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UNIVERSITY COLLEGE OF WALES.

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UNIVERSITY COLLEGE OF WALES. MR. A. C. HUMPHREYS-OWEN OX LORD BE AC0NSFI KLD'S NOVELS-CONTNGSBY. SYBIL, AND TANCRED. Last Friday evening Mr A. C, Humpheys-Owen, Glansevern, delivered a lecture before the Debating Society of the University College of Wales, Mr Marshall presiding, supported by the Pev T. C. Edwards, M.A., the principal. There was a large attendance of the college staff, students and their frieu la. The lecture (of which we heard accidentally) was much t(,o rapidly utteivd to be fully compre- hended, and all of it could not he heard beyond the second row of seats. After a brief introduction, Mr Humphreys-Owen said-I am never tired of novel reading, and I am not adverse to dabbling now and then in politics, hut I make it a condition that my novels shall be good, and my polities, as tar as may oe. at first hand. I did not think that the conditions could be better fulfilled than by the best novels of the n,o.;¡t brilliant English politician of the present century—Lord Beaconsfield. (Applause.) I spoke a few minutes ago of this evening's talk. I used the expression advisedly. I make no pretensian of writing an elaborate literary criticism of the novelist. I know my place before a College audience far too well and if I am honoured by the attention of any Dames of the Primrose League they need not dread e"en a whisper of partisan politics. (Laughter and cheers.) All I hope to do is to have a chat about the books and their aathor quite as desultory and almost as fragmentary as if we were sitting together over the walnuts and the wine. (Hear, hear.) A story with a purpose is usualiy the quintessence of dulness. The tale itself is stale or improbable, the style something between that of a bad sermon and a child's story book. Yet in apite of long sketches and didactic discussion, and although we are scarcely for a moment allowed to forget that he wishes to impress his ideas upou us rather than tell vis his story Lord Beaconstield never Be'etiiS to me dull. Paradoxical he may be or even obscure sometimes, but wearsome, never. What is the secret ? I think it is partly his complete knowledge of the life which he mainly aims at depicting—that of English politicians of both sexes—but chiefly his vivacity. Here is a little specimen. He is Describing a dinner party after a party skirmish- The guests had scarcely seated themselves when the two absent ones arrived. 'Well, you did not divide, Vavasour,' said Lord Henry. 'Did I not ?' said Vavasour, 'and nearly beat the Government. You are a pretty fellow 'I was paired.' 'With someone who could not stay,' said Vavasour. Your brother, Mrs Coningsby, behaved like a man, sacrificed his dinner, and made a capital speech.' 'Qh Oswald, did he speak ? Did you speak, Harry ?' 'No I voted. There was too much speaking as it was. If Vavasour had not replied, I believe we should have won.' 'But then, my dear fellow, think of my points, think how they laid themselves open 'A majority is always the best repartee,' said Coningsby.' (Laughter.) After giving, to be quite impartial, extracts giving a description of Liberal wirepullers of a rotten borough in search of a candidate, and as a pendant, reflections of some young Conservatives after a-successful contest, the lecturer quoted a bit of sprightly jesting at the expense of the Darwinians- After making herself very agreeable, Lady Constance took up a book which was at hand, and said, Do you know this ?' And Tancred, opening a volume which he had never seen, and then turning to its little page, found it was The Revelations of Chaos,' [Vestiges of Creation] a startling work just published, and of which a rumour had reached him. 'No,' he replied, 'I have not seen it.' I will lend it you it you like. It is one of those books on& must read. It explains everything, and it is written in a very agreeable style.' 'It explains everything! said Tancred, it must, indeed, be a very remarkable book 'I think it will just suit you,' said Lady Constance. Do you know, I thought SM several times while I was reading it.' To judge by the title, the subject is rather obscure,' said Tancred. No longer so,' said Lady Constance. 'It is treated scientifically everything is explained by geology and astronomy and in that way. It shows you exactly how a star is formed, nothing can be so pretty A cluster of vapour, the cream of the milky way, a sort of celestial cheese churned into light. You must read, it 'tis charming.' Nobody ever saw a star formed,' said Tancred. 'Perhaps not. You must read the "Revelations," it is all explained. But what is most interesting is the way in which man has been developed. You know all is development. The principle is perpetually going on. first, there was nothing, then there was something, then, I forget the next, I think there were shells, then fishes, then we came, let me see did we come next ? Never mind that, we came at last. And the next change there will be something very superior to us, something with wings. Ah that's it. We were fishes, and I believe we shall be crows.' (Laughter). But it would be unjust to take incid- ental bits of satire as representative of more than style and spirits. The novels express their author's ideas on the three greatest subjects of human interest— Politics, Society and Religion. Let us see how far we can enter into them what, in modern phrase, is the message he wishes to bring to us. Coningsby, Sybil and Tancred were written in the early years of the ministry formed by Sir Robert Peel in 1841. The subject of Coniugsby is the position of English parties just after the reform of 1S32 that of Sybil the con- dition of the people while Tancred is devoted to the author's views of the influence of the East and especially of Judaism. Coningsby is the orphan grandson of the Marquis of Monmouth. He is educated at Eton and Cambridge by his grandfather introduced hy him into the best social and political circles of England, treated as the heir to all the old man's great possessions, and of course loves and is loved by a charming heroine. He forfeits for a time all his great prospects by an )Htiml:Y refusal to adopt the cynical politics of his grandfather, but by a simple novelist's device regains them all; and the voiumo closes with his marriage and tiiumphant entry into Parliament. The story, you see, is of the simplest. There are none of the JUÙlle artifices, the ingenious entanglements, and un- expected catabtrOpneS by which VS ilkie Collins or Charles Reade rivet our attention nor have we any of those minute touchos, each apparently so insignificant, "by which Miss Austin or Gecrge Eiiot huild up a character. Lord Monmouth, n gby, Lord Eskdale, Henry Sidney and the rest we know as much about. after they have spoken half-a-dozen sentences as when we come to the end of the book. But the clearness and keenmss of the descriptions and the liveliness of the style make up for all that. Could a volume make any clearer the characters and relations of the great man and his parasite than this— Mr Rigby was member for one of Lord Monmouth's boroughs. He was manager of Lord Monmouth's parliamentary influence, and the auditor of his vast {•states. He was more he was Lord Monmouth's com- panion when in England, his correspondent when abroad hardly his councellor, for Lord Monmouth never required advice but Mr Rigby could instruct him in matters of detail which Mr Rigby made amusing. Rigby was not a professional man, indeed his origin, education, early pursuits, and studies were equally obscure, but he had contrived in good time to squeeze himself into Parliament by means no one could ever comprehend, and then set up to be a perfect man of business. The world took him at his word, for he was bold, acute, and voluble with no thought, but a good deal of desultory- information and though destitute of all imagination and noble sentiment, was blessed with a vigorous mendacious fancy, fruitful in small expedients and never happier than when devising shifts for great men's scrapes. They say that all of us have one chance in this life, and so it was with Rigby. After a struggle of many years, and after a long series of the usual alternativis of small successes and small failures, after a few cieverish speeches and a good many cleverish pam- phlets, with a considerable reputation, indeed, for pasquinades, most of which he never wrote, and articles in reviews to which it was whispered he had contributed, Rigby, who had already intrigued himself into a subordinate office, met with Lord Monmouth. 4 He was just the auimal that Lord Monmouth wanted. Lord Monmouth always looked upon human nature with the callous eye of a jockey. He surveyed Rigby and determined to buy him. He bought him, with hi* clear head, his indefatigible industry, his audacious tongue, and his ready and unscrupulous pen with all his dates, all his lampoons, all his private memoirs, and all his political intrugues. It was a good purchase. Kiir'y became a great personage, and Lord Monmouth's man. Once more to complete Lord Monmnutli.- 'Ah What a man exclaimed the Princess Colonna. 'What a pity it is you have a House of Commons here! England would be the greatest country in the world if it were not for the House of Commons. It makes sn much confusion!' 'Don't abuse our property said Lord Eskdale Lord Monmouth and I have still twenty votes of the same body between us.' .JT»« 'And there is a combination,' said Rigby, 'by which yon may still keep them.' 'Ah! now for Rigbys combination, said Lord Esk- dale. The only thing that can save this country, said lvigby, i.'i a coalition OIl a sliding scale.' 'You had better buy up the, Birmingham Union and the other bodies,' sai l Lord -Monmouth; 'I believe it might all be done fa1 two or three hundred thousand pounds; and fhe newspapers too. Pitt would have settled this business long ago.' (Laughter and cheers.) But we must not forget Con- ingsby. He is depicted as deeply dissatisfied, as almost every one of us has been at some time or other, with I life and its aflairs, and craving enlightenment- from his I elders he goes to Mr. Rigby as a veteran politician, and this is what he gets- Mr. Rigby began by ascribing everything to the Re- form Bill, and then referred to several of his own speeches on Schedule A. Then he told Coningsby that want of religious faith was solely occasioned by want of churches a.nd want of loyalty by (ieorgo IV. having shut himself up too much at the cottage in Windsor Park, entirely against the advice of Mr. Rigby. He assured Coningsby that the Church Commission was operating wonders, and that with private benevolence --he had himself siib-ei ibed £.i,ÛOÚ for Lord Monmouth—we should soon have churches enough. The great question now was their architecture. Had George IV. lived, all would have been right. They would iv-ve been built on the model of the Buddhist pagoda. As for loyalty, if the present king went regu- larly to Ascot races, he had 110 doubt all would go right. Finally, Mr. Rigby impressed on Coningsby to read the Qimrterhi Review with great attention and to make him- self master of Mr. Wordy's History of the late War," in twenty volumes, a capital work, which prdved that Pro- vidence was on the side of the Tories. ( (Laughter.) Not much more encouraging this to the enthusiasm of youth than a hailstorm to a hothouse flower. But we are not left with this cold negation. The hero himself developea his own theory, a theory which we may well believe was Mr. Disraeli's own and this it is-- I 'Many men in this country,' said Mill bank, and espe- I. cially in the class to which I belong, are reconciled to the contemplation of democracy, because they have accus- tomed themselves to believe that it is the only power by which we can sweep away those sectional privileges and interests that impede the intelligence and industry of the community.' 'And yet,' said Coningsby. the only way to terminate what in the language of the present day is called clasc; legislation is not to entrust power to. classes. You would find a locofoco majority as much addicted to class legisla- tion as a factitious aristocracy. The only power that has no class sympathy is the sovereign.' But suppose the case of an arbitrary sovereign, what would be your check against him ?' 'The same as against an arbitrary parliament.' But Parliament is responsible.' 'To whom?' To their constituent body. Suppose it was to vote'itself perpetual ?' 'But public opinion would prevent that.' I A lid is public opinion of less influence on an indivi- dual than on a body? But public opinion may be indifferent. A nation may- be misled may be corru t.' If the nation that elects the Parliament be corrupt, the elected body will resemble it. The nation that is corrupt deserves to fall. But this only shows that there is something to be considered beyond forms of govern- ment—national character. And herein mainly should we repose our hopes. If a nation bo led to aim at the. good and the great, depend upon it, whatever be its form, the government will respond to its convictions and its senti- ments. I Do you then declare against Parliamentary govern- ment ?' 'Far from it. I look upon political change as the great- est of evils, for it comprehends all. But if we have no faith in the permanence of the existing settlement; if the, very individuals who establish it are year after year pro- posing their modifications or their reconstructions, so also while we uphold what exists ought we to prepare our- selves for the change we deem impending ?' :s- ow, I would not that either ourselves or our fellow citizens should be taken unawares as in 1832, when the very men who opposed the Reform Bill offered contrary objections to it which destroyed each other, so ignorant were they of its real character, its historical causes, its political consequences. We should now so act that, when the occasion arrives, we should clearly comprehend what we want and have formed an opinion as to the best means by which that want can be supplied. 'For this purpose I would accustom the public mind to the contemplation of an existing though torpid power in the constitution capable of removing our social grievances, were we to transfer to it those prerogatives which the Parliament has gradually usurped, and used in a manner which has produced the present material and moral dis- organization. The House of Commons is the House of a few, the Sovereign is the Sovereign of all. The proper leader of the people is the individual who sits upon the throne.' 'Then you abjure the representative principle Why so ? Representation is not necessary, or even in a principal sense, Parliamentary. Parliament is not sitting at this moment, and yet the nation is represented in its highest as well as in its most minute interests. Not a grievance escapes notice and redress. I see in the newspapers this morning that a pedadogue has brutally chastised his pupils. It is a fact known all over England. We must not forget that a principle, of Government is reserved for our days that we shall not find in our Aristotles, or even in the forests of Tacitus, nor in our Saxon Wittenageiriotes, nor in our Plantagenet Parlia- ments. Opinion is now supreme and Opinion speaks in print. The representation of the Press is far more com- plete than the representation of Parliament. Parlia- mentary representation was the happy device of a ruder age, to which it was admirably adapted an age of semi-civilization when there was a leading class in the community but it exhibits many symptoms of desuetude. It is controlled by a system of representa- tion more vigorous and compresentative, which absorbs its duties and fulfils them more efficiently and in which discussion is pursued on fairer terms, and often with more depth and information.' And to what powt-r would you entrust- the power of taxation ?' 'To some power that would employ it more discreetly than in creating our present amount of debt and in estab- lishing our present system of imports. In a word, true wisdom lies in the policy that would effect its ends by the influence of opinion, and yet by the means of existing forms. Nevertheless, if we are forced to revolutions, lft us propose to our consideration the idea of a free Monarchy-, established on fundamental laws, itself the apex of a vast pile of municipal and local government, ruling an educated people, represented by a free and intellectual press, Before such a royal authority, supported by such a national opinion, the sectional anomalies of our country would disappear. Under such a system, where qualification would not be parliamentary, but personal, even statesmen would lip educated. We should have no more diplomatists who could not speak French, no more bishops ignorant of theology, nor more generals-in-chief who never saw a. field. there is a polity adapted -to our laws, our in- stitutions, our feelings, our manners, our traditions a polity capable of great ends and appealing to high senti- ment; a polity which in my opinion would render Government an object of iiPtioual affection which Would terminate sectional anomalies, esimge religions heats, and e\tinguisix Chart-i?m.' This then is the message of Conigsby—the empire of public opinion embodied in, to use the phrase of his ftvourite author, a Patriot King. It is a fair vision that he places before us. A ruler above and beyond the temporary and accidental strife of factions aud their leaders, feeling himself and his prerogatives securely I guarded by the la .v aud therefore watchfully protecting the rigMs of all other orders in the state, impartially reconciling the conflicting theories and supplementing the inadequate conceptions of political leaders—the friend of all sides, the partisan of none. It only we could secure such a monarch, not as a happy accident but as a permanent institution, what a solution of all our politicil troubles it would be. Do you wonder that the auth jr seized the opportunity when fate gave iteo him of creating an empress ? (Cheers.) Lord Beacons- field was more than suspected of describing his contem- poraries in his novels. In a list which I have, profess- ing to be a key to Coningsby, the name of Gladstone— (applause) -is prefixed to that of Oswald Millbank. the school friend whom Coningsby saves from drowning and whose sister be marries— 0 Oswald Millbank was of a proud and independent nature reserved, a little stern. The early and constantly reiterated dogma of his father, that he belonged to a class debarred from its just position in the social system, had aggravated the grave and somewhat discontented humour of his blood. His talents were considerable, though I invested with no dazzling quality. He had not that quick and brilli-int apprehension, which, combined with a memory of rare retentiveness, had already advanced Coningsby far beyond his age, and made him already looked to as the future hero of the school. But Millbank possessed one of those strong, industrious volitions whose perseverance amounts almost to genius, and nearly att-tins its results Millbank was not blessed with the charm of manner. He seemed close and cold but he was courageous, just and inflexible never bullied, and to his utiiio, t would prevent tyranny. The little boys looked up to him as a stern protector and his word, too, throughout the school was a proverb and truth ranks a great deal among boys. In a Millbank was respected by those amongjwhsm he lived and schoolboys scan character more nicely than men suppose. (Hear, hear and applause). Sybil takes its name from the daughter of an ancient family, whose father, Walter Gerard is the right hand of a great manufacturer, a true captain of industry. She is passionately loved by Stephen Morley, a friend and companion of her brother, and a representative of that revolt against social wretchedness which finds its expression in Socialism and Chartism. Walter Gerard and Stephen Morley are gradually drawn into a futile plan of insur- I rection. The conspiracy, like most conspiracies, is betrayed, but not until a furious riot has broken out in which both Morley and Gerard are slain. But besides Morley, Sybil hasanothev suitor, Charles Eurernoiit, the hero of the book. Egremont is the younger son of a noble house. He enters the scene as an idler who fights for and wins a seat in Parliament simply because his mother wishes him. But association with Sybil and her father, whom he first meets in the ruins of an old abbey, on whose spoils his family was gonnded. rouse all his better nature, and he developes into a warm and sagacious friend of the people. Perhaps we may be tempted to thiuk that the continuation of hi3 career, his succession to his brother's earldom, aud the regain- ing by Sybil of her great ancestral property somewhat out of harmony. But a man can only give us what he has; and lavish magnificence and worldly splendour are inseparable from Disraeli's work. On these two main threads, the lives of Sybil and Egremont, are • numerous persons and incidents, all in some way or other illustrations of the main theme of the story. The scene is laid partly in an agricultural country, hut mainly in the manufacturing districts. The enormous rapidity with which population grew under the influ- ence of the great manulaeturiug inventions of the last century, the lavish squandering of wealth in the great war against Napoleon, and the utter disorganization of thecountry. due tothefabsurd exaggeration and distortion by the capitalist classes and some of their imitators among the landowners of the teaching of Adam Smith, had made England of fifty years ago a land of almost inconceivable wretchedness. Lisctu to the key note of the book- It is a community of purpose that constitutes society,' continued the younger stranger. Without that men may be drawn iuto contiguity, but they still continue virtually isolated. In cities that condition is aggravated. A density of population implies a severer struggle for existence, and a consequent repulsion of elements brought into too close contact. In great cities men are brought together by the desire of gain. They are not in a state of co-operation, but of isolation, as to the making of fortunes and for all the rest they are careless of neigh- bours. Christianity teaches us to love our neighbours as ourselves—modern society acknowledges no neighbour. 'Well, society may be in its infancy,' said Egremont, slightly smiling but, say what you like, our Queen reigns over the greatest nation that ever existed.' Which nation ? asked the younger stranger, for she reigns over two.' The stranger paused. Egremont was silent, but looked enquiringly. Yes,' resumed the younger stranger, after a moment's interval. "Two nations; between whom there is no intercourse and no sympathy who are as ignorant of each other's habits, thoughts, and feelings as if they were dwellers in different zones, or inhabitants of different planets; who arc formed by a different breeding, are fed by different food, are ordered by different manners, and are not governed by the same law.' You speak of said Egremont, hesitatingly. 'The Rich and the Poor.' Disraeli undoubtedly was largely indebted to Cobbett, for his views of the effect of the Reformation, or rather of the wholesale waste of public property by which that great religious movement was disgraced, upon English social life, and of the Revolution of 168S upon a politi- cal system. It is worth observing that these ideas, checked for at least a generation by the brilliant genius of Rlacaulay, are now again being seriously discussed. The discredit into which the grave shortcomings of an industrial system has brought the economic school which arrogates to itself the orthodox s-iuccession to Adam Smith has naturally extended to the popular version of English history which starts with the year 1S15 and canonizes the exploits of the Auti-Corn Law League, and the assured victory of religious freedom over the dogmatism of Romish theologians, enables us to contemplate with calmer and more impartial eyes that great institution, the medwval Church. After quoting passages both as to the Reformation and the Revolution, and what the author had to say for the monasteries, the lecturer proceedeii- We know the miserable and inevitable result. There are some here who will recollect the Chartist and Rebecca Riots of forty years ago. The description of a Lancashire strike and the destruction of a great nobleman's castle by an infuriated mob is one of the most striking scenes of the novel. It is far too lony to quote. I prefer giving you the foil to all this misery in the description —a description. I am happy to think, true jf many more industrial establishments now than it was forty years ago—of what a manufacturer who recog- nizes his duty can do for his dependents. But forty years ago, as to-day, there were those whose views of social happiness were not met by such remedies a3 these. Gerard, the foreman of the Trafford factory, discusses it with Morley, the Socialist. It is wild enough. What is worth notice is that with little vari- ation we hear the same discussion going on about us to-day. Modern Socialism is not new in itself it is only new to our generation. Love in these novels plays a. very subordinate part. A novel without a heroine is indeed almost unthinkable. But Edith Millbank, the heroine of Coningsby, is only a charming shadow, whiie she who gives her name to Sybil and Eva, the heroine of Tancred are interesting as types of the two races—the Saxon and the Jewish. They guide their lovers, not by their affections, but by their ideas and their intellect. Iu fact the ladies are politicians first and women after. (Laughter.) Do you wonder at his saying he should never marry for love, for all their friends who had, either beat their wives or lived apart from them. (Laughter.) Tancred is a romance from beginning to end. Great English nobles, wondrous Hebrew bankers, lovely and enthusiastic Hebrew maidens, Arab sheikhs, princes of Lebanon, worshippers of the old gods of Greece, come and go through its pages, but through all aud dorminating all runs the author's confidence in the power and destiny of his race. I purposely postponed saying anything earlier in the evening of this part of my subject. In Sybil, i.deed, it is least redominentof the three. The Jew has always been a trafficker and a mac of the cities. He takes little or no share in agriculture or manufacture. But even in Sybil it is characteristic that when the author aims at lowering Rome he does it by exalting Jerusalem. I feel that I must tread somewhat lightly here. I fully believe that his reverenco for the faith of his forefathers and his views of its relation to Christianity were among the deepest convictions of Lord Beaconstield's mind, but I feel that even to enlarge upon them, much more to dissect and criticize on such an occasion as this cannot but wear a certain savouring of irreverence. But no such suspicion can attach to the genuine and honest pride in this race and their institutions which appear in passages in Tancred aud Coningsby. It is not, how- ever, only the race and institutions of which he is proud. After giving a-passage describing Sidonia the Jew, and his letter of credit, the lecturer added— What are we to say of such superhuman magnificence;? It is mere burlesque ? Is the writer simply trying to see how wide he can make the rustics gape ? I am not sure. I have cast "bout a good deal for the true explanation, and at last somehow there came to my mind a famous speech in which occurred a famous phrase— intoxicated with the exuberance of his own verbosity." When Tancred was written one of the keenest diplomatic struggles of modern times had just taken place betweeu France and England for power and influence !n the MeditGrraueati. It was then that Lord Palmers ton SOiifc his famous unofficial message to the French Government that Mehemet Ali, the pasha of Egypt, their protege, could be chucked into the Nile aud France lose her ships, colonies and commerce in one campaign. Syria, as it still is. a country where French influence was strong, and the character of Fackredeen, the prince of Lebanon, is oue of Disraeli's most brilliant creations. The lecturer then gave Fackredeen'a ideas about his debts, the restoration of empire to the East by which the Queen of England was to remove her seat of empire from London to Delhi, and with that characteristic and fascinating mingling of the ambitions of the nineteenth century with the gorgeous fancies of the Arabian nights, bade his audience good night. (Applause.) Mr KNOWLF.S proposed a vote of thanks to Mr A. C. Humphreys-Owen for his excellent lecture, and it was seconded by Mr —. JONKS. who in his remarks hoped that the next time they had a visit from Mr Hum- phreys-Owen it would be as M.P. for the Montgomery Boroughs. (Cheers.) Both speakres hoped that Mr Humphreys-Owen would give the studeuts another lecture. (Applause.) Mr A. C. HUMPHREYS OWEN acknowledged the vote, and in doing so congratulated the College upon its renewed strength and vigour. The result of the catastrophe of last summer had been apparently to bring up the number of students to a higher standard than had ever been attained before, and not only was the College successful in numbers, but he was happy to think successful also in life and especially in the old Universities. (Applause.) The PRINCIPAL seconded a. vote of thanks to the Chairman, Mr Marshall, which had been proposed by Mr HUMPHREYS-OWEN*. He referred to the valuable work Mr Humphreys-Oweu had done in committee for the College, and joined with Mr Knowles and Mr Jones in desiring another lecture by him As he had that night given them Lord Beaconsfield as a novelist parhaps he would next give them Mr Gladstone as a theologian. (Loud cheers.). Mr MARSHALL acknowledged the vote of thanks and the meeting separated.

! MAENTWROG.

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NANT CONWAY.

LLANARTH.

ABERAYRON.

LA.NFIITANGEL YSTRAD.

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