreed that it was -ise for arrangement. The appeal was one wh. should not have been brought at "U.—The appellant was ordered by the court to pay the costs of the present application,

CARDIFF. ILLNKSS OF THIC IIKV NATHANIEL THOMAS.— Dr. Mnrgft-n states that the Rev N. Thomas continues to steadily improve in health hence no further reports will be issued. NEW CONGKEGATIONAL MISSION. — A new mission in connection with Charles street Congregational Chapel was commenced on Sumiay, in a shop at the corner of Eldon-street and Stevenson-street, The Rev. J. Williamson, M.A., conducted the opening services. SCHOOL FOR THE DEAF AND DUMB.—Mr Mel- ville begs to acknowledge, with thanks, the receipt of a cheque for £45" 7d, being the amount of the offerfcury at the Newport Church of Eugland Sunday-school Association, at the children's festival service, on Whit-Sunday, per' Mr T. H, Razell, hon. sec. BOAiw ov GuARDt-ANS.—The "us-mat- Weekly meeting-of the Cardiff Board of 'Guardians -was held on Saturday, Dr Paine in the chair. The annual statistics for the union were banded in. From these it appeared that the- percentage of pauperism for the past year was 5'5, compared with 3'4 of the previous year. The increase, how- ever, is not so real as apparent, as the estimate is made on the census of 1881. It has been calcu- lated that on the present population the per- centage is 2'7. SCHOOL BOARD.—A special meeting of this board was held at the Town-hall on Monday afternoon for the purpose of affixing the common seal of the board to a receipt for £7,DEJO, being the first instalment of a loan of £12,826 advanced by the Public Works Loan Commissioners for the purposes of Albany-road School. SUDDEN DEATH.—An inquest was held at the" Town-hall, Cardiff, by Mr E. B. Reece. on the body of Cornelius Driscoll, 8, Thomas-street. It appeared that a few weeks ago the deceased, who was 60 years of age, met with an accident, and had suffered ever since. On the 26th ho suddenly died in his bed. The verdict returned wa.3 Death from accidental causes." GLAMORGAN AND MONMOUTHSHIRE INFIRMARY AND DISPENSARY:—State of register for the past week, ending June 28t.h:—Remaining by last week, 92; admitted during the week, 30; discharged and relieved, 21; died, 3; remaining in the house, 98; average daily number, 99 number of out-patients on the books, 760. Medical officers for the week ending July boh, 1886 :—Physician, W. Taylor, M.D. surgeon, Alfred Sheen, M.D. house surgeon, Donald Paterson, M.B.—GEO. T. COLEMAN, Secretary. SUDDEN DEATH.—Mr E. B. Resce held an inquest at tho Town-hall, on Tuesday evening, on the body of Lewis William Tanner, a lamplighter at the Gas Works, who died suddenly the samo morning whilst at work. A verdict was returned in accordance with the medical evidence, which went to )bow that death was due to heart dis- ease. MARDT EXPLOSION RELIEF FUND.—Mr W" Edwards, secretary, has received £14frol;)1 Dr James, Porthcawl, towards the above fund, SUNDAY SCHOOL_TREAT.—The.annual outing of the scholars attending Longcross Baptist Sunday school, which had to be postponed on Whit- Monday, took place on Wednesday. The children, to the number of 200, accompanied by their teachers and friends, were takem to a field at Penylan, and were there entertained in the usual way. MIDSUMMER MORNING SERVICE.—The Rev. W. E. Winks conducted bis annual service for young people in Bethany Chapel on Wednesday morn- ing. The sermon, based on Luke ii, 52, dealt with the Saviour's growth, physical, mental, moral, and spiritual. There was a good attendance of young people. After breakfast m thoschool hall a party of young ladies carried a large assortment of flowers, wild and cultivated; to the infirmary, and paid a visit to the children's ward. STEALING A FOWL.—At the Cardiff police-court on Saturday—beford Dr Paine and Major Sloper— Samuel W inn (41) was charged with stealing a fowl, value 2s 6d, from 1, Havelock-street, the property of Thomes Bath, on the 26th inst. It appeared that the daughter of prosecutor heanl a* voice in the garden during the night, and looked out. She saw several men, amongst whom was the prisoner, taking away her fowls. She got up and came down, and they de- camped. Subsequently the police managed to secure Winn with a fowl in his possession.— Prisoner was sent to gaol for one month. ASSAULTING THE POLICE.—At the police-court on Monday—before Dr. Paine and Mr *G. Phillips—Matthew Murphy, a yor.ng man, on a charge of assaulting and wound- ing P.C. Rankin in North. Morgan-street, on the 26th inst., was sent to prison for one month in default of paying a fine of 40s and costs. The constable was struck so severely with a stone that his helmet was broken and his head cut. FALSE REPRESENTATIONS.—Atthe Oardilfpolice- court, on Wednesday—before Mr R. 0, Jones- Dennis Coghlan was charged on a Warrant with fraudulently making use of a. seaman's certificate of discharge which did not belong to him, on the 29th ult. It appeared that the master of the steamship Rugby was at the Shipping Office to complete his crew, when prisoner asked for a berth, handing in the discharge produced, which bor& the name of John Sullivan. He was sentenced to pay a fine of 40s, or undergo a month's hard labour. THEFT OF MONEY.—William Porter (36) and Ada Porter (28), were again remanded, charged with stealing jM 3;; from 7, Halket-street, the property of John Ryan, on the 25th ult,

PENARTH. STEALIN. A RING.—Harriet Tuoker, of East- brook, Dynas Powis. was charged with stealing a lady's ring, the property of Hannah Rankin, of 10, Longcross-street, P.oath, and Mary Tucker, Harriet's mother, was charged with having received the ring knowing it to have been stolen. The caso was heard before Major-General Lee and Mr V. Trayes. Defendants were each fined 20s and costs, or 14 days' imprisonment with hard labour.

NEWPORT. BOARD OF GUARDIANS.—The weekly meeting was held on Saturday, thd Rev J. C. S. Darby presming.—-The wife of David Vernon, who is awaiting his trial for frauds upon the school board, wrote from Cardiff asking that the 601. per week granted to herself and children might' be continued at Cardiff, so as to assist her in keep- ing a lodging-house and maintaining her three children. It was, however, decided to discon- tinue the relief, as Mrs Vernon- had removed outside the jurisdiction of the board. A MAGISTERIAL OPINION.—At the Newport County Police-court, on Saturday— before Kir Thomas Beynon and other inagistrates-Johtt Rees, landlord of a public house at Machen, was summoned for being drunk on his licensed premises. The bench fined defendant 10s and costs, and ox. pressed the opinion that defendant was not fit to hold a licence at all. ASSAULT ON A NEIGHBOUR. — At Newport borough police-court on Monday—before Col. Lyne and Mr T. P. Wansbrough—Margaret Randall was summoned for assaulting Ann Robinson. The women live near each other in Unionrstreet, and on the defendant refusing to allow corn. plainant's son to get water from a tap in the yard. Complainant interfered, and asked her the reason, whereupon the defendant struck her on the nose with a. pint bottle, and blackened both her eyes.—Pined 21s, or one month's jprifeonmment. ABOUT A SAILOR'S ADVANCE NOTE.—Samuel Jackson, a seaman, with adischarge marked very good," was summoned for assaulting Solomon Bloom, son of a seaman's outfitter, Commercial- street. The defendant met complainant in the street on Sunday evening, and butted him under the chin, demanding 4.8 which his brother owed him from the month of April over the cashing of an advance note. The summons was withdrawn. 4 THREATENING A WIFE. John Naishj fitter, was charged on a warrant with threatening to t$.ke the life of his wife, Elizabeth Naish.—Complainant, a decent-looking woman, said the prisoner deserted her at Birmingham, and she and her four children had to go into the union. She afterwards learned that prisoner was living at Newport with another woman, and she came in search of him. She saw him in the street, when he dodged into a public-house, and, 00 following him in, he struck her and threatened that he Would do for ber.-Prisoner was fined 10s, and bonnd over to keep the peace. RESPECTABILITY OF ICE-CREAM VENDORS.—At Newport borough police-court, on Wednesday— before Dr Woouett-Sldney Henderson was sum- moned for furious driving in Commercial-street on Monday afternoon. Defendant drives. an ice-cream cart, attd his employer attended to answer the charge.—-The Magistrates' Clerk Why doesn't the boy come?—The Employer He is too respectable.—Fined 10s. HAVING A GOOD CHARACTER.—John Donovan, timberer, was charged with stealing a pair of poots from the shop of Aaron and Emmanuel Jacobs, hootsellers a.nd pawnbrokers, 99, Commercial-road. On Monday the prisoner went to the shop to exchange a clothès box for a pair of boots. Whilst the manager of the boot department was out of the room, prisoner secreted a second pair of boots under his coat. Prosecutors did not wish to press the charge, and the bench dis. charged prisoner with a caution.

BRIDGEND. THE SCHOOL FEES OF CATHOLIC OHILDBEH At the weekly meeting of the board of guarau.ns on Saturday (the Rev F., W, Edmondes presiding), it was decided not to pay the fees of Catholic children to whom the workhouse schools were open, but whose parents preferred to send them to Catholic schools. MEETING OF CREDITOBS.—A first meeting of the creditors of David Evans, grocer, of Blaen- garw, Bridgend, was held on Tuesday, at the official receiver's office in Crockberbtown. The official receiver's office in Crockberbtown. The liabilities were £160; assets £58, and deficiency £101, and as the bankrupt had no proposition to make, it Was decided to administer • the estate summarily,

NEATH: WORKING MEN'S INSTITUTE. —The half-yearly meeting of tbe above • elub was held on Monday ezening, Mr J. W. Jones presiding. A credit balance of £62 15s on the half-year was reported. —A motion by Mr Jenkin Jenkins to admit monthly members was agreed to,—The Chairman referred to the very able and gratuitous services rendered by the bon. sec. (Mr Markham) to the institution since its formation, and moved that a testimonial be presented to him. This was carried enthusiastically, and Mr Markham, who was cordially received, acknowledged the compliment.

LLANELLY. SCHOOL BOABD ELECTION.—A contest has been avoided in connection with this election. Eleven gentlemen were nominated, but three withdrew (viz., Rev John Thomas, Messrs O. Bonville and J. A. Williams), leaving the following to compose the new board :—Messrs J. Beavan Phillipsj A. D. l>wies, Henry Wilkins, Herbert Francis. Henry nn Howell, Samuel Bevai), Gwilym Evans;a ^13. R. Rees) the latter being the only new memu^r. The new board consists of eight members only, and a ninth will have, therefore, be selected when the board meets,

SWANSEA. u n ft T THE POSTAL TELEGRAPHS BAND.—The memo81' of this band, who urn on their annual visit Swansea, were on Monday driven in vehic'0'* M provided by Mr J. linger, to the Worm's He^' and on their way home they gave a moat concert, jt VITAL STATISTICS.—Vital statistics for week ending Juno 26th ;—Births 43; anhual rate per 1,000, 33-9. Deaths 'registered': 14 annual rate per 1,000, 9'9.—EBEN. Medical Officer of Health. > PRESENTATION.—Iu recognition of the servi^ „ Capt Gordon has rendered to the 3rd ^1' Rifle Volunteer Corps, the members of his conY pany have presented to him a handsome sword, SELLING ADULTERATED MILK. — Before sir E borough 'magistrates on Monday,-Ann Thorn** *lterno of Morristoa, was fined £2 and costs for selhpg aCCord adulterated milk on the 9tii inst. of th BREACH ,'ojr" the SDNDAY Closing ACT. *ne Cliaiks Ruslif, of the Christopher HotelHei™ *> re Smith, of St. Mary-street; Dennis Enright, of **Uwa Mary-street; and AILsey Topping, Houjan Home, were summoned for bein# in the Shao« I public house, on Sunday, during prohibit11 0f n hours. The first two were fined 5s and cost5' and the ethers not answering to their riiiines> !?. warrants were issued. ^ited VIOLENT ASSAULT.—Robert'Owens, of Neptu»f' <^n011 court, was sent to gaol for 21 days for violentV] th,it J assaulting William Evans.by knocking him doW" and kicking him. 8 P; STEALING ISONt. —George Wilson, rag and i collector, of 1, Ann-street, was sent to gaol 'rasa v weeks for stealing and receiving a quautiby of old iron, from Mansel Pit.—Charges against Vj £ Sand-, children, named Robert Henry Grey, of S>' Courtenay-street, and Sarah Miller, for stealing su the iron were dismissed. ^Ootl ALLEGED THEFT OF A WATCH.—At the police Only court on Wednesday, James Brown, a. labourer* atation living at Perry.sidp, was committed for trial the quarter sessions for stealing a silver t. P (valued at £ 3) and 10s in money, the property0' ii»^on John Anthony, of 26, Strand.. WIFE DESERTION.—Edward Shaw was °fiee, with deserting his wife and children, and runm<* Col. tj away with an assistant schoolmistress belong Mr Tnl to Swansea. Prisoner was sent to gaol for o"' V month. R •"loxey

PONTLOTTYN. Coopoi AN ABSENTEE FROM NEWPORT. — At tM Merthyr Police-court on Monday, Thomas jj, was charged with being an absentee from tb' > J Royal Artillery at Newport. Prisoner, who zj'W found at Pontlottyn, was remanded to await tW arrival of an escort party. Mr 1).

MONMOUTH. ^ia MILITIA OFFICERS' CHALLENGE CUP.—Tb" be e annual competition for this cup took place oø art Saturday, the result being a victory for (^iiartef "SSeml master Tucker, with 48 points, Captain Currt to the being next with 44,and Lieutenant Henry, third, broke 41. The conditions were five shots each at 200» 500, and 600 yards. Hatioi

RHONDDA VALLEY. J°Wn THEFT FROM A GROCER'S TILL.—At the Ystr^ > police-court, on Monday, Alfred Baldwin, assi* J-Kbera tant in the employ of Mr W. Pegler, grop8& ^ts,; Pentre, was charged with stealing 2s 7d from a we1 till. Prisoner pleaded guilty, and was find £ 2. of OCCUPYING UNFINISHED HOCSES. — Thorn** p Williams, contractor, Pandy, was fined £ 1 & allowing sis houses to be inhabited before w completion. ,80met ASSAULTING A GROCER.— Alfred Davies The fined £ 2,or one month's imprisonment,for assau1»- ing Stephen Roberts, grocer, Williamstov*1?' 0j Defendant knocked one of complainant's s ut. ^nini

-————— *J<*e DOWLAIS. J Thea SHOP ROBBERY.—At the Merthyr Police-cou'' j on Monday before Mr North — Elizabeth Matthews, a youncr woman, was charged a stealing a pair of trousers on Saturday, belong' ing to J. S. Davies. Prisoner had attempted' pawn the trousers with Mr Freedman, and sha Grono was given into custody. Sent to the sessions for trial,. fctr S'

MERTHYR. ORATORIO.—The oratorio, Josiah, King Judah," was performed by the Ainou Choir at "*ard Temperance Hall, on Monday evening, sever** Vocalists of local note assisting. The chairnJa" thia was Mr D. Davies (Glebeland). t ROBBEKT' AT PLYMOUTH.—At the police-cour» t, l» on Monday — before Mr North — 'e Humphries, an old man, charged with stealing 9 pi prop belonging to the Plymouth Company, Rhtn, ordered to pay Is, its value, together with a fi°f J'itzp of 20s and costs, or in default one month" imprisonment. Y In

ABERDARE. ^ml: THE BANKRUPTCY OF MB. J. D. LEWIS.—0Qe o examination of this bankrupt, a tin-plate mail11' j their facturer, was concluded at the Aberdare count/ djca. court on Monday before Mr F. R. Howell, reg>8. jB th trar. Mr Forrester (the trustee) was repreeentea 6ui by Mr E. Raggatt, and Mr Strick, of j 61111 appeared on the behalf' of the petition^ "?O creditors. A number- of questions were put to ^idtl debtor as to his dealings with the estate, but n(l tlroCE satisfactory explanation was forthcoming ClÁ bot 8 account of the books not having been kept by witness, and in the result the examination declared closed. btok

LLANDOVERY. 4., CHORAL FESTIVAL.—The annual choral festive Alar of the archdeaconry of Carmarthen was held" i0„- Llandingat Church, Llandovery, on The following choirs took partLlandilo, 80 081 Llanddeusaint, 38.; Llangadottk,.35; Llandovery QCC1] 20; Velinfoel, 44; Llanfynydd, 31; .Bett\!St tos: 40 Caledfwlch, 35; Llanwrda, 55; e;ca 42; Golden Grove, 35; Mothvey, 31; Lland1; Jjj faen, 30. The conductor was Mr Hen^ Ratcliffe, of Swansea; the organist being Mr & pa88 Videon Harding, St. Peter's, Carmarthen. one

———— \as HAVERFORDWEST. illan: ST. MARY'S CHURCH.—On Tuesday the Lord tnor Bishop of Llandaff re-opened the north aisle of this, one of the finest churches in South Wal0g* l) The work of restoration has been most satis* #ti factorily performed by Messrs. Wm. and. J' °r Morgan, under the direction of Mr Ew3° Hrv Christian, tbe architect. too(

LLANDILO. A COUPLE OF DESPERADOES.—Before Messsra H. Peel and J. C. Riciihrd.wn—on Saturcfny,P.Cj* i Bryant charged Samuel Lloyd, LUmdebie, with loo being drunk and assaulting him in the execution the of his duty. Committed to prison.for 14 d;byll the with hard labour.—P.C. Poyntz similarly charge" 'no John Lurlong with maliciously damaging cell window by throwing a brick' at" it. Thia "Ul prisoner bad behaved very violetly, and was sent ?llS to gaol for three niouths with hard labour,

'] LLANELLY. Crl THEVECCA COLLEGE.—The following have passfld "-11 for admission into Trevecca College•Mes* |:ft Barac Rees, Llanelly David Evans, Loughor J Benjamin Daniel, Nantgaredig John Griffiths* tbE Llanelly and Eliezar Richards, Liunstephe"' til.1; They were all prepared by the Rev J, E/Davies, })a] M.A. LlaneUy. Mr Barac Rees. a son of IVfr I tu. W. 1. Rees vAlaw Ddu), came out second on tha >v list out of 19 candidates. ftia

HIRWAIN. tb, SCTDDEN DEATH.—Mr D. Joseph Davies* builder, Canton, Cardiff (late of Hirwain), died jjj. on^Saturday while riding in a cab from Aberdarfl ba, to Hirwain. He was very much esteemed in this to place, where be lived over 40 years. Deceassdwa^ about 70 years of age.

A FINE ARRAY. It is easy to make assertions, but often difficult to prove them. People demand a verification of any statement that may be made, and it is right tha6 they should. The people of the United Kingdom tiE have been familiar but a short time with an article th that has won great popularity in the United I States, Canada, and Australia, It could hardly v be expectcd that in so short a period the real 2 worth of this article could be ascertained, and ys& so valuable is it that hundreds of voluntary H statements have been given. Following are short extracts taken from a few of the many hundreds I m, already received l Mr James Brierley, M.A., Cleric and J.P. ol Mossley Hall, Congleton, says I am thankful to be able to write that with God's blessing attribute the great change for the better ivtbe I c< state of my health to WARNER'S SAFK OURE. w ti Rev E.J. Gale, of Gothic Villa, North Malvern* i writes; 441 have pleasure in saying that I believ* WARNER'S SAFE CURB to be a very niedicine. I ha veseen and heard of its beneficial a. effects in the case of several friends who ba.ve a giien it a thorough trial for kidney and live* J diseases." Mr E. A. Groom, a well-known solicitor, of 28. i e Alwyne-road, Cianonbury, N., says: If For yeatS I suffered with albuminuria, and, notwithstand- a ing the best medical attention and most careful c dietary, my health gradually broke down, a.nd I became Quite mcapable of exertion of any sort. I i finally tned WARNER'S SAFE CUBE and derived s great banefit from its use. I am nowiairly well." J Mr L„L- Atwood, of Fairlight Villa, Piatt's- [ 1 grove, Wood Green, London, N., writes: MrS suffered for years from general debility# weak neart and nervousness and sleepless- ness, with bleating, flatulency, and general discomfort. After taking 18 bottles ot WARNER'9 OAFK CURE she got much stronger, the bloating disappeared, the nervousness abated, and she was again able to enjoy proper sleep. The symptoms have not returned, and I have pleasure in re- commending the medicine." I Rev. Thomas Bryant, of 1, Myrtle-place, London-road, Bognor, Sussex, testifies as fol- ,<I can without hesitation recommend j WARNER's SAFE CURB to any of my countrymen who may be suffering from any of the diseases this remedy is calculated to relieve and cure. I I cannot speak of it too highly, as it has beeu of greo t benefit to myself and family." Mr J. Hiscock, station master, Navigation Station, Taff Railway Station, Treharris, R.S.O.» j Glamorganshire, Wales, who suffered for years j from kidney disease, and was pronounced in- curable by the best medicine men of South WaleSi was restored to health by WARNER'S SAFE He says; In my case the cure has been thorough and permanent, and I doubt not it will be i*1 <1 others similarly afflicted, if a fair trial is AO- corded it." Such statements from such sources are unques- tionable, and conclusively piove the value of the remedy of which they «peak. They are not frortj obscure and unknown persons residing in distant countries, but-of eminent people living right bera in England, where the truth of their assertion can be easily Verined. Thousands are suffering to-day needlessly ''who might be made well and happy by the use of the same means testified to abova. The remedy used, WARNER'S SAFE CCb*j ( price 4s 6d per bottle, is for sale by druggists autl medicine vendors, or can be had direct of tue Pr°* prietors, H. H. WARN KB and Co,, 47, Farringdo#" f street, London, E,Cs ) i