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lurÛgrr unit Cafatrfnl Ileitis.I…


lurÛgrr unit Cafatrfnl Ileitis. I — FRANCE.—PARIS, TUESDAY.—The Moniteur pub- lishes in its official column the following paragraph :— The Emperor, renewing liis first decision, has re- mitted in fav ur of M. de Montak-m^ert the penalties definitely pronounced against him by the Cour Im;eria!e tjf Paris on tl.e 2ht of December, 1858. His Majesty has also remitted in favour of M. Douniol, Director of the Correspond ant, the imprisonment to w! iell he was seatenced by the judgment of the 24th of November." A la boiine'hev.re) It is done this time without sar- casm. We see the hand of the master himself, and iiot in his worst manner. This time at least the act oi grace, however meant, is free from the touches of those who are but too willing to wound," and it is Dot spoilt I v any of those inveterate jokers of whom it is said, "lIs out tant fait d'esprit qu'ils n'en ont plus." New it is probable that the redacfeur is the Emperor hin self, and it is done in a gentlemanly fashion. Vt hat a pity not to have waited till the appeal was heard, and M. de Montalembert definitely condemned! All would have been spared much trou- ble, and the Government the mortification of some- thing veiy like defeat. M. de Montalembert was Jiot, I believe, greatly alarmed at the prospect of three months' imprisonment, but it was not very cheering to sj end the rest of his life within the grasp of the Law on Public Security. The Mo/iifeur has taken time by the forelock; it has not waited, as people supposed it. would, for either the 1st or the 22d of January; and if the choice of the 28th of Decem- ber ccver an allusion to any great anniversary, I am unaware of the fact. It is a reasonable delay after the expiration of ti e time allowed for appealing to the Court of Cassation. Neither party made a move ra ihat dirccticn and so for the present ends •'this strange eventful history."—Times. The Prcsse contains a remarkable article on the trial of M de Montalembert, and the policy of the Government. It is remarkable because it discusses that policy \vi h a freedom which reminds us of other nml of better d: vs. It certainly expresses little sym- pathy with M. de Montalembert, but it is clear that it takes courage irom the decision of the Cour Imperiale, which so far modifies the sentence pro- nounced hv the Police-court. After touching cu his political antecedents, and contrasting him with other p^rfy leaders, who for years have abstained from politics, the writer continues :— "The Government evidently has nothing to g;.in in Ee<pg families of consideration, illustrious name", pro- test against it by a tacit renunciation of their habitual influence on pufc if ipinion. The co-operation of its own Ji:.ct agents 1., L Jt Sl1fficient. Strictly speaking, it may j exist thus, but it wants the relief, the radiance which ■would attract to it the voluntary adhesion and inde- peudence of the in lightened classes. The movement of opinion languish's, ideas spring uprare and impoverished; and if by chnr.cn some strong ones arise publi" upi- r; is wanting to them, because they are not und nor ,i,g bv the accepted, ncr »r»- they borne along by the b;\ f pub- lie favour. Hr^ the Government dom a1 .L could to remedy such a M'uation ? We demand permission to put the qnesticn without solving it, or rather, why not speak it—for this slurring over is more intelligible than an answe1. It i" evident that by keeping the press under a regime 1< ^iscretionarry, by giving the debates of the legislative corps through the twilights of official pub- licity, the Government has placed on every manifestation of public thought a drag which has at last produced an effect by no me ns anticipated. It feared tumult, it has no longer anything but silence. It desired to avoid the Texations of an impassioned Opposition, it has no longer any contradictors. It dreaded the turbulent outbursts of opinion, and it no longer hears its voice, and, should it "•vish to ask for counsel, it knows not to whom to address itsutf. Will not that unanimity at last appear to it sus- pected ? Will it not end by understandirg that the etrong and decided voice of a loyal adversary is far better to listen to and to consult than the inarticulate whis- perings of an official advocate pleading without contradic- tion or opposition ? Why I speak in a bated tone, ss if you were in a sick chamber ? Who is s-Ick here? Is it the country ? Why, t^e coun- trv has never worked more and better. Is it the Government ? But the Government has really nothing to fear but the execss of its own force and the absence of serious discussion. It has m',de war, and having carried it on with energy it has known how to conclude it in time. Its situation in Europe is exc<ot.. At home it has done for industry, f. r agriculture, and for the labouring cl isst s, as much, if not more, than any other Government. Why, then, should it dread discussion ? Does it believe that it could not support it? That, in. deed, would ho too much modesty. If the Government had adversaries it would have partisans, if it had enemies it would have fi i -nds. At present, if we only consulted appearances, it would setm that everybody is of the same cpicion not O!,ií as regards its principle but its acts. Does it really t»ke this strange unanimity as serious? How many absurd reports are circulated and fix>.d in public opinion which cannot be contradicted because tiiey cannot be pul'.isbed ? We wou'd willingly btlbve, since it is so assorted, that at the commencement all ihese precautions were necessary we do not fear to cL assert that at preset.t they are more injurious than useful. The want of fr c discussion leaves in au equivoc .t twi- light intentions, plarsi and measures, which, if attacked =.nd defended in broad daylight, without any trammels or restrictions, would act on public opinion and would bring home conviction more certainly than the inter- minable apot !K o.=os of the official journals. For our part, we do n t complain of the Minister of the Interior. He handles wit:- as much measure and skill as possible a power which in other hands might be formidable we merely observe that such a power should belong only to the law and 'he msus'racy, its notunl interpreter. As Jong as the Government docs not fee! itself sufficiently strong to relinquish this discretionary power over the press, it will want a decisive sanction which nothing can Eupply. As ha* as France docs not enjoy a positive liberty of within the limits prescribed by law, it cannot count on the active support of the enlightened classes—of that political middle chss which enJoys so considerable a position in France, and which, possessing both i-apital and instruction, has soma right to protend 'o political inflo- nce." AMERICA—In the Senate, on the Ifith, Mr. j Clingman, (North Carolina), attempted to bring up his resolution to abrogate the Clayton-Buivver Treaty. Mr. Mason, (Virginia),_ chairman of the Committee on Foreign was in favour of laying it on the table. Its effoct would be to make an issue with the President. Mr. Clingman insisted that, from the President's two messages, it appeared that their pro- gress had been backward in Central America for the last year, and that Great Britain was getting stronger every day under this treaty that it ought to be put out of the way, and then, when ocsasion offered, he might act in th-it region. As they had failed n hitherto, according to the President, to get a good treaty either from Great Britain or Nicaragua,—what ground was there to hope that these parties would between themselves make smh a treaty as would pro- tect United States' interests? Messrs. Foot and Shiel,is and of hers expressed their sentiments, when the Senate reLlseJ to take up the subject—by veas, 22; nays, 2S.





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