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LITERATURE. .

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LITERATURE. MR. JENKINS'S NEW WORK. OBD BANTAM. By the author of Ginks' Latn," London: Strahan it Co., Lu Ufnte-kill. This is a very clever, and occasionally rather malicious, satire on the politics and the politicians of our time. Yet in the main the author's arrows are launched fairly and hit the right mark. If he is severe upon the "Prigs" and their belief in their right divine to govern the nation upon the young ladies who talk with unabashed fluency to young gentlemen about the Outrageous Diseases Act upon the "Eclectic" religionists who "attempt to organise human ignorance into a system;" upon the great Whig—we beg pardon, "Prig"—nohleman who having an income of JE700,000 a year, gets endless praise for his munificence in giving £ 10,000 to a relief fund, who shall say that the severity is not deserved ? Most of all is the just satire with which it describes the Prigs out of office, burn- ing to return thither, and who, seeing no chance of doing so while the Fogies continue passing somewhat dull but use- ful measures, go in for an ecclesiastical revolution, and with sundry twinges of conscience proceed to unmake a Church in order to make a Cabinet. The book ia perhaps hardly so forceful as the author's earlier work. But there are many happy passages in it, many brilliant epigrams while some of the scenes, notably the election contest at Woodbury, are exceedingly life-like. It would not be difficult to find the originals of most of the characters in this tale. But in the portrait some details are altered. Still the likeness of the hero to the son of a certain Whig ex-Premier is so close as to be unmistakeable. The readers will place other names at the foot of other portraits without help from us. And now for a sketch of the tale. Earl Ffowlesmere is a great Whig nobleman, the leader of his party in the Lords, the owner of prodigious estates, London squares, Scotch moors, Midland mines. His elder son goes to the University and the dogs, and comes to a very tragical end. The younger son, born eighteen years after, with no child between, thus becomes Lord Bantam. Very cleverly is the story of his birth told. Next to being born the most important incident in baby annals is being vaccinated. The incidents thereof are recorded in Lady FfoTvlesmere's diary. "I've had a most terrible frisrht. The person, Mr. Benew brought to the castle the other day, with her child, to vaccinate Albert from, was recognised by some of the servants, and it turns out that she is the wife of that shoemaker Broadbent, who is an infidet Chartist the plague of the tovm. He is repeatedly addressing meetings and getting up opposition to us at elections, and has insulted the vicar by calling him an t-d< siastical speaking-trumpet.' I was most indignant that such shoi-king blood should be transferred to poor little Albert, and sent for Mr. Bellew immediately. He had noti.inqr to say for himself, except that it was the healthiest child in the neighbourhood! I told him he ought to have Vnown that though we were free in our politics, we hated such vulcrar and seditious wretches; and It was an everlasting disgrace to us to have their brand on a scion of our house. The Earl gave him a cheque, and he is never to enter the castle again. I have sent to town for Mr. Burton to come and see him. I shall be in terror now, lest the child has been inoculated with some low Red opinions. The Earl says he is not likely, with the property he will get, to practise them, even if they are in his blood; but I have the utmost horror of extremists." The Earl having had enough of public schools (his eldest eon had gone to Winton ") selects a private tutor, a Mr. Kelso, who had intended to enter the Ministry of the Scotch Kirk, but was too liberal minded for the country- men of John Knox. This tutor, a man of vast reading, inculcates his opinions into the mind of his pupil, who accepts them, but not having rooted them by study he soon begins to sow political and theological wild oats. At the University he is noted for his eccentric opinions, and as they are expressed with much fluency at the Union, he receives the nickname of "the Crowing Bantam." He joins the Essenes, a society whose members "combina the self-conceit of the Pharisees with the scepticism of the Sadducees." The head of it is the Rev. Shadrach Ventom, whose father had been a Dissenting minister. The son had cast aside the paternal peculiarities, accepted every test, and had even entered Holy Orders without be- lieving a single dogma of the Church. The Essenes "made the loudest professions of Catholicity. They took an ostentatious interest in lower-class propagandism. Their humanity was extravagant. Their sentimental protests against evil and wrong were even exaggerated. Their breadth was enormous. They professed to find in Quakerism symptoms of the philosophic basis of practical religionviewed in Methodism some aspects of the highest evidence of an emotional spiritualism and studied Mormonism in its phenomena of 'an abnormal develop- ment of one of the divine ideas.' In their researches among these peculiar phages of fetishism they also included in- vestigations into the Unnatural outbreaks of human en- thusiasm, whereof a work of some notoriety, entitlel Hypt.- Transcen,lent Spouses,' was a fitting text-book. They were Athenian in their readiness to hear every new thing—but their credulity was reserved for negatives." Lord Bantam's political associates are worthy of his religious. He joins the Radish Club, a very advanced association indeed :— # Between these two associations, Lord Bantam's prin- cipies and politics assumed an aTanning shane. He began to astonish his tutors bv his political contortions and the breadth of his disbelief but throwing over faith is not throwing over credulity. In fact, he became a conspicu- ous instance of that increasingly common paradox-a. credulous believer in anything that is unbelief." After an extensive foreign tour with his parents, Lord Bantam returns to England, and preparations are made for celebrating his majority. At first the young heir will not hear of this, his Radicalism revolting at anything so feudal and foolish. But at last he submits with a bad grace. There is a very amusing scene, in which Broad- bent, the Chartist, presents an address to the young lord, worthy of the International. Lord Bantam not only receives it, but makes a speech, in which he endorses much of Broadbent's programme, to the horror of the Countess, his mother. Then he determines to go into Parliament: but instead of taking one of the manv family seats which are to be had at any moment, he datar- mii'es\o stand in the "popular interest, for a borough in which he has no influence. About one-fifth of the b .ok is occupied with the narrative of Lord Bantam's first experience of electioneering. Mr. Jenkins evidently remembering Truro, cannot forbear a hit at the Liberal whips who have muddled the elections so grievously of late. After describing the savage comments of the newspapers, he adds— ''Amidst all these objurgations it was omitted to be observed that the object of a party organisation and a parliamentary whip was to prevent such occurrences. Whether a little more tactical skill at headquarters might not have secured a victory for the party at the expense of a disappointment to the Government was not asked, though a most pertinent question." Of course, Lord Bantam did not long want for a seat. He took one of the family boroughs, and soon brought despair to the hearts of whips by his erratic conduct. The Prigs had been for a time waiting in the cold shade of opposition. Mr. Sardonius and the Fogies were passing some useful measures, when a certain Scotch member, weary of banishment from the Treasury Bench, suggested to the leader of the Opposition tha.t the time was come to g ,t back into office, and to that end the Bishops must be sacrificed. Mr. Jenkins then describes with something of malice a supposed intrigue between Sir Dudley Wright- mwipndthe Irish Cardinal, resulting in a motion for put- ting down the Bishops. Thereupon Lord Bantam, to the h uror of his father and all the other Prigs, denounces with vehemence the men who evoke religious and political a timosities at a time when a programme of social reform still lies unatte-.npted before the country. He asks, Is it of greater importance that the lives of a hundred thousand persons a year more or less should be lo t from ueglect of sanitary legislation, the regulation of m'nes, or the better inspection of factories, than that an eo -leMastical system sh uld be made more systematically pe: feet or more conSOIl:1.ut with theoretical freedom by deposing a score of bishops?" In spite of appeal and warning Sir Dudley Wrightman's motion is carried, and, a lis the biographer of Lord Bantam :— Meanwhile colliery explosions continued to blow their scores at a time of human machines into cinders, leaving an!,le families to test the charity of the ratepayers; big brewers or distillers and little publicans continued to fatten o t the blown corpses of the prey they pursued with unre- stricted licence men and women perished in filth and eiutivia carefully maintained for the purpose of assisting their exit from a world of rates and taxes by thoughtful guardians of the poor; an epidemic, sweeping over the (Vmtinent, waved its black flag across the Channel towards t'le hopeful fields where no legislation and the principles of Magna Charta combined to invite its attacks and the navy, the guardian of the honour and existence of free England, was left to be reformed in the face of the c enemy. Before this Lord Bantam had made the acquaintance of the Eclectics. How he presided at one of their meetings; how the ladies spoke out boldly on sexual sub- jects how Lord Bantam at first hung his head, u-i-il he got used to it, and saw that there was no use in being ashamed for the ladies" who had no shame for themselves how he embraced their religion or no religion and attended its services in St. George's Hall, Langham-place; how he married one of the high priestesses of Eclecticism who had advocated French pro- cesses for the limitation of offspring, but abandoned the theory after having twins—all this is very admirably told. There is yet one more scene. Lord Bantam is persuaded bv his old Chartist friend, Broadbent, to join the Inter- national, here called the Social Anti-Climax League. Soon afterwards the Earl dies, and Lord Bantam succeeds to the Fowlesmere title and estates, the latter having in- creased in value by two millions sterling under the deceased nobleman's very careful management. The golden age is now at hand. Citizen Albert Augustus. &c., &c., commonly called Earl Fowlesmere," is looking over his accounts at Shufflestraw Castle, when a menial announces to him that Broadbent, and a band of Char- tists are approaching to speak to him. The new earl sends for the police, then steps out, and meets the deputa- tion. Broadbent reminds the young nobleman of his adheswnce to the programme of the Social Anti-Climax League, and asks him now to put its principles in force. "We are prepared to follow you to the death," says Mr. Broadbent. '"No Mr. Broadbent and my good friends, I—I—have lately had to reconsider with some care the subject of your address, and—in fact, gentlemen—I have changed my mind. So ends the story of Lord Bantam. He is left like Byron's George III., practising the Hundredth Psalm; while as for Broadbent, he no doubt retires muttering the 146th Psalm, and the third verse. THE COBDEN CLUB ESSAYS. COBDEN CLUB ESSAYS, Second Series, 1871-2. TLotulon Cassell, Petter and Galpin, Ludgate Hill. THK Cobden Club once again renders goed service by giving to the nation a series of able essays on various questions of national importance which are gradually working their way to the front, and which must at no distant date be taken in hand by the Legislature. Last year the Club published a most valuable work describ- ing the land systems which prevail throughout the dif- ferent nations of the world, and now with the new year, they have brought out another volume which deals with a greater variety of subjects, but one which is equally notable for the able and exhaustive manner in which the writers have treated their subjects. Though the whole of the contributions may be said to possess an international interest, yet they are nearly all of more immediate importance to England, and at least four of them will inevitably perpetuate our system of Party Government. For whatever certain oracles may say about the policy of the Liberal party being used-up, and as to the advent of a political millenium in which Tory and Liberal, Constitutionalist and Radical shall work har- moniously together in a new sphere of social reform, every astute politican must see that on such questions as the improvement of our landed system, the reform of the national finances, and the relations of capital to labour—not to mention many equally necessary re- forms—there will be the same clear distinction between the aims of the party of progress and the party of inac- tion, and the same incessant struggles for ascendancy, in which the Liberal party will doubtless suffer occa- sional reverses, but will inevitably prove victorious il.1 the end. The four articles in this somewhat imposing volume of 550 pages which will be read with most interest by our readers are those on The Law and Custom of Pri- mogeniture," by the Hon. George C. Brodrick; The Present Aspect of the Land Question," by Mr. William Fowler, M.P. Financial Reform," by Mr. T. E. Clift'e Leslie; and "Trades Unions, and the Relations of Capital and Labour," by Mr. Joseph Gostick. Besides these, there is a most able and exhaustive article On the Causes of War and the Means of Reducing their Number," by M. Emile de Laveleye, whose reputation as a publicist is as high in this country as it is on the Continent. Herr Julius Faucher, of Berlin, writes on A New Commercial Treaty between Great Britain and Germany," and as he was one of the earliest and most zealous of the Continental Free-Traders who entered into communication with Mr. Cobden, and by a long residence in England has obtained an unusual insight into our economic and fiscal condition, his essay is of peculiar interest at the present time, as showing the importance which German economists attach to treaties of commerce in the prosecution of the Free Trade policy, and the anxiety with which they still look to England for co-operation and sympathy. Mr. John Prince Smith, though best known as a member of the German Parlia- ment, a leader of the Free Trade party in Germany, and one of its most eminent economists, is by family and birth an Englishman, and he has, in his contribu- tion on The English Coinage Question," rendered to his native country the service of addressing himself to a question which is not only one of great international interest, but also one of special practical concern to England. Mr. James E. Thorold Rogers, the well- known Oxford professor, contributes a paper on the "Colonial Question," and Mr. David A. Wells, of the United States, who is known throughout Europe as one of the ablest living financiers, writes on The Recent Financial, Industrial, and Commercial Experiences of the United States," and it is so curious a chapter of politico-economic history, that it will be strange if the essay does not take a permanent place in economic history. Lastly, but not least, the Commercial Policy of France and the Treaty with England of 18GO," which was issued some time since by the Cobdeu Club as a pamphlet, and noticed in these columns, is republished as an appendix to the present volume—and very appro- priately so, for it contains so much statistical and other information relative to the advantages of the Treaty, that it cannot but prove very useful during the discus- sions which will soon arise upon that question. It is impossible, with the space at our disposal, to notice even briefly the various subjests which are dis- cussed in the volume, and we therefore content our- selves with a cursory reference to those of most interest to our readers. The articles of more immediate im- portance are two closely allied to each other—viz., those on the Law of Primogeniture and the Land Ques- tion. The first thing which strikes the reader of both of these essays is the singular spirit of fairness and moderation with which both writers treat the arguments of their opponents—a characteristic which is more or less observable in all the contributions. As our readers are aware, the present Government has already pro- mised, as one of the reforms of the immediate future, that primogeniture shall cease so far as the law is con- cerned, by the enactment of a provision that in all cases of intestancy landed property shall be divided on the same principle as that which is adopted in the case of personal property. This is so rational and ap- parently so small a reform that the opponents of the change frequently taunt its supporters with its insigni- ficance, and state that it will make no appreciable difference in our landed system. We admit that the change will not of itself produce the great results which some of its advocates promise, but what we do see is that the abolition of primogeniture will be the first and most important step which can be taken towards break- ing down the iniquitous system which enables the whole landed property of the country to be completely controlled by an infinitesimal section of the nation. This is clearly demonstrated by Mr. Broderick, who shows that the evils attributable to the law of primogeniture are so hound up with the existing system of entail and set- tlement, that the removal of one stake will go a great way towards a general loosening of the whole barrier. Of course Mr. Broderick advocates the abolition of the system of entail and settlement, and his proposal amounts to the very simple and unrevolutionary expe- dient of abolishing all kinds of ownership except owner- ship in fee simqle, with all customary and copyhold tenures, and by imposing restrictions on the length of leases. Such an enactment would at once give the whole land of the nation into the actual possession of its living owners to be disposed of as they pleased, and we need not go far from Cardiff to learn how useful and important such a provision would prove both to the landowners themselves and to the general community. The same conclusion is come to by Mr. Fowler in his "Essay on the aspects of the Land Question," when he says:— What we need is real freedom--freedom of sale, free- dom of exchange, freedom of transfer in all respects, freedom of testation, and for this purpose the prohibition of all those trammels which the system of settlements and entails has created. Given this freedom, we, on the other hand, do not require any other interference by the State, but the owners and occupiers of land may be left to settle their own affairs in their own way for their own advantage, and the greatest good of the people at large. In order to make this freedom complete, we must unlock the stores which the law of mortmain has kept, as it were, hidden, without benefit to the owners or the public, and for this purpose insist on the gradual sale of the estates of Corporations, so that the magic of property" may be brought to bear upon them, and that they also may be freed from the burden of perpetuity." Mr. T. E. Cliffe Leslie's essay on Financial Re- form" is, undoubtedly, one of the most argumentative and logical articles in the volume, and it sets forth very lucidly the whole case upon Customs and Excise duties v. Direct Taxation. He has, of course, no diffi- culty in showing the oppressive and cumbrous nature of all duties, nor of convicting our system of indirect taxation of putting many serious restrictions on our in- dustrial and commercial development, and of collecting revenue in the most costly way. But he is less success- ful when he comes to deal with the way in. which in- direct taxation is to be supplanted. One of his sugges- tions is there should be a shilling income-tax, which he calculates would produce £20,000,000 a year if it were applied somewhat lower in the social rule than at present—making employers responsible for the deduction of the tax on the wages of their labourers and servants. Though such an arrangement ould at once give us the free breakfast table" advocated by Mr. Bright, it is impossible to dejiy that a shilling tax is altogether out of the question while the present un- equal system of assessment is in vogue—a system which is so uneven in its application that notwith- standing the general prosperity and a 4d. income tax, there were universal complaints during the past year, not only in this neighbourhood but generally through- out the kingdom. When we have attained to a condi- tion in which the direct portion of the national taxation is levied in a scientific instead of a rough and ready way, it will be quite time enough to adopt the shil- ling income-tax. Mr. Leslie supports the Chancellor of the Exchequer in his proposal last year to increase the succession duties, and thinks that by such an in- crease, combined a proper application of the succes- sion duties to land, with a revenue of ,tl0,000,OOO per year might be permanently reckoned on. It will be remembered that the great flaw in Mr. Lowe's proposal was that he proposed to double the succession duties in the case of the immediate relatives—so that it would have proved especially burdensome to the widows and children of limited means—while he left the more dis- tant connections of the testator alone. Mr. Leslie, on the other hand, would double the duties along the whole of the present scale, which is a much more statesmanlike proposal, though, in our opinion, it should includc exemption of widows and children from paying more than the present one per cent. Neverthe- ) less, we fully believe with Mr. Leslie, that however faint may be the indications of the hour it might be foretold that we are advancing towards a period of great) financial reforms and we think think that these re- forms will be, as Mr. Cobden predicted in one of his speeches on Parliamentary reform, in the direction of the substitution of direct taxation for duties of Customs and Excise. Space forbids us to refer to any of the other articles in this most interesting and instructive work, a perusal of which we most warmly recommend to all who take an interest in political economy. NAUTICAL MAGAZINE (London Simpkin, Marthal and Co.) Amid the many publications professedly repre- senting particular interests or classes, there are few de- voted entirely to one of the most important branches of our industrial or commercial pursuits, namely, that of the maritime or mercantile marine section of our nation. The amount of capital invested in ships—the profound skill and science required to manoeuvre them, I and the daring displayed in the constant contest with the elements in working these vessels, surely require, in this literary age, ready pens and willing minds to do such a noble theme justice, by a more extended repre- sentation before an impartial public, and by communi- cating to the members of the mercantile marine them- selves valuable information regarding their noble profes- sion, which may make them more proud of it, more safe in the exercise of it, and happier in its pursuits. We are in- duced to make these remarks by the receipt cf the Jan. number of the Nautical Magazine. A perusal of its pages has given us the impression that a period is dawning on the seafaring world which has never yet been opened up. The pages of this periodical are full of matter, mostly of a scientific and professional caste, but which indicates to our minds that the calling of the sailors is no longer to be a simple matter of reefing and steering and sailing and working along by dead reckoning." The article, for instance, upon Correct- ing the Sun's Declination," is one which every ambi- tious master mariner, anxious t@ make himself ac- quainted with all the best modes of navigating, would be delighted with. It is a sort of guarantee of the promise that in future numbers there will be substan- tial and scientific catering to the appetite of those men who like to lay up sach stores for long voyages. There are also able articles, of a more commercial bearing, such as are upon Steam Shipbuilding in 1871"—another upon The Future of the Suez Canal." A racy morceau entitled The Highway" gives us a spice of lighter fare dealing, as it does, with the pecca- dilloes of the sailor when ashore on his beam ends" in the thoroughfare Yclept—" Ratcliffe." The Retro- spect for 1871" is especially useful to persons who are interested in Mercantile Marine officers, and analogous subjects. So are papers on Health of the Navy," Lifeboat Services," &c. All of these have close rela- tionship to nautical affairs, and of course thereby com- mend themselves to seafaring men. A great effort, we understand, will be made this year to improve the magazine and render it more and more worthy of its title. A supply of "fresh blood" has been poured into the ar- terial system of the editorial department, in the shape of assistance from a well-known and able official of the Board of Trade, who will, from the special knowledge attained in his position, be able to keep this periodical well informed upon any and all official matters con- nected with the shipping interest, over which that department of the Government have a special surveil- lance. We have confidence in commending, in such a large shipping port as Cardiff, one of the few but able publications devoted to nautical and maritime subjects.

CARDIFF SAVINGS BANK.

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THE TESTIMONIAL TO THE REV.…

CANTON LOCAL BOARD.

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THE COAL AND IRON EXPORTS.

Setters to tbe (fotitur. ■i…

THE LONDON MARKETS.

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