The Cardiff Times

-+- GREAT MEETING AT GLASGOW. THE ULSTEpTpROTESTANTS. THE UNION WITH SCOTLAND. [SPECIAL TELEGRAM FROM THE PRESS ASSOCIATION.] GLASGOW, Tuesday. Mr Gladstone left Edinburgh this afternoon for Glasgow, where he addj^ssed a mass meeting in Hengler's Circus. The circus in which the meeting, under the auspices of the Scottish National Liberal Associa- tion, was held, was filled with people at one o'clock, though the proceedings did not begin until three. The consequence was that the build- ing got excessively hot long before Mr Gladstone arrived. The audience bore the discomfort for a long time very patiently, but at length the noise of smashing glass became frequent, as they sjught to obtain additional air through-skylights and windows. In this way breathing was made possible, but there never was any mitigation, but rather a constant increase, of the discom- fort arising from the excessive crowding. Just after Mr Gladstone commenced his speech, several of the large gas jets were blown out by a sudden breeze which swept across the building from window to window. Crie3 of gas gas were raised, but the alarm was dispelled by the gas being turned off, which was accomplished amidst some amusement. Subsequently Mr Gladstone found some difficulty In reading a few extracts, and candles were brought in amidst cheers. It was estimated that 5,000 persons were present. An orchestra played at intervals during the two hours of waiting, and when it was not performing, the people amused themselves by singing Scotch songs, cheering the names of their political favourites, and hooting those of their opponents. Auld Lang Syne" and Scots wha. ha'e were sung with extraordinary fervour, and being to \he manner born," the crowd gave tbem with a precision and ensemble that would have done no discredit to a trained choir. The volume of sound seemed to shake the building. There was an extraordinary outburst of enthusiasm when Mr Gladstone entered the circus the audience sprang: to their feet, cheering and waving their hats, and, having continued this demonstration for some time, burst into the chorus, "He's a jolly good fellow," After this a universal cry of "Seats" and Hush pro-, cured order, and Mr Gilbert Beith, M.P., was moved to the chair. Mrs Gladstone and the Countess of Aberdeen occupied seats on the platform, and amongst those also present were Mr Munro Ferguson, M.P., Mr Hamilton, M.P., Mr Parker, M.P., Sir Charles Tennant, M.P., Mr Stephen Williamson, Dr Cameron, M.P., Mr P. S. Macliver, Mr P. W. Campbell, & After a few words from the Chairman, Mr GLADSTONE, who was cheered again and again on rising (the whole audience standing and waving their hats and handkerchiefs for several minutes), said :—Mr Chairman and Gentlemen It would be idle for me to attempt to address this vast assemblage unless I am favoured in that quarter (pointing to the spot from whence inter- ruptions had proceeded), as well as in all tha rest of the building, with the great privilege of the silence of all those here assembled. (Cheers.) It is not want of will, but want of physical strength that would entirely preclude my entering into a contest with even the smallest minority of the crowds here before me. Gentlemen, I have not forgotten that daring the election of last Novem- ber, when we were assembled at a meeting in Edinburgh, there came from Glasgow the news of "We are seven." (Cheers.) The results of that announcement have been somewhat curtailed and crippled by subsequent events, but I feel the utmost confidence that in the coming election, Glasgow, mindful of her great position, will make true and solid work in tbe Liberal cause. Gentlemen, I propose to address you to-day upon a portion of the great Irish subject which has not yet been touched by me; I mean those aspects of it which have a special interest for Scotland. (Hear, hear.) Before I go to my discourse, gen- tlemen, I vrish to select a proper text. I am going to take that text from a printed work of a man whose name will ever be venerated in Ghugow-I mean thenamo ot the famous Dr. Chalmers. (Cheers.) A correspondent has reminded me of the sentiments delivered by Dr Chalmers, in a sermon preached in the year 1818 on » question deeply touching Ireland. He took occassion to deliver his sentiments on the eubjict of the Insh nafion, and be spoke as follows I speak of the great mass of the Irish people, and I do think that I perceive a something in the natural character of Ireland which draws me more attractively to the love of its people than any other picture of national manners has ever inspired." That is the opinion of Dr. Chalmers on the Irish people. He goes on to shew bow you must treat them if you wish them well, and then," he saySf "They are a people, you will find, whom no penalties could turn, and no terror of military violence could overcome; who keep a scowling front to hostility that was not to be softened while war spread its absolute cruelties over that unhappy people then they are a people who will do homage to the omnipotence of charity, and when the mighty armour of Christian kindness is brought to bear upon them, it will be found to be irresistible." Now, gentlemen, I do not doubt you will agree with me that these words which I have read are the words not only of Christian benevolence, but likewise of high Christian wisdom—(cheers)—and I ask you to approach this great subject in the spirit which these words are calculated to inspire. Now, gentlemen, tbe points which I believe to be of special interest to Scotland in connection with the Irish question are tbe state of the Protestants of Ulster the fear of religious persecution in Ireland as the result of a scheme of local self-government; the argument that has been drawn from the union between Scotland and England and, finally, the subject which goes by the nama of Home Rule for Scotland, (Cheers.) And first; gentlemen, as regards THE EOUBETT 0* ULSTER, J ->ay, pera»ps,*be allowed to rsad to you son:" words that I used on the introduction of the Irish Government Bill, for I think they set forth in a clear manner the views of the Government., (With regard to that portion of Ireland. I said- > Various. schemes short of refusing the demand off Ireland at large have been proposed on behalf of Ulster. One scheme is that Ulster itself, OT-perhaps.. with more appearance of reason, a portion of Ulster, should be excluded from the operation of the bill we are about to introduce. Another scheme is that a separate autonomy should be provided for Ulster, or for a portion of Ulster. Another scheme is that • certain rights with regard to certain sub- jects — such, for example, as education and some other subjects — should be reserved; and should be placed to a certain extent under the control of provincial councils. These, I think, are the suggestions which have reached me in different shapes. There might be others. It may be that tree discussion, which I have no doubt will largely take place after a bill such as we propose shall have been laid on the table of the House, may give to some of these pro- posals, or to some other proposal, a practical form, and that some such plan may be found to be recommended by a general or predominating approval. If it should be so. it will at our hands have the most favourable consideration, with every disposition to do what equity may appear to recommend. That is what I have to say on the subject of Ulster. Well now, gentlemen, since that time some persons have spoken about Ulster, and Lord Hartington complains that I have made no further advance about it. Why have I m)de no further advance? In the first place, Lord Har- tington has not assisted me to make any further advance-(loud cheers); in the second place, Major Saunderson—(" Boo," and groans)—a gentlemen oi some ability and, I think, of perfect honour and integrity—declared that he, and his Orangemen at his back, wont hear of the separa- tion of Ulster from Ireland. (Laughter.) What they modestly demand is that the large majority of Irishmen shall adopt and follow the will of the small minority of Orangemen in Ulster. (Laughter and cheers.) And lastly, gentlemen, Mr Parnell has made an argument, of which everyone who heard it felt that it was a powerful argument, showing what a misfortune, in his judgment, it would be to Ireland were the intelligent and energetic Protestants of tbe north to be separated from the south—(" Bravo and cheers)—and that he wanted the assistance of every Irishman in the work of governing bis country. We remain open to consider any and every reasonable pro- posal, if such can be devised, for the pur- pose of giving satisfaction to the petition of Ulster, in which excitement greatly prevails. But, gentlemen, not being very hopeful of that subject, as I recollect that two and a half months have elapsed and no progress has been made, I pass tu another question, and one on which many of you as a Presbyterian people have felt a con- siderable interest. DIFFERENCE BKTWTEN SCOTLAND AND IRELAND. The point to observe is—that the Union, after the lapse of time, commended itself in Scotland to the mind and heart of the people at large; the people in Ireland wero divided. Scotland always had a strong party of Unionists in Ireland the entire nat on was against the union. Protestant or Catholic, it is hardly possible to find the name of a man of high character and station who was not an opponents of the Irish Union, and as that Union has lasted longer and longer, the mind of the Irish country, instead of becoming reconciled to it, as was the case in Scotland, has become more and more estranged from it. True it is, and I am thankful for it, that they have seen how difficult and perilous might be this repeal, and they have proposed a plan which, while it meets their reasonable wishes, entirely avoids the dauger of that repeal but to the Union as it is they have become more and more irreconcilably opposed, and therein their course is diametrically opposed to that which has been taken by the people of.Scotland. (Ciieers.) irom the satistaction of Scotland, with its union, which it hM adopted, you cannot draw an argu- ment to show that the Irish ought to be equally satisfied with their union, which was born in dis- grace and dishonour, and which, having violated all their national traditions and recollections, has utterly failed to meet their political and social rights. (Cheers.) Now gentlemen, one thing more perhaps I ought to say of the union. I huve said Scotland was satisfied with her union after a time, and I think, as a historical fact, that is undeniable. I assume—for it is almost a universal belief, that its advantages have greatly outweighed its disadvantages, and that may ba the rational and probably the proper conclusion. I do not doubt that upon the whole you have prospered in a great degree from the union, but, gentlemeu, I wish to put this to you—that if in the course of time you should arrive at the con- clusion that there nvght be a better system —that you might with advantage manage your ovvn local affairs— (loud cheers]— within your own borders, do you think—(a Voice: "Home Rule for Scotland ")-that if out of your 72 members— I thiuk that is the number—62 were united as one man to demand that change in your name, do you think that England would ever dare or wish —(cheers)—to refuse you? ("No. no.") No, gentlemen, she would not dare it, and she would not wish to dare it. (Cheers.) She would desire your wishes to prevail, and prevail they would. (Cheers.) THB PROGRAMME OF THE NEW RADICAL UNION. Well, gentlemen, that brings me to another proposition which has been made—in my opinion one of the most foolish propositions ever imported into a great subject. Three or four days ago a. meet- ing was held in Birmingham—(" Boo," and great laughter)—to found a National Radical Union— (" Oh," and laughter)—and the basis of this great institution—(laughter)—is "That it is desirable to establish an organisation, to be called the National Radical Union, for the purpose of pro- moting a system of local povernment applicable to England, Scotland, and Ireland." Poor Wales is left out — (laughter) — but for my part I would put in a word for Wales if it came to that—(laughter)—" and under the supreme authority of one Parliament of the United Kingdom." (Hear, hear.) Well, this is very good but everything that we are now doing is under the supreme authority of Parlia- ment. (" Hear, hear," and cheers.) Well, now, gentlemen, just consider the enormous difference between the Irish and the Scotch questions. (Hear, bear.) What is the Scotch question ? If I had my friend Professor BIackie with me, ho would admit that the question of Home Rule in Scotland, even as viewed by him, is a question of making an im- provement in a country already happy and well goverhed. (Hear, hear.) Is that the case of Ireland? ("No.") Are we dealing with a country well governed? ("No.") We are deal- ing with a country in which the Tories on the 26th of January told us that they found it their duty immediately to propose coercive measures—("Shame")—aud in which Lord Salisbury has since pointed' out to us that such measures ought to last for twenty years— ("Shame")—and that then Ireland might perhaps be fit to see them remitted. (Laughter.) But the whole difference lies between a question of political improvement and a question of administering to the immediate neces- sities of social order. (Hear, hear.) The characteristic feature of this question of social order i" that you cannot delay your dealing with them. (Hear, hear.) In these circumstances it is quietly proposed by the National Radical Union—(laughter and cheers)—to leave social order in Ireland to take care of itself, while we set to work round ithe parliamentary table to examine the condition of Scotland, to examine the condition of England, to examine the condition of Wales, to examine the condition of Ireland-bring the whole of the conditions into comparison, weld them into one mass, and have one measure for them all. How long is this: process to take? What is to become in the meantime of the moonlighter and the agrarian assassin, and what is to be done to restore confi- dence to Ireland and give strength and tolerable contentment to its people ? (Cheers.) A more absurd proposition, as applicable to the present state of things and the crisis now demanding our attention, never proceeded from the mouth of rational men. (Cheers.) You know perfectly welJ-I think it was in this part of the assembly tha.t I found warm cheers when I spoka of the idea—that Scotland could manage her cwn affairs. Those gentlemen who cheer me know as welt as I do that the question is not ripe—(cries of Yes ") —it has not been discussed. The wisdom of statesmen and uf Parliament is to refuse to discuss any question until it is ripe, and then, when it is ripe, to refuse to delay its discussion. (LQud cheers,) But this National Radical Asso- ciation inverts that law it wants to force us to discuss and to settle the question for Scotland, England, and. I hope, Wales, which are not ripe, and it wants us to refuse to discuss and settle the question for Ireland, which, God knows, is ripe and over ripe. (Cheers.) Gentlemen, this principle of CAST IBON UNItfORMm for England, Scotland, Ireland, and Wales, that they are all to have institutions cast in the same mould, and corresponding in every particular—is a false and vulgar principle. (Cheers.) It has never been a principle upon which this country has been governed. Even at this moment in the county of Kent there is a different law of succes- sion to landed property to that which prevails in the generality of England, and yon know how different your laws in Scotland are from the English laws. When we sent our colonists to America, gentle- men, the 13 States revolted against us. Those 13 States and their inhabitants did not spring from those bastard and emasculated notions of uniformity. There were hardly two of those states that had the same constitution. In some of them there were two legislative chambers in some of them theie was one; in one of them the governor was not appointed by the Crown in one of them the acts of the Assembly were not revised by the Crown. It was out of all that variety that substantial harmony sprung, and so it is that if you want to provide well for the settlement of this great subject of local government in any part of the country, you must have regard to the special wants, to the special history and traditions, and to tbe special wishes of that part of the country. (Cheers.) Let me call your attention now, before I close-wbtch I am about to do now very soon—let me call your attention to this. The main question, gentlemen, is whether Ireland is to have a free government, or whether Ireland is to be* overridden by England and Scotland whether she is to be made an exception in this great empire. But WHAT 13 MJtANT BY FREE GOVERNMENT? That is a question which does not seem to be understood by all persons. Will you allow me to read three or four words from one whom I am never wearied of quoting on this subject— I mean the great Edmund Burke. (Cheers.) What said Burke about free government in one of his invaluable compositions on the subject of America, when ha was in the same position in the face of a majority as we are now but I hope and think not in the face of tbe majority of the nation ? (Cheers.) Mr Burke said this The disposition of America ie. wholly averse to any other than a free government." If you ask me what a free government i", I answer that for any pracv 'I ur;>ose it is wh r the p-opte tbiakt and the;- arfc the natn-.l uw! competent judges of this matter. (Prolonged cheering.) That, gentlemen, was the opinion of Mr Burke. Ho did not interpose the condition which we have always carefully interposed— .namely, that the local freedom of every part of the empire must be subject to the general laws which bind together the whole. (Cheers.),. Gentlemen, that is the principle which Ireland, through the mouth of her representatives, has freely and cheerfully admitted. You know that such was their confidence in the Imperial Parliament that they were willing that-all im- perial concerns should be settled without their direct authoritative intervention. You know it is not their movement, but rather your move- menb on their behalf which has caused modifications in our bill not to be introduced-for introduced they could not be-till the committee on the bill, but to be pro- mised by the Government. You know that we have engaged that no tax shall be passed by the Imperial Parliameat, so far as we are concerned, without giving an opportunity-if it affects the Irish people-to Ireland to be heard and to vote upon that tax. You know likewise that at the meeting held at the Foreign Office, of which much was said at the time, the Government took an engagement to introduce into the bill a provision which would require a reconstruction or abandon- ment-one of the two—of the 24th clause of the bill, and which would recognise the continuing claim of Ireland to be heard and to take part, through her representatives, in the discussion of imperial affairs. I said that must ce done so as not to interfere with the freedom of the Irish legislature nor with the dignity, order, and inde- pendence of the English one; but under these conditions the Government would undertake to satisfy that desire. But I call you back to ? the definition of Mr Burke, and I ask you to give to Ireland, when you have disposed of this question of imperial obligations, that which you would ask for yourselves. (Cheers.) She does not demand an innovation she is not requiring you to call up from the deep something that never appeared on earth. She abates her claim for the restoration of Parliament in order that she might show her fidelity to imperial obligations. But she says. Subject to imperial obligations, allow us, in God's name, to see what ws can do for our. selves in the conduct of our own affairs. (Cheers,) AN APPEAL TO SCOTLAND. Speaking to you as Sbotchmen, I told you that I would speak on a subject to-day especially of the deepest interest to Scotland. Gentlemen, what are the blessings of free government which we ask you and entreat you to give to Ireland Was the Scotland of the last century and of the early part of this century the same as the Scotland of to-day ? (Loud cries of No.") No she was having no voice and no vent for her, feelings in political affairs. The people of Scotland had till 1832 virtually no responsibility, no share in that miserable record of transactions in Ireland which bad disgraced England and Great Britain in the eyes of the civilised world. It is not so now. Since 1832 there has baeri, I think, but one election in which the people of Scotland were solicited to give their votes mainly with respect to Ireland. That was the election of 1868. An appeal was made to them they answered that appeal; they voted in favour of political justice and religious freedom — (loud cheers) — and they contributed their fair and full share to that majority which disestablished the Irish Church—(cheers)—a formation at once, perhaps the most unfortunate and the most perverse that ever was introduced into the machinery of civilised and organised life. So you did in 1368; but, gentlemen, you are now even more fj\l'y an enfranchised people. You have now laid upon you an even greater call. Thirteen refnrmed Parliaments there have been. Then measure tho ways of your political life to everyone of those reformed parliaments, You have sent a majority of reformers to them—what will you do now ? Will you do the like again ? (Cries of Yes and cheers.) Or will you in Glasgow or elsewhere have a Parliament made of Tories- (" No, no ")-or made of gentlemen who, without meaning to be Tories, and without calling themselves Tories — (laughter) — nevertheless speak with Tories, act with Tories, and vote with Tories. (Hear, hear.) If you will have that Parliament, yours be the responsibility and not mine. I have done what I could.to open the case and to lay it before you. I have the. utmost confidence inthedecision at which you will arrive. As you are virtually free of the sad responsibi- lity connected with the former history of the relations between Great Britain and Ireland, I beseech you to claim no share in that miserable and dishonourable inheritance. Don t associate yourselves with it don't touch it in any of its parts. Recoil from it fly from it, and seek for something else. Give your voice, give your suffrage, in favour of the work of peace and justice. (Loud and prolonged cheers.) The Rev, GEORGE GLADSTONE, of Glasgow, moved- That the delegates and representative Liberals from all parts of Scotland, forming; this vast assembly, rejoice in having among them their great ana venerable k-ader. (Cheers.) They assure him of their loyaity. Liberal principles, and acceptance of the principle of self-government for Ireland, and their desire to have on this subject timely legislation. (Cheers.) They express their regret that so many Scotch mem. bers opposed the second reading of the Government of Ireland Bill—(hear, haa.r)-and thereby caused the defeat of a. Liberal ministry. They further assure Mr Gladstone cf their resolve to do a)t in their power at the coming elections to send to Parliament true Liberal representatives — (cheersj — who cordi. ally accepting the principle of selt govern- ment for Ireland, and faithfully co-opera'inff uw:l'h the Government of which they hope lie will be the head, will aid in perfecting the "details of a measure which, when passed inio law, may affect a real union between Great Britain and Ireland, lead to the peace and prosperity of the Irish people, and to the consolidation and welfare of the empire. (Cheers.) Mr J GUN BATTEBSBT seconded, and the resolu- tion was carried with acclamation. Mr GLADSTONE briefly replied, and the immense gathering then dispersed. At the conclusion of the proceedings, Mr and Mrs Gladstone drove to tho residence of Sir Charles Tennant, M.P., in West Regent-street, and subsequently proceeded to the central station, whence he left en route for Hawarden. >.

v; LORD RANDOLPH CHURCHILL'S ADDRESS. AN EXTRAORDINARY PRODUCTION. Lord Randolph Churchill has issued the follow- ing address to the electors of South Paddington Gentlemen,—'A people's dissolution has come upon us.' Such is the title given by Mr Glad- stone to the most wanton political convulsion which has in our times afflicted our country. The caprice of an individual is elevated to the dignity of an act of the people by the boundless egotism of the Prime Minister. The United Kingdom is to be disunited for the pur- pose of securing in office, if only for a little while, by the aid of a disloyal faction subsisting on foreign gold, a Government deserted by all who could confer upon it character or reputation. Mr Gladstone has reserved for his closing days a couspiracy against the honour of Britain and the welfare of Ireland more startling base, and nefarious than any of those other numerous designs and plots which, during tho last quarter of a century, havb occupied his imagination. Nor are the results of the repeal of the union, whatever they may be, a niatter of moment to him. No practical responsibility for those results will fall upon his shoulders. lie regards with the utmost unconcern, or with inconceivable frivolity, the fact that upon those who come after him will devolve the impossible labour of rebuilding a shattered empire, of reuniting a divided kingdom. Let a credulous electorate give him, for the third time, a parliamentary majority, by the aid of which another Irish revolution may be consum- mated, and this most moderate of ministers will be satisfied, will complacently retire to the repose for which he tells us "nature cries aloud nature to whose cries he has for so long turned a stone deaf ear. This design for the separation of Ireland from Great Britain, this insane recurrence to heptarchical arrangements, this trafficking with treason, this condonation of crime, this exaltation of the disloyal, this abasement of the loyal, this desertion of our Protestant co.religionists, this monstrous mixture of imbecility, extravagance, and political hysterics, better known as the Bill for the Future Government of Ireland, is fur- nished by the author with the most splendid attributes, and clothed in the loftiest language. "I.-Under its operation a nation oi stavea paying tribute is to be filled with exuberant love for Britain, which it now hates, but with which it is now on a footing of perfect political equality. 2.—Persons who have subsisted and flourished on the effects of crime and outrage are to be immediately transformed into governors, wise, moral, and humane. 3.—A peasantry which has for years exhitntea a marked disinclination to pay contract rents to many landlords will instantly commence, and for the next fifty years continue wit cheerful alacrity and fidelity to pay rent A one single landlord—this landlord, moreover, assuming the garb of a foreign and an alien r Government. 4.-A people without manufactures, longing for protection by which to create and foster manufactures, are to become in a moment ardent converts to the blessings of free trade. 'f 5.-A parliament in which any and every legislative project, or deliberative proceedings, or executive act may be vetoed for three years is to abound in rapid legislation, and to sur- pass our ancient historic Parliament in efficiency of procedure. 6.—A financial system under which by no possibility can revenue be adequate to ex- penditure^ to perform prodigies of economy, and scatter plenty o'et a smiling land.' "7.— A pauper population is to roll in riches. 8.—Law and order and rights of property are immediately to take their place as the most sacred and cherished institutions of a country, a great portion of whose people hitherto from time immemorial have regarded them only to deride them and violate them. &c., &c. r "The united and concentrated genius of Bedlam and Cplney Hatch would strive in vain to provide a more striking tissue of absurdities. Yet this is the policy—ths last specific for Ireland •—which is gravely recommended by senile vanity to the favourable consideration of N' people renowned for common sense, the possessors of an empire erected and preserved by the constant now of common sense, and, I doubt not, the pro- genitors of a posterity equally powerful, equally L courageous, and equally wise. "For the sake of this fifth message of peace to Ireland, this farrago of superlative nonsense, the vexations and costly machinery of a general election is to be put in motion all business other than which may be connected with political agitation is to be impeded aw* suspended; trade and commercial enterpriso, now suiieriag i^dly from otracted bad times;, and which political stalky can alone reinvigorate, are to be further ■!rur;\«.sd and handicapped all u>ef-l and i ?V r.). BA »O=-TPON?DJ the British Constitution is to be torn up, thPl Liberal party shivered into fragments, and why ? For this reason and no other—to gratify the ambition of an old man in a. hurry. "How long, gentlemen, will yon and your brother electors tolerate this one-man power ? Since 1868, when this one-man power began to show itself in an acute form, have you enjoyed domestic security or foreign credit? From that time to the present day Ireland has been a strug- gling victim in Mr Gladstone's hands. The Irish Church—a graat agency for moral, social, and civil order-has been swept away; two special confis- cations,of landlord property were confidently re- commended to and accepted by your Parliament as certain to produce peace; six Coercion Acts of the most stringent character Mr Gladstone has ob. tained, and all to no purpose. Confusion has become worse confounded; the fabric of Govern- ment in Ireland has been shattered"; lawlessness and disorder have been triumphant and supreme. "The "esent state of Ireland is one of "grave disease,' snys Mr John Morley, and the blame is cast by Mr Gladstone on the system, on the constitution, on the Union. It would be as reasonable to cast the blame upon the equator. The blame for this disgrace cannot be cast upon the system, or upon the constitution, or upon the Union. Theblamo must be borne by the man who has been minister, and who is minister now. Under the baneful insecurity which ia inseparably connected with his name, your trade has gohe from bad to worse, your Parliament has become demoralised, your foreign credit shaken, your colonies alienated, your Indian Empire imperilled. Naturally enough Ireland has suf- fered most of all, for Ireland, of all the Queen's clominionB.: was least able to stand a strain. "What frightful and irreparable imperial catastrophe is necessary to tear tho British people from the influence of this fetish, this idol, this superstition, which has brought upon them and upon the Irish unnumbered woes ? i "The negotiator of the 'Alabama' arbitration, the hero of the Transvaal surrender, the perpe- trator of the bombardment of Alexandria, the decimator of the struggling Soudan tribes, the betrayer of Khartoum, the person guilty of the death of Gordon, the patentee of Penjdeb shame, now stands before the country all alone, rejected by a Democratic House of Commons. .1 No longer can he conceal his personality under the shelter of the Liberal party. One hundred members of the party in Parliament, representing thousands of electors, refused, in spite of all manner of blandishments, deceits, and menaces, to I support his Irish measure. All his colleagues have abandoned him. From the Duke of Argyll to Mr Bright, from Lord Hartington to Mr Chamberlain, one by one he has shed them all. None is near of his former colleagues save certain placemen unworthy of notice. Last, but not least, the leading lights of Ncnconformity.such as Mr Da.lo and Mr Spurgeon, hitherto the pillars of the Liberal party, stand aloof in utter dismay. Known to this country under various aliases— The People's William,' The Grand Old Man,' 'The Old Parliamentary Hand,'now in thepart of the electioneering agent, he demands a vote of confidsnce from the constituencies. Confidence in what ? In the Liberal party ? No the Liberal party, as we know it, exists no longer. In his Irish project? No; it is to be resuscitated or not, either wholly or in part, just as may suit the personal convenience of the author. In his Government? No; they are a mere col- lection of items' whom he does not con- descend to consult. In himself? Yes; this is the latest and most perilous innovation into our constitutional practices. A pure, un. adulterated, personal plebiscite '—that is the demand a political expedient borrowed from the last and worst days of the Second Empire. Gentlemen, it is time that someone should speak out. I have written to you plainly—some may think strongly, but whatever the Eng- lish vocabulary may contain of plain- ness and strength is inadequate to des- cribe truly, and to paint realistically, the present political position. At this moment— so critical-we have not got to deal with a Government or a party or a poUcv we have to deal with a man who makes the most un- paralleled clsim for dictatorial power which can ba conceived by free men. It is for that reason that I have deliberately addressed myself to the personal aspect of the question, and that 1 have drawn the character of the claimant from recent history, from facts well within the recollection of all. "Mr Gladstone, in Lis speech in Edinburgh on Friday, recommended himself to the country in the name of Almighty God. Others cannot, and would not, emulate such audacious profanity, but I do dare, m soliciting a renewal of your confidence, to recommend to you the policy of the Unionist party in tha name of our common country, our great empire—upon whose unity and effective maintenance so largely depend the freedom, the happiness, and the progress of mankind. I am, gentlemen, yours obediently, l(0 r, t ltAXDOLrn S. CHUKCHIIX. "2, Gonnaught-pUce, 19th June, 18S(r."

SIR MICHAEL HICKS-BEACH'S ■■ abduess. ',) Sir Michael Hicks-Beach, in his address to the electors of the Western Division of Bristol, says Gentlemen,—In response to the request of tltose to whose generous support I am already so much indebted, I again offer myself as a candi- date for the representation of the Western Division of Bristol in Parliament. It is not necessary for me to dwell upon those subjects, however great their importance, which until recently have divided parties and formed the main topics of political discussion. My views upon them were fully set before you a few months ago. Those views then met with your approval, and have not been changed. At the time I ventured to warn you that schemes more or less directly affecting the connection between Great Britain and Ireland S upou the attention of tbe new ? if;™ M exPre:sed an opinion that the ? °Lt!'0 c,r?ed «f which such schemes !W,°ul? inXolve. tho commencement 0 Jtical and social revolution, and I asked your support for a policy very far removed fr0^;?iJa5trOTI3 pr"ject*- My anticipations m iflori J? Vn,haPP'ly been more than realised, for the attack has come, not from Irish Nationalists, but from Ministers of tbe Crown. f Teih^iS l,.tterance3» on which not ? Irf ican.df^at^ m November last had °ito a seParate Irish Parlia- ment, Mr Gladstone has suddenly sprung upon the country an Irish policy whicg binTot only opposed by the Conservative partv, but repudiated by Ins ablest and most trusted Cf thn" Ho^ln f r^y tlie ^dependent judgment of the House of Commons, he has appealed to the constituencies, and I ask for your support in resisting proposals which, in my view, are alike dishonourable to Great Britain and disastrous to Ireland, and could only lead to separation or civil war. It is imp?ssible to 6*aKSerate the importance of the question thus presented for vour decision, nor can its various aspects be adequately dis- cussed within tho ordinary linni* ot an election address. It wifj be my en deavour by other means to place my views upon it niore fully before you, for I think suggestion that iStvet "vs: rr 'ot ,nd your reprd f„r condition, "whiohTtr luini in preclude your acceptance of such a prmciple without proof Uu; it coulc i Sried into tbe",with the presen-ation of tne unity of the three kingdoms and the adequate performance of your responsibilities towards Ireland. That proof is ff MayjestavD' for the deSnitaplw pr^Xd by House of cL? rnmeufc' and ejected by the House of Commons, is now disavowed bv its stead/8' notlun° bas beer* suggested in its »o» off«S Sr'y «'tTth? lh° p°'icy to Ireland of her rSt J and \w c"ncessl1on alternative » coercion.' I hold that right's .Britain. It should be our pnidinc? principle to equalisa as far a3 Sble political privileges or disabilities throughout the United Kingdom, and I believe it to be neeessarv for thm obj?ct that in Ireland, LwellaTin ?upim^riiaDraS-e Imperin1 Parlianient should be supreme in practice as well as in theorv and that sufficient power should be retained in the^hands secure tKT re.spon?^le,.to the Parliament to secure tne just administration 0f the law and Pr"lfndehr t^'f of the peop^ least h« nil i g f9 Mad has at £ and i i tre-°fl parf'ai»entary represents it in Lv 5° 1JnflueilGQ which flows from Irishmen ^mistering the law. irishmen are endowed as largely witn as free to use tbem, as BriSS nor fl but «either Greafc be Dormitfnrtfit C-an Political organisations tion harku? lr end8 through intimida- this'is the and crime. To prevent not co«rHnrt1'l'vA yi aay Government, for it is constitutional freedom. necessary vindicafcioa of constItutIOnal freedom GkdXLT pf-omi«ed that the result of Mr affectim? ,P°ilcy wiU be relief from dis- tion in Pmr Il'ela&d and obstruc- of an menfc> and the inauguration na+ion# cordial affection between tbe of Mwnf T- u • Pro,nifies ignore the history ohiprtl ^f i- agitation, and the character and Min^-Ur k1- ef5lers> as described by the Prime rann^kr1!*1, smooth speeches of to-day J.- obliterate all previous records. The poli- nlal™ Ireland cannot be satisfied by plans which deprive her sons of their full share "I9 ??7er?ment of the empire, and yet fall suort ot the declared objects of the more dangerous fomentors of discontent. Snch concessions, if f?,!?!?' w?^ld only be nsed to promote further disintegration, and yet for this we are asked to break up that parliament which has been a model of representa- ive institutions to other countries, and to impose Britain3' lIities on the taxPay°rs of Great J'0!Ltfl8 moment the danger has been arrested oy the House of Commons. It rests with the con- stituencies by a clear and decisive verdict to re- move it. Party prejudice should at such a crisis be cast aside, and the old dividing lines be forgotten, in one great effort to preserve the unity at home on which depends the strength of our empire."

MR JOHN MORLErrS ADDRESS. Mr John Morley has issued the following address to the electors of Newcastle-upon- Tyua i'Geatl«w«v~* fcrre w#ce taora ytw.irsr to offer myself as a candidate for the representation of your city in Parliament. The vexatious necessity of a dissolution is due to the fact (that the present House of Commons cannot make up its mind to grapple with the difficulties of Irish government. At the end of January it rejected the Tory plan of coercion. At the beginning of June it rejected the Liberal plan of conciliation. Some inter- mediate schemes of a raw and undigested kind were suggested, but none of them could have commanded 50 votes, and they perished as rapidly as they had sprung up. When it was seen to be impossible for either party to frame an Irish policy which a majority would support, an appeal to the country became unavoidable. There are now three courses of policy open before the nation, and it is for you aud the other constituencies of the ..realrq to make a firm aud deliberate choice. The first is to persevere in governing Ireland from outside on a centralised system propped up by exceptional laws and backed by active and constant resort to force. Whether you call this 'firm and resolute .government,' or by the simpler name of coercion,' it means one and the same thing. It means a censorship of the press, restrictions on free speech and public meeting, much interference with private liberty, and all the rest -of the odious ( apparatus of mis. government at its command. A second course is to narrow the reform of government in Ireland to some extension of local public life in parochial, municipal, or pro- vincial areas. Plans of this kind find favour with timid people, short-sighted people, and people who are ignorant of Irish history and Irish character. In my belief all plans so limited unite the greatest risk of mischief with the smallest promise of relief. They open the door to injustice on the part of the many to the few, and increase the opportunities of intolerance of class and of religion. They do not touch the national imagination, nor satisfy the national sentiment. They are objected to by tbe minority, while they would not be accepted for a day by the majority. And finally, they would leave unimpaired the fatal Irish veto on the British legislature and the imperial executive. "The third policy is that which was adopted by Mr Gladstone and the Government, and it was ratified by a majority of two to one of the Liberal parly in Parliament it was accepted by those who are the chosen spokesmen of Ireland and it is destined, as I very confidently believe, to win or force a way, by its own weight, soundness, and conformity to the realities of the situation, into the minds of the constituencies of Great Britain. The policy of the Government is to create in Ireland a separate legislative body, with large powers, and a separate executive, with real re- sponsibilities to the people of Ireland. This is the principle of the bill which has been rejected, and on this principle I desire to take my stand. "Soma insist on withdrawing all share in tbe administration of justice from the Irish executive, as if on those term? any executive in the world could be effectually responsible for peace or order. Others plead that all bills of the Irish assembly should be revised at Westminster, as if the assembly could have any heart in work that would be 1 revised by the House of Lords, where there was not a single represen- tative of the National party. So ib is with other criticisms and proposals made in the same temper. They all tend, as they are deliberately designed, to diminish the self. reliance and self-respect and the just power and authority of the new Irish Government. They are, in so far, fatal to all chances of success for the great constitutionnl enterprise on which the population of Ireland must now, at no long in- terval of time, embark. "The crying need of Ireland is a strong Government, and no Government will bo strong which is not national in the first place, which is not responsible for the conse- quences of its action in the second, and which is not able to exercise a large and liberal measure of real power in the third. I have no faith in doing good to Ireland by giving her sham legislation and a. puppet executive. If that is to be all we shall do, better to leave things as they arc. I appeal to you with confidence. We propose an honest constitutional settlemant of a long and disastrous quarrel. I believe you will appreciate the wise courage of a leader who has not flinched from his great task, and that your voicf will be given in favour of the only policy which is adequate to the magnitude of evils that have now become intolerable both to Ireland and Great Britain. "I air, your very faithful servant, "June 21st, 1886."

MR CHILDERS' ADDRESS. r Mr Childers,in his address to the electors of the Southern Division of Edinburgh, says :—" Gen- tlemen,—Her Majesty having been advised to dissolve the present Parliament, I respectfully submit a renewal of the confidence which you placed in me at the election in January last. During the month that preceded that election I addressed you at a series of public meetings, and I declared and explained to you my views on all the important questions of the day. To those declarations I adhere without qualification. The cause of the approaching dissolution is the defeat of her Majesty's Government on their Irish policy. Tbe legislative proposals which we made are at an end, but if you return me to Parliament I shall support there, to the best of my power, the policy for establishing in Ireland an elective legislative body empowered to deal with purely local matters of legislation and administration, while all imperial ques- tions should b3 reserved for the Im- perial Parliament, continuing representatives from Great Britain and Ireland. Hut although desirous to grant to Ireland the fullest authority in respect of strictly Irish affairs, I could consent to no plan for a divisiou of powers between the Irish legislature and the Imperial Parliament inconsistent with the supremacy of the latter, or with the unity of the empire. I have the honour to be, gentlemen, your most faithful servant, HOSH C. E. CHILDERS."

SPEECHES BY PUBLIC MEN- MR. CHAMBERLAIN. "v V- Mr Chamberlain addressed his constituents on Saturday night in the Town-hall, Birmingham. He said at the time he took office he told Mr Glad- stone exactly what his opinions were upon the Irish question—that he did not believe it would be possible to establish a Parliament in Dublin and at the same time to maintain the conditions Mr Gladstone had himself laid down as necessary and essential. Quoting from his address issued after accepting office last February, he claimed that he stood now upon the same platform in regard to the Irish question as ho did at that time. If he bad consulted his personal ambition he would have remained in the Cabinet, but he objected to the Home Rule Bill because he considered the conditions Mr Gladstone had affixed to any measure of the kind were not fulfilled, and therefore he resigned office. He argued that it was perfectly evident that the idea of a separate Parliament for Ireland had only entered Mr Gladstone's mind within the past few months, and until then it had not suggested itself to one in a thousand of ordinary Liberals. If it was intended that the Irish should manage their own affairs, why should we attempt to settle the land question independently of their views, and why sllould we refuse them the right to establish their own re- ligion, and to put restrictions upon their authority in matters of trade and navigation, excise, taxation, and education ? If the Home Rule Bill should pass, the Land Bill would surely follow, though at present it was kept in the background. If the real supremacy of Parliament was maintained, all provisions for the protection of the minority must be dispensed with. While his objection to the Home Rule Bill was qualified, his objection to the Land Purchase Bill was absolute. A resolution approv- ing Mr Chamberlains candidature was carried with only about a hundred dissentients. MR MORLEY. Mr John Morley, acknowledging a. vote of confidence in the Government at a Liberal demonstration held in St. George's Hall, Brad- ford, on Saturday night, said he was happy to call on them on his way to Newcastle to say a few words of encouragement in what he believed to be a winning battle. Unless the Irish people were granted a Parliament in Dublin to deal with their own affairs,the English Parliament would have to resort to coercion. Lord Salisbury denied at Leeds that he had advocated coercion except against murderers, burglars, and mutilators of cattle, but why, then, did he say that he would repeal those repressive laws at the end of 20 years ? Liberal seceders would find that if they prevented the Govern- ment from dealing with the Irish question, Lord Salisbury would go to the root of the matter and settle it once for all, and no one could blame him. The Irish people would not accept a lesser boon than had been offered them by Mr Gladstone, who had produced a plan that Irish statesmen were willing to accept and work. The Prime Minister, through his having sympathy with the Irish people, was the oaly man to settle the Irish question,

SUPPOSE D MXFUDER BY A SISTER. An extraordinary affair has been brought to hgnt at Cork. The victim is a young man named Brophy, and the accused his own sister, both parties being very young. It appears the brother and sister resided in the north part of the city, and yesterday morning the police were informed by the sister that her brother was lying injured in the house, and appeared to have been ill-treated. The police discovered a shocking spectacle. On entering the house they saw a man apparently quite naked lying in a pool of blood his head and body were deeply scarred with wounds, and he lay unconscious. He was removed to the North Infirmary, and it was found on examination tha.t the patient had fourteen wounds inflicted apparently with a knife. On weed soveral deep gashes, and1 the tongue even was slashed. A blood-stained knifd was found on the premises, and there appeared to be evidence of a struggle. The sister could give no clear account of the affair, and the police think that she must have attacked her unfortunate brother, who was somewhat younger than she, while be was lying in bed, and inflicted these desperate wounds. For some days previous to Friday both had been quarrelling. The sister was brought before the magistrates on Saturday and remanded. On Sun- day morning the injured man, for whom no hopes whatever had been entertained, died in the hospital.

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MUSIC AND THE DRAMA. [SPECIALLY CONTRIBUTED.] i, Among the many things we owe to the Franc" stage is the education of the English playgo"1* public in matters which, even ten years s8' would have been considered too shocking to d thought of, to say nothing of their being discu^4 or acted in puhlic. It is only five years since t DamelauxjCamelias" was licensed for an Enp:1 theatre and that was thought to be the no piLI ultra of French naughtiness. We have P1"' ti grossed, however, since then; we have bee" formed, during the interval, in pretty much the hi same way, and to pietty much" the sam' fi extent, as the schoolboy who, from having flirtation with his mother's housemaid, plunges lUtO h the dissipations of a life about town. Hew f.r h we have yet to go it is hard to say, but, frankV .j speaking, unless we are to share the illicit d** lights of the Shelley Society and study the theory and practice of unnatural crime,we have not mud1 S] to learn after Denise," which has been recently y produced at Her Majesty's. As it was tb* younger Dumas who began our erotic educatiolh p so it is he who is destined to finish it and frolll J the fact that large audiences have been flocking 11 to Her Majestj's to bear Madame Jane HadinS ft and the Gymnase Company expound the newes* | theory as to the relation of the sexes, the finish- b ing process appears to be a rapid and an -extensiv^ j t one. The plot is in itself extraordinary, for it f v simply a record of liaison, vice and miser?' j —it is quite nauseous even to thosl accustomed to French novel-reading, and yet her* J we find it staged iu Her Majesty's Theatre, witl1 a general invitation to the British public to cono* » and enjoy itself at so much a head. | theory of domestic relations completely obviate' the necessity for a divorce court, or at least r«" duces it to a subsidiary position. If any undesif' able female eacumbrances exist, he will marrf them straight off to oblige the desperate hero.. i The lesson of the play is revolting, and its on\1 value is that it affords Madame Jane HadiU* the opportunity of achieving a veritable triumph in the part of Denise. The skull of Ninon de l'Enclos, the most beauti- ful woman of her time, is announced for exbibi* as a ghastly advertisement of an American comic opera company, who play in a piece entitled "Ninon." Tha manager is to pay something lika 2,000 dollars to a Parisian tradesman for tt" occipital remains of the fair Ninon, who one' brought the whole of France grovelling at bet feet. It is hard to see whereabouts the funof business will come in with poor dead Ninon'* skull, and we doubt that even in America thert exists such a depraved taste as would be alone able to derive pleasure or gratification from the sight. How unkind our dearest friends are, to be when our backs are turned. Here is Mr H.$• Dixey, the worshipped of New York, hardly with his foot on English soil before a. spiteful America# journalist writes as follows:—"Adonis Dixey, at his farewell banquet, assured his hearers that hfl would be back in four months. Otherwise tM afair passed off very pleasantly." The italics are ours. According to a paragraph in a recent issue of The C&rniskman, Mr Henry Irving's first school' mistress has just died. at the age of 74, at Hales' town, near St. Ives. Cornwall. The lady's nam* was Miss Betsy Penbertby, and she claimed t" have taucrhtMr Henry Irving, or rather "Mastet Johnny Brodribb," his alphabet. The old lady was naturally very proud of her former pupil, and was in the habit of stating that whenever 1\11' Irving was within a drive of Halestown he would pay her a visit; and would introduce bet to any friends with him as my old school' mistre?s." The same paper states that it was at the Bible Christian Chapel, Halestown, that Mt Irving gave his first recitation in public." A good story of Miss Mary Anderson corns* from America. While she was rehearsing the part of Juliet, an eminent physician, an intimatj friend, was present. The performance delights" him till towards the conclusion of the play, whefl his countenance wore a troubled expression- When it was over he went up to the actress- My desar young lady," he said, you are wroolt in one of your effects. Don't you know that corpse doesn't stiffen for at least six hours IIoftet death?" "My dear doctor," responded Maty slowly, speaking in deep, rich tones, and adoptir-2 a strong American twang, "do you think I'l" going to keep my audience waiting for six houri while I stiffen ? An American paper says :—" Messrs Gilbert and Sullivan's next opera is to be called "Tl>9 Khedive." The scene is naturally laid in th« dominions of his Highness the Viceroy of EgyP*1' and there will be a splendid and fascinating semblage of odalisques. If it is ready in tim01 the intention is to produce it in America at Fifth-Avenue Theatre in New York abouj November 1st." Considering that Mr Gilbef{ rarely names his operas till the last moment, tbli information must be accepted with a certai" amount of reseA-e. The New York Spirit of the Times, in a recei}' issue, throws a strong light upon drama critics" as the genus flourishes in London. Th* only chance of success for any play," says toll Times, is to have it written, or at any r:tt8 revised by one of the ring which controls tb8 stage and the dramatic press. The and critics of London form a close corporation which has existed for many years, and which I)" foreigner can break through without a fortune ot a fight. The members of this corporation pl»!j into each other's hands, and exchauge, 110 hard cash, perhaps, but its equivalent. For example,!A is the critic of a daily paper and » is the editor of a weekly paper. B writes buf lesqnes, which are duly puffed by A, and A lt engaged as a. regular contributor upon B'.s period cal. Or C has a magazine and D is a dramatist* Then D pays liberally to have his portrait biography published in C's magazine, arid C if firmly convinced that D's plays are the best of their kind. Or E is a dramatic critic and F is-a constructor of popular melodramas. Then ? takes E into partnership, employs him to wriW dialogue and gives him a. small share of the profits, while E devotes columns to the praises of F as a popular playwright. All this may not actual bribery, but it is much worse; it is a fraud upon the public, upon the profession, and upon journalism. We once unearthed a clerk in one of the Government departments in London, found that he was domg the dramatic,' as it waS called, in five different papers, under signatures, taking opposite views, as ft suited his interest, and Contradicting himself without scruple." AU this is very well, and PERHAPS partly true, but has the slashing of Dixey'^ Adonis any thing to do with tbe discovery of this fearful system of terrorism?

NEWPORT COUNTY COURT. SATURDAY.—(Before His Honour, Judge Owen.) THE EMPLOTERS' LIABILITY ACT.-His Honour gave judgment in the case heard on the preceding day in which a labourer named Chapman, work- ing for Mr Godfrey, contractor for the giaviflg dock at the Newport Slipway I premises, sued his late employer for £50 [oJ! personal injuries. The judge held that it had not been made out that Parnell, tho sawyer who gave the order which caused the accident was person in authority, and decided that the trolly was a suitable and proper one to be used for such work. Judgment was accordingly given fat defendant, but no order was made as to cost?. ADMIBALTI ACTION. — Williams and Son v. Thomas Cox.—The plaintiffs, who are boat I builders and steamtug owners, of Newport, sought to recover JB160 from the defendant, owner of the steamtug Isca, and a licensed pilot of Newport. Mr Downing, of Cardiff, was for the plaintiff, and Mr Abel Thomas (instructed by Mr G. H. Llewellyn), for the defendant.—The cae<J had already been before the court in another form. The plaintiffs' agent engaged the Isca to moV8 their brigantine, the Mary, from the Bangor Wharf to the Great Western Wharf. The lsea attempted to draw the Mary astern, and a bridl. rope was put on, with the result that when neat the Corporation Pill, the bridle having been let go, the vessel went stern first into the Pill. The water was flowing up at the rate of about four knots per hour. The captain of the Mary directed the tug to steer across the stream in order to draw her out, but in attempting to do this, both tug and tow were carried up the river, and the brIgantme collided with the buttresses of Newport Bridge, and sustained damage whicil had been assessed at £160. The owners of the Mary sued the plaintiffs, and recovered tha amount from them, and these in their turn now proceeded against the owner of the Isca. Aftei hearing arguments, his Honour gave judgment fo. plaintiffs, with the usual reference to the registrar to assess damages. Mr Thomas intimated that an appeal would be taken from his Honour'f decision, and asked that the reference might bs allowed to stand over until the appeal was decided in order to avoid expense. Mr Downing said that the Isca was now under arrest, and that the expenses were increasing every day. He was;; however, willing to ineet the other side if he possibly could. His Honour said it was a matter for agreement. He could not interfere. RECKLESS TRADING AT CWMBRAN. — Albert Hes, shoemaker, Cwmbran, came up to obtain his order of discharge. — His Honour (to the Official Receiver): This is rather a serious finding Ot yours. The debtor kept no books except a ledger he continued business during three years, the business not paying during that time and he obtained goods on credit without any possibility of paying. Three offences hav<r thus been committed, all of a serious nature, and °Tu**™Tai} discharge at once. DISPUTE BETWEEN PARTNERS AT NEWPORT.— Mr Bailhache applied, on behalf of the trustee to the estate of Job Thomas, marble stone merchant, Rodney Wharf, New- port Bridge, for an order compelling the restitu- tion of £50 worth of grates, mantelpieces, and other articles. Shortly before the 11th of March last, the debtor, who up to that tinv; had been in partnership with George Wynter Jones, dissolved that association, agreeing to pa.y Jones £100. Half of this was to be paid by an accep. tance, and the other moiety by goods from the show-room, selected 'and priced beforehand. This deed was executed on the 11th of March. The acceptance was given, but the debtor resorted to evasion (so Jones in his evidence asserted) when asked that the selection of goods should be made. Jones accordingly, on the 19th March, removed the goods to the private part of the house occupied by him, and gave the debtor notice oi what he had done.—Mr Bailhache cross-examined Jones to prove that he took possession two hours after the filing of the petition oil the 23rd of March. —* His Honour adjourned the motion until next court that Mr DOl vult barrister, who was for respondent, might consider the new point which had been raised, aud which Mr Bailhache declined to waive.

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