Monmouthshire Merlin

ACCOUCHEMENT OF HER MAJESTY. BIRTH OF A PRINCESS. BUCKINGHAM PALACE, APRIL 25. This morning, at four o'clock, the Queen was safely de- livered of a Princess. In the room with her Majesty were his royal highness Pnnce Albert, Dr. Locock, and Mrs. Lilly, the monthly I nurse; and in the rooms adjoining were the other medical attendants, Sir James Clark and Dr. Ferguson also the Earl of Liverpool, Lord Steward of her Majesty's house- hold. The following bulletin was issued this morning The Queen was safely delivered of a Princess at five minutes past four o'clock this morning. Her Majesty and the Infant Princess are going on well. "James Clarke, M.D. Charles Locock, M.D. "Robert Ferguson, M.D. "Buckingham Palace, April 25, 1843, SIX A.M." At'line o'clock the Park and Tower guns announced the joylul event to the inhabitants of the metropolis, by a double royal salute of 42 auns We understand that Dr. Locock was in attendance at the Palace from 11 o'clock last night until her Majesty'» accouchement took place. Summonses were issued this forenoon, by order of the Lord President, for a Privy Council to assemble at tli,. Council Office at two o'clock this afternoon, at which we hear that the Archbishop of Canterbury was ordered to prepare a form of prayer and thanks-giving to Almighty God for the sale delivery of the Queen and the happy birth of a Princess. Her Royal Highness the Duchess of Kent, and the Ministers and Officers 01 State, viz., the Lord Chancellor, the Duke of Buccleuch, Sir Robert Peel, Sir Jatn-i Gra- ham, the Earl of Liverpool, the Earl Delawarr, the Earl of Jersey, and the Marquess of Exeter, took their depai- ture rom Buckingham Palace between six and seven o'clock this morning. BUCKINGHAM PALACE, Two O'CLOCK, P M. We are rejoiced to be able to state that her Majesty and the newly born infant Princess are doinij extremely well. It may be inferred what a "good time" the Queen had, from the fact that the first indication of the approach 109 event was nut given until between two and three o'clock and at five minutes after four the Princess was born. At eight o'clock the Queen was so well, that it was de- cided that the firing of the guns in St. James's Park would not disturb or cause her Majesty any alarm, and the dou- ble royal salute was accordingly commenced on the parade at a quarter before nine. As soon as the intelligence became known the flays were"oisted on the towers of St. Margaret's, Westminster, and St.Martin's in-lhe-Fields,and the bells of both churches rang merry peals during the morning. There was a great deal of bustle in the neighbourhood of Buckingnam Palace during the morning, and numbers of persons called to inspect the bulletin issued by her Ma- jesty's medical attendants.

I HOUSE OF LORDS.—TUESDAY, APRIL 26. Their lordships resumed their sittings this day, and transacted some formal business, after which they adj. 0.

HOUSE OF COMMONS.— MONDAY, APRIL 25. The house resumed its sittings this day; nothing of im- portance was transacted. TUESDAY, APRIL 26. Sir R. Peel moved an address of condolence to her Majesty, on the death of the Duke of Sussex. FREE TRADE. Mr. Ricardo brought forward his motion in favour of the immediate realisation of the principles of Fiee Trade, which was negatived by an overwhelming majority.

SODA WATER.—Roughsedge and Summers have hitherto relied on the discernment of the public to discover and appreeiate the superior quality of the jEraied ater produced by their manufactory, and they have scorned to have recourse 10 any tricks. In the present day some persons consider it re quisiie to make use of pufts an quackery, in order to extend the sale of their own productions, by detracting from the nierr* of rival establi>bmenls. R. and S- have such strong giounds of reliance on the superiority of their own Soda Water and Lemonade, founded on the i ecoininendation of the most eminent of the faculty, on the results of the most searching chemical analyses, and the extensive and still inereaiug demand for them by the public both at home and abroad, that they have hitherto treated the insinuations of the quackery alluded to with the contempt they deserve. But If these indirect insinuations are still to be obtruded on the public, R. and S. feel themselves justified in offering those explanations that may enable the pub- lic to judge for themselves. If R, and S. have placed the name of Schweppe upon their bottles, it was never to mislead the public as to oonnexion with that firm, bnt for the purpose of an- nouncing a legitimate fact, and always subordinate to their own. Without imputing undue credit to the name of Schweppe. they have simply stated that they came from the house of Schweppe and Co,an undoubted fact, or doubtless it would have been tlenied. For five and twenty years, during the very period that the waters sold by Schweppe gave to that name all the celebrity it ever obtained Mr. Summers was be engineer and manufac- turer of the waters sold by that house in London, Derby, and Bristol. It is many years sinoe any person, having the slightesi connexion with the name < r family of the'late Mr. Schweppe, has been connected with any house in the trade. In the year 18:14, the proprietor of the business carried on under the name "f Schweppe and Co. sold his interest to persons with whom R. and S. declined to rsinain they preferred employing their in- lustrv and practical knowledge in establishing a business for iheir own mutual profit. Whether the waters since manufac hired by the present firm of Schweppo and Co. retain tbe quality which acquired lor that house all its celebritv, R. and S. decline to give an opinion hut. in justice to themselves, they do, with the most peifeet confidence and good faith, say that-hiUblv as some manufacturers seem to estimate the bottles which bear ih ir name (expensive an item as bottles are), and difficult as it is to prevent retail tradesmen from returning wrong ones- there is no hOHle bearing any name other than their own. how ever celebrated. to which Roughedge and Summers would wish to add the reputation to be derived from filling them with waters of their own manufacture. Roughsedge and Summers only de sire such patronage as m'ay be deserved by lhe jErated Waters produced at their own manufactory, and sold under the labels of their own name. The Bath Horticultural Show, on Thursday week, was of a 4plendid description, and attended by upwards of 2000 vtsitort Vlessr9. Garraway and Co., of Bath, won the plate prize given by J. Wiltshire, Esq., for the three best auriculas and also the society's prite for the six best aliriculas, and for the four best double primroses. »

SIR. JAMES GRAHAM'S FACTORY AND EDUCATION BILL. PONTYPOOL. On Monday, April 17ib,a public meeting wag held at Peny- garn Tabernacle, Pontypool, on the subject of the Educational Clauses of the Factories Bill. The interest excited in the neighbourhood on this momentous question was very great, and the inhabitants evinced their sense of the duty devolving upon 'hem. The chape! was crowded to excess. It 13 calculated that there must have been about a thousand persons present at ihe meeting. The chair, in the absence, through Indisposition, of W. W. Phillips, Esq., was taken by the Rev. E. Evans, the minister of the chapel. The Chairman having introduced the business by a few ap- propriate remarks in the Welsh language, on the object of the meeting, and the provisions of Sir James Graham's bill, Mr. Thomas Thomas, theological tutor of the Baptist Col- lege, rose to propose the first resolution—to the effect, that while millions of the people of this country earnestly demanded rheir political rights, and the immediate abolition of those mo- nopolies which ruined trade and deprived thousands of their dally bread, the introduction of a system of education unsought and compulsory, was viewed as a bitter insult to the feelings of the people, and an aggravation of their wrongs. The speaker observed that the vast assembly before him had come together on, perhaps, the most moinenious occasion that had occurred in the history of the country since the revolution. Never, he thought, had the interests of both civil and religious liberty been placed in more imminent peril. The bill of Sir James Graham, by whomsoever concocted, he regarded as the heaviest blow that had been aimed foi ages against the civil rights as well as ihe religious privileges of the people and its re>W de- sign, however disguised, was to crush Dissent, and to reduce the rising generaiion to abject bondage to a domineering priest. hood. It was the obvious interest of all patties, however dif- fering in minor points, to unite in opposition to so destructive a measure; and they wouid unite: a sense of common danger from the aggression of a common foe would bring into closer union and fuller play the energy, the wisrfom, the patriotism, and the piety of the country. The aspect of public affairs was serious and ominous; the character of parties was becom- ing more disiinctly marked, and their relative position more ac- curately defined. The spirit of Toryism in league with Church- ism, was struggling to maintain its ascendancy, and to keep ihe masses down; and the spirit of Christian hbtrty assuming Democratic forms, and animating the tniilioos, was fast gal her. ing around it in peaceable and compact organisation, the middle and lower classes. Every day made it increasingly evident that the principles of aristocracy in Church and State were irrecon- cilably opposed to those of the people, of whom the Dissenters are the most powerful and influential body. The friends ol civil and religious liberty on the one hand, and the upholders of priestly claims and arbitrary power on the other, are seen tallying around their respective standards the lines of demar- caiion between the aristocratic anddemocratic parties in the kingdom, are becoming more distinct and broad and all cir- cumstances indicate the approach of a conflict of principles—a vigorous, though peaceable and bloodless conflict, the issue 01 which must be, eilher the tiiumph of Christian freedom or th. subjugation of ihe popular mind. But (said Mr. Thomas) I have no fear as to the result. The noble and indomitable spirit which animated the old Puritans, to whom, according to the acknowledgment of the prejudiced historian Hume, England owes her liberty, still lives in the hearts, and at the presem crises, rouses the energies of the Protestant Dissenters of Greai Britain. And though I regret the existence of hostile parties in the nation, and deplore ihe contentions and animosities which separate them yet if it must be so—if intolerance ir. high places will persist in its irrational efforts 10 trample upon 'he nation's dearest rights and interests—it it will by its proud Infaluarion drive the masses to stand up in every constitutional <vay in defence of their libeities as men, as Britons, and as Christians, I for one shall not hesitate a moment as to the side I shall take. I am one of the people, sprung from them, and attached to their cause plebeian blood flows in my veins, and I have no sympathy with the principles, habits, or prejudices of those who are inclined to trample on and paupei ize the work ing man. As to the bill, which we are all anxious 10 defeat, its professed object is to educate the childien of the poor, and .ts real tendency is to prostrate and enslave the national mmd- to form and fashion the intellectual nature of the next genera- lion so that they may become the subservient tools of haughty priests and selfish aristocrats. For the accomplishment of this design, the bill is admirably adapted, and the sinister purpose appears in all its clauses and the speeches of its principal advo- cates, notwithstanding a studious effort to conceal it. It mav he carried this Parliament, for the government can command an overwhelming majority on any question but it is notorious that the House of Commons, as at present constituted, does not represent the people of this country, nor even the real opi- nions and sentiments of that small and corrupt portion of the people who possess the elective franchise. But should that bill unfortunately pass into a law, will the people submit to it? Willlhe great bodies of Dissenters of different denominations vield Iheir necks to the yoke of bondage? 1 believe they will not; they will in every peaceable and legitimate way endea- vour to frustrate its operation, and to counteract its effecls. Ihey will render no active obedience to the iniquitous law. ] hale the doctrine of physical force in politics and religion and tin an enemy to all war, and an advocate of universal peace, [ have never in my life discharged a gun or even a pistol at a beast or a bird and am not therefore, likely to recommend 0' "xcuse the use of such means for the attainment of any politt c:al or religious objeel; but I believe from reason aod Scripture that there are cases in which active obedience to Jaw is a sin, mil passive resistance a duty and I hesitate not to say that quiet passive resistance to such a law as the Factories Bill would oe justdiable and right. Let us try to defeat this unjust mea- sure but though the Government carry it with a high hand, hey will find in putting it in operation, that the sentiment 01 fine of our national son^s is slill ali dear to ihe hearls of Eng. ishmen, as the words and sounds are familiar to their ears- Britons never will be sla-'es." Protestant Dissenters have j I ways been among the most zealous, earnest, and unflinching idvocaies of civil and religious freedom. The repeal of into ierant laws, particularly the Test Acts, the removal of Caiholic Usabilities, and the abolition of slavery, have been effected nainly by their efforts. We are not disposed to abandon thai noble cause in this hour of dagger. Our fotefaihers purchased our liberties at the expense of confiscation of property, impri- sonment, and dealh, and we. Ihelr debcendan's, are resolved, whatever it may cost us, to hand down to posterity unimpaired and improved, that precious boon of freedom which ""e have received from our ancestors. I will add that the Protestam Ulssenters and others who are attacked by this bill, are amony the most zealous promoters of education, which has been dif fused to a considerable extent by our means. I much regret that most of the daily and weekly journals have taken what 1 conceive to be a wrong view of the question. In the MERLIN about two or three weeks since, I observed with a degree 01 disappointment and mortification (because that paper generally takes coireci views of popular questions) an article commencing in some such terms as these 1 he question is, to accept Sh James Graham's measure, or to leave the children of the pooi ,n gross ignorance." I was astonished that the intelligent ami hbetal Editor should slate ihis to be the alternative. What! was he not aware that about a million and a half of childien are receiving instruction in the Sunday schools of Dissenters? Are there not great numbers of schools in efficient operation in connection with the British and Foreign School Society, beside. many private charity schools and a multitude of private school masters, whose schools are within the reach of the belter son of working people, as well as of the middle classes 1 No no- this is not the alternative There is another alternative'from which the people will not allow their attention to be diverted I mean the abolition of monstrous monopolies which deny to the people the character and rights of citizens while they ruin trade, and spread misery and pauperism through the length and breadihoftheiand. Let the Government abolish those mono- polies 10 legislation and trade which the people well know rob them of t e runs of their honest industry, and bring them down to a con ttion o ependent paupeiism, and ihey themselves will soon ta e ore to get their own children properly e^Jucaied. A spmt of manly independence and self respect will induce the people to choose the schools they think best for their childien, and to select and pay (heir own schoolmasters; and I will ven- ture to say that the people will then get for their children a far better education th^n Government will ever provide.— But this iniquitous bill will deprive every poor parent of his un- questIOnable right 10 choose where, when, how, and by whom hIS c i- d shall be instructed. The system proposed to be estab- lishes y it, wi|| serve ,0 pauperise, not to elevate and enlighten the intellect ot the people. This is, I am satbfied-from the circumstauces under which the bill has been bioughi forward, the reason of its introduction, and the arauments used in its support, is the real though covert object of the party in power. Depend upon iit they care nothing for the mental any more than the hoddy wanls of the nation. The fact is, they see that multitudes of the people are growing too wise—that thev are accustomed to f,ee enquiry-I hat they know too much of some ihings which had better be mystified, as the principles 01 the British Constitution, and the infraction of them by ihe do. minant parlies in the Sute, the coirupiions of the Church Es- tablishment, and the reai causes of national distiess—that their knowledge and agitation 01 such questions have created, such wide-spread disaffection in the land, and extorted such loud and earnest complaints, as have disturbed the repose and endangered • he monopotiesotChutch and State factions; and that tire puu- hc rnttid is now assuming such strange and unwonted shapes, and putting itself into such singular positions of hostility, that it cannot be managtd or kept down eithwr by the en- gines of the military, or the bludgeons of the police. Hence Ihl. government Education Bill-a cunningly devised plan for compelling you to give up your children into the hands of the parsons, 10 have their tender minds filled with slavish doctrines, a". ^or intellectual servitude. Will Britons submit to t is No, no, the spirit of freedom still lives within them, io spite of all the efforts to extinguish it. This measure has been ronghl in by government with so many strong expres sions of sjmpaihy for their iuiellectual and moral improve- ment, that the Dissenters seem to take an invidious position, ao are represented as the enemies of educaiioo in opposing ll" But a little cool reflection will enable you to see who are your rea friends, and to estimate properly the smooth professIOns 01 Sir James Ciraham and his party, as well as ot 1 e majon y of those who misrepiesent you in the House 01 Commons. Look at th^-ir doings. T; ey have a strange way of proving eir concern for the people. As if at a loss 101 ■,omei mg o o in their legislative capacity, they bring for Wi'i "ihtu11!6' W "j* l'le PeoP'e neither wish nor want,— W 6 L »rn 4 ear 10 'heir most earnest entreaties, an iem° r ?Ce,s" What do the people want? Millions have pe >e legislature for tbe extension of the sut (rage to ei y 1roan o sane mind, and untainted by crime; Hlld millions more have urgently demanded the abolition oil ihe I8X, &D(j oihtr fA,.ri «• s-\ me u10u „ IOofl monopolies. On these greai mioqiioos which d&Hate ilia .1 or* rM»rf J °C0 U 1) TV O U1* COW & SS10II d 11 a tors are perfectly deaf P. J S. u Bul Who wants this Education Bl" W"r o? ar',0n1 been poure.l )Qt0 parh-r:t eot to, any suc h measufe ? T,|fl peop)e ask fo) nothing o w "le they demand btead for theii famishing child en he g0veroment co,.y books. I expres8ion of !eg]slaUve bellev0. fence is quite n keeping with another bill, wuich our sace repiesen.auves been gravely dlscussi0g' jQ llainenlL 1 refer to the Dog Ca.t Bill, which actually oassed ihn UPI, he House of Commons and which was prevented born be coming law, lor the infinite benefit of £ e camne ,*ce he casting vote of the noble lord on ,he noo,sa( k such a proof of our legislators tenderness towards the work ing dogs, can we doubt the sincerity 0f their solicitude about working men 1 Compassionate legislators thus to lavi«h their tender cares upon the dogs, while tears of thouaand. oi human beingi, reduce to misery and want through their mis- rule, witness their factories stopped, their furnaces out 01 blast, their commerce arrested, and the nation brought to the very verge of ruin! But after all, these insults, added to a nation's wrongs, will be productive of some good. I rejoice to think that Sir James Giaham has overdone it on this oc- casion. The veiy extravagance of the bill will ultimately defeat its object. What I am afraid of is, that Lord John Russell's resolutions will ensnars superficial and unwary libe rals, and that by means of a coalition of Whigs and Tories, —a league between Lord John and Sir James,a modified measure will be adopted, which, though the same in princi pie, will appear less objectionable ill delall, If the Bill must pass, let it pass as it is, and the more determined will oe the opposition to its working, and the sooner we shall get rid of it. But I said that the bill would unintentionally do good. Already it has completely roused the Dissenters, from John O'Groat's to the Scilly Isles, and from Dover's Peak to Pembroke. It has caused an agitation which ha- brought to light gieat p inciples. It will do much to con- vince the Dissenle-! of the importance of a closer union with each other on common ground—not only between the different denominations of Nonconformists, but also between the middle and lower classes in the State. It will also convince many of the inexpediency and inutility of confining our agitation to practical grievances, which grow faster than they are removed —and of the wisdom and necessity of directing our most vigo- rous efforts for the separation of Church and State, since it is become evident to the dullest apprehension, that the existence of a Church Establishment in any country, is absolutely incom- patible with perfect liberty of conscience. I am not speaking of the destruction of the Episcopal Church as a denomination, since I cheerfully concede to Episcopalians full libeny to hold and propagate the doctrines they believe; but I am speaking 01 the legal support of one sect al iheexpense of all oihers. Those who approve of bishops, deans, vicars, curates, &c., have a right to have them, provide they support them themselves. On this principle, the Episcopal Church would be far less corrup- and more useful. Dissenting electors, too, will not hereafter be easily induced by fair pretences to support their oppres- sors and bettayers. These agitations I view as the precursors. of the downfal of oppression, and the establishment of univer- sal liberty and peMnanent peace. With these sentiments I pro- pose the first rasCTution. The eloquent gentleman was repeatedly applauded while de. livering the above. Mr. John Williams seconded the resolution, and in a short speech said I t may appear presumptuous in me 10 attempt to address you, after the eloquent speech which you have just now heard from the mover of the resolution but I would just say a word or two before I second it. It is one of the first principles of government, and is alike the duty and interest of those who jove;n, 10 confer the greatest possible amount of happ'ness on !he greatest number of those who aie subjects. Have the Iramtrs of this bill acted upon this principle 1 No; its direct tendency is to widen the existing breach between Dissenters and Churchmen, and to throw the apple of discord amongst neigh. bours. It is an attempt to set aside the great principles of civil and religious liberty, which are the boast of Englishmen, and the bulwarks of freedom. But how comes it to pass that this obnoxious bill has been forced on us in the present critical slate ol affairs ? It is because Disseniers have slumbered and slept," ™hile Episcopalians have been watchful and vigilant. But the time is now come that must arouse from his lethargy every con- scientious Nonconformist. England now "expects every man to do his duty." Let us therefore join to tell a proud and in suiting aristocracy who would attempt to impose the iron yoke of bondage upon our necks, that Britons never will be slaves I cordially second the resolution. Mr. George Thomas, the classical tutor of Pontypool Aca- iemy, moved the second resolution. Having read the resolu- lion, he proceeded as follows The bill which we are met toge- ther this evening to denounce, has a tendency to undermine oui libeities as Dissenters. It goes upon the principle that it comes within the province of Government to grant a religious educa- tion to the people. We admit that it is the province of Go vernment to afford protection to the property and the lives 01 I he subjects—that it is the province of Governmtntto endeavour 10 promote the greatest possible amount of good to the people- :hat it is the province of Government to contribute to the wel- fare of the community at large. But we affirm, when Govern .ent interferes in the things of religion, and enforces conformity In matters of faith-that it encroaches upon an unlawful terri tory, and assumes that power which is the prerogative of God alone. If we were lold that the conduct of the Judges and of tie rinces among the Jews, in persecuting healhen nations, and in putting idolaters to death, is a precedent sufficient to sanction this authority. To this we would reply, that the go- vernment of the Jews was a Theocratical form of government; 'hat they derived all their 1 aws from immediate inspiration. I out we assert that no government in the present day can make any pretensions to this hence the bill of Sir James Graham is wrong in principle it is based upon intolerance, and besides, many of its clauses are exceedingly oppressive. It ptoposes in effect, that the education of the young shall be entrusted to the clergy of the Church of England. It contains a clause that has a tendency to annihilate our Sabbath schools, which haue been productive of so much good in the land. It contains a clause that will be very oppressive to many poor parents ir proposes that they shall give three pence a-week towards the education of their children, whereas some of them can hardly afford to give one farthing out of their small pittance. It con- lams a clausg that gives power to a single truslee to direct the dismissal of a child for misconduct, and therefore he is deprived of his certificate, wilhout which he cannot be employed in any factory. Now this clanse will be very oppressive to a parent 1 hat unfortunately happens to have an unruly child. In addi lion to his oihei troubles, he will either be compelled to suppon him out of Ills own scanty resources, or be involved in the mi sery of seeing him starving. It is true that this bill has the ippearance of liberality, but we affirm that this is an illusion 'litre is a clause that proposes that if any parent shall signify, on the ground of religious objection, the child shall be exempted from learning the catechism of Ihe Chuich of England; uut then it affords no security against persuasion it affords no se utity against that obloquy and reptoach to which the child may be exposed on this account; and it affords no security against a bigotted and an intolerant trustee dismissing a child out 01 school on this account, under the name of misconduct. Now, 11 this bill pass into a law, it will be an invasion of our rights, as Britons and Protestant Dissenters, and the very introduction of it by the present ministry, is a daring attempt to infringe 00 our liberties. Many years have elapsed since such a bold ef- fort as Ihls was made before the most akin to 11 or late was that infamous bill of Lord Sidmouth, in 1811, which was de- leated in the House of Lords by lbe numerous petitions thai were stnt against it; and If this bill will meet with the same tate, the friends of civil and religious liberty will not mourn its loss. My worthy and respected friend, who has addressed you, referred to the old nonconformists they were a noble race of men. The Puritans who lived during the reigns of Elizabeth and the Stewarts, acted a noble part on the theatre of tife they submitted 10 fines and imprisonments, to obloquy and reproach, and even to death itself, in the defence of great principles; and as it was already hinted at, Hume, the historian, admitted that ihe English are in a great measuie indebted to them, for then civil and religious lioeriy; and what was Hume? Did he sympathise with them, either in their religious or political sen iiments 1 Was he a religious partizan 1 No, but he was a cool sceplic, a bold infidel, who would be deemed a philosopher But was he a radical in politics, who stood up in defence 01 democracy'? No, but he was a rigid and a violent Tory, who in some instances advocated the absurd, the dangerous, and slavish doctrines of passive obedience and non-resistance; and theiefore, this admission must have been extorted from him by the foice of truth. The Dissenters of the ptesent day evince that they have imbibed the same spirit. Differing, undoubtedly, as they do among themselves, in reference to certain points in politics, slill they are determined that no encroachment shall be made upon their libeities, with their connivance and when they are attacked, they will be found united to resist the ag- gression. The Dlssenlers have always been some of the prtn. cipal guardians of the civil and the religious liberty enjoyed by the inhabitants of this country, and they have proved themselves to be so on the present occasion. When this Education Bill was introduced by Sir James Graham into Parliament, all the political parties in the Slate, Tory, Whig, and Radical, seemed to favour tt. Sir Robert Peel, Lord John Russell, and Mr. Hume, seemed to give their consent to 11. The leading news papers of the day, except those connected with Dissent, were us advocates, as for instance, the limes, the Morning Chronicle, and the Northern Star. One might imagine that a bill like this would be a boon, since it met with the concurrence of all par- ties but by the vigilance of Dissenters, it was discovered to be a monster, and not the fondling of the nation they dragged it forth to the sight hoiti its concealment, and exposed it to view, that it might appear in all its huieousness and deformity they had public meetings over the length and the breadth of ihe land —they discussed the principle and the different clauses of-the bill-they called the attention of the nation 10 it—and the con- sequence is that it has been condemned by public opinion.— Hundreds of petitions have been already sent into Patliameni against it, and in the course of a fortnight hundreds more shall have been sent. I find that thousands on the Monmouthshire hills have already signed the petition, aud that thousands more are waiting with anxiety for an opportuni'y to sign. Whether the ministry will insist upon the passing of this bill, in spite of public opinion, or whether they .ill auuodoa it, 110 at presenl involved in unceitainty but in my hutnble opinion, whatever they will do, is but of very little consequence. I am not afraid of the final result. A Tory ministry may as well attempt to arrest the sun in its course, as to stay the progress of Dissent. The principles of Dissent are the pure principles of Christianity, which the Csesais, with all their power, have failed to crush. The principles of Dissent are the principles of eternal truth, and therefore they must prevail, in spite of all opposition. My reliance is partly upon the good sense of the nation, and upon the attachment of the people to their liberties but my reliance is chiefly upon the overruling providence of that Being who sits at the helm of the ilniverse. Let the kings of the earth set themselves, and the rulers take counsel together, against the Lord and against his Anointed. He that sitteth in the heavens shall laugh the Lord shall have them in derision." The above excellent speech was received with repeated bursts of applause. Mr. Charles Davies seconded the resolution. The Rev, Mr. Morgan, of Pembroke Dock, proposed the third resolution, Mr. W. Conway, on being called on by the chaiiman, said— I feel great pleasure in seconding the resolution proposed by Mr. Morgan, and in so doing, would beg 10 give every sen- tence it contains my most unqualified support; at the same time, sir. 1 must beg to state 1 am neither accustomed, pre. partd, nor competent, to make a long speech, and shall, there- lore, make no pietension to it. I wIll not. however, refrain from expressing my conviction that the sacred I emple of Liberty moral structure, which we are virtually bound to delivei to the succeeding generation, in at least as good a state of re- pair as that in which we found it, (and 1 hope sir, dear to us •>il, independent of such obligation,) is about to be assailed by the most consuming and malignant H.me ever despotism fanned into existence. Tis for you, Disseniers, to extinguish it with vou exists the power—is there also the will ? Can you sil n quietly and apatheiica ly, and warm an inconsistent dissent by ihe radiited heat of the conflagration, of that which is most dear to you? or will you, to a man, rally in protecting thou- sands around that Temple of Liberty in which is enshrined the attobuteof conscience, in all its hallowed purity 1 A temple, in which, may be said, is leflected the beatitude*of eternity. A emple, without which man, intellectual man, would be re iluced from the superiority of his nature, to the degraded de naseoient of a mote mechanical existence. If you really esteem thai liberty, for which your forefathers bled, then I entreat you send forth the engine of public opinion, and with it a copious supply of healthy, manly, energetic, despotism-destyoying, and uncompromising nonconformity. As to myself, Mr. Chairman, I am Jtfermined to perform my part; I, for one, will aSli.t man the engine, and lend a helping hand to apply the boate to the spot where the flame of civil or religious tyranny is predominant, and never, sir, never will I quit my post, utflii either the fire be extinguished, or the crumbling ruios of the W* brie be my grave. A modern writer remarks." The affair* of the world, according to the character of him who views thf", are either an assemblage of coarse contrivances, intended to a certain number of human creatures, to eat and drink and gro- fat at their ense or they are a set oflaws and operations noble in their nature and tendency, and designed to conduct a betog endowed with lofty inlelleclual faculries to lhat high and gJø- rious mnral condnion, wlJlch consliltJles here below the perfec* tion of his nature, and the ultimate aim of his existence. NovV' sir, if the things of this world are in reality an assemblage II coarse contrivances, inlended for a certain number of humaØ creatures to eat, and drink, and grow fat at their ease, and that, too, at the expense of the famishing millions, then we are doing wrong in opposing a law, the observance of which wovld add » to the rotundity of the bishop and the bloatedness of the ploialist; but if, on the contrary, the affairs of this woild are a MfoF laws and operations, noble in their nature and tendency, designed to eonduct a being endowed wilh lofty intellecluaJ f3Ø culnes, to that high and glowing moral condition, which con* stiiutes here below the perfection of his nature and the ultlo mate arm of his existence.—then, sir, we are doing 7ighf 111 opposing a bill which, if brought into operation, will have' direct tendency 10 enslave the mind of man, and make t,,1'Il mere puppet in the hands of a state paid hierarchy. The Rev. D. LI. Isaac, in an effective speech, delivered III Welsh, spoke to the following effect, in support of the motion » —Let it not be understood that we are against education be* cause we are opposed tothisbiti. Dissenters have always bee" the friends of education, as of civil and religious liberty. Sra-Te religions, whether Idolatry, Paganism, or Christianity, invariably acted as the bitterest enemies of knowledge, as we" as of liberty, and every thing else of a popular character. It was the staie church that first monopolized the rightof thinking > then they robbed the church of GoJ's word, and made it 10 be believed that ignorance was the mother of devotion. Priest", craft thus was enthroned, and Christianity, the benefactress ot Ihe people, was converted into an engine of sta'e, and durtDg the middle ages, it was employed by the craft as a nightmare- What improvement, whether in art or philosophy, that a state church did not attempt to smother? That which is right caO- not be in fear of knowledge. Light is the tyrant's citadel. We object to this bill because, firs'* interferes with religion it forces religious instruction upon Ih8 chIld. Parliament has no right to legislate upon religion re* ligion cannot he put in the categories of those matters which staiemen can shape and Durse, they may as well make laws for nature, or introduce a bill for regulating the movements of tbe comet. Christianity is power, and has it not, whe:1 free, pro- duced moral resolutions, and, in spite of superstition and the sword, exploded systems, and recast nations ? It is ridiculouf that children cannot have leave to learn the alphabet, and hOd to spell, without being subjected to swallow cathecisms an creeds, and be drilled into sectarian peculiarities why not be satisfied to let ihe children have the key 10 the depositories 0 hooks, and then let them free? We again object to this bt because of ils sectarian principles—it enacts lhat the schoo supported by the whole, shall be placed under the controul 0 an irresponsible few of one section of the Chiistian Church. The church cathecism and liturgy are to be imposed, and the children, forsooth, are to attend the State Church on the Sa" bath, and the fine for not attending this ecclesiastical tralDlng: IS" no employment;" in other words, starvation. I am aware that an exemption is provided, but it is invidious, illusory, 80 sham. The bill seems to me to be an impudent invasion upo the civil and religious liberty of the nation, and an attempt l(J' crush Sunday Schools and annihilate Dissent, but the LeV^3' than energy which supported the Nonconfonnists of old is yet dead. The Rev. S. Price, Abersychan, being called upon to the fourth resolution, said Mr. Chairman, Christian Friends —It is not often I have to complain of my nerves, but really on the present occasion I feel them almost shaken. It require* no small degree of nerve to come forward at this late perlo of the evening, and to address this numerous meeting, after having listened with so much pleasure to such truly ting and eloquent speeches as those which we have ^earcj| It was said of a certain member of parliament lhat his spee was generally called the dinner bill. I suppose it is now aim0 time for the supper bill. But, sir, as we have met on this 100 portant occasion, and as I am requested to move a resoluUo e relative to a petition which is put into my hand, I must cra; your indulgence for a short time. Sir, we are not met 'ieie,-e, oppose education—no, Dissent has nothing to fear from the fusion of knowledge. It appeals to the understanding, 8 challenges free and open inquiry and investigation. Some the dissenting community express their surprise that Sir J Graham should have dared to bring forward such a as this. I must confess that I am not surprised. It IS \V we might have expected from such men as c not expect to gather grapes from thorns, not figs from thIS reo neither is it unusual for apostates from either political °r. c ligious principles, to make some desperate effort to coDVI their new associates of the sincerity of their conversion. gret that the principles of civil and religious liberty s ° 'I be invaded and trampled in the dust, but I am not so that the Tories have shown their true piinciples. When' Whigs brought forward their Education Bill, the cry o* No Propery, was immediately raised. I am not going to 1 cuss the merits of that bill. I know it was ten ,'i0US,dJ times more liberal than the present, however the Wesi ttt, and many of the Dissenters might have petitioned agei"9 and they said, "Turn out the Whigs, and let us ha»e Tories." We have the Tories, and what do they tell ulJ Ihev in effect say, "They chastised you with whips, u. — will chastise ycu with scorpions." But let 'hem g .d. one step of oppression to another, until, was jfr meeting at Bristol, "The British lion be roused from^ and shaking the dew drops from his mane, and iff from his eyes. bring the Establishment at his feet, sep ba- Ihe Church from the State, and say that Britons 'ree Sir, in reference to the petition I hold in my rjeCtl^ submit to the meeting, I would observe that I an1 perf peo aware ihena is a great difference as to the expediency aDy fittoning parliament at all. The parliament has in ana instances turned a deaf ear to the voice of the |)itye the cries of the poor. The thousands of pelltlOOS Id be borne been almost treated with contempt, but it shou hich fIe in mind that it is the only constitutional way tD will can approach the House of Commons; and if the e Ufytry» be lost upon that house, ii will not be lost upon the CO (Loud cheers.) It is to the country we are to look, for ever strong a government may be, it must ultimately to the voice of the country. I also feel a pleasure, in submitting their petition to this meeting. It embodies1'1 opinions of all those who love the principles of religious libef')^ The bill in parliament proposes to place the religious educa"0^ of the people in the hands of the ciergy of the Establis^ Cliurch. It has often heen a cause of surprise to me, government should place everything in the hanfis of the c'e The late celebrated Robert Hall said that he thought SOt'" ministers had two souls, one for the week and the other 0 Sunday. (A laugh.) Now I think that before the c'e'^av0i a (tend to all the offices imposed upon them,—they half a dozen souls! Let them attend to their right woi conversion of sinners, and that is the sort of educatt°D Q^ children are to have. Look again at the Sabbath schoo 8* what a violation of all the labours of the immortal R8^t of those pious teachers who are now in heaven, thus to stroyed in a moment! Why, the very ashes of the dea the voice of the saints from under the altar, will cry out ag it! (Cheers,) (r tbe The Revd. Thomas Kenvyn seconded the yye|sh» adoption of the petition, and, in a facetious address In, jjja* which elicited roars of laughter, declared his convlcllOO „e» the design of Sir James Graham's bill was, to train up a g ter" ration of young church-goers at the expense of the D who were in that parish and throughout the kingdom, delog tb.1I for the education and moral improvement of the their selfish opponents, He compared the conduct of church in reference to the bill, to that of the cuckoo, al |»'^ said did not take the trouble to build a nest for herself, her eggs in the nest of another bird, and left them to be by the care, and fed by the toil and assiduity, of anotbe <jf Sir James Graham proposed lo rear a nutneious 0 young cuckoos for ihe venerable mother, at the e*P Dissent. He thought the plan would not succeed, ^°r'Bi(g tbe a vicious dog enters a sheep field, the timid creatures bodlj alarm, run together, and form themselves into a c°mPa^0f,' head to head, staring and blowing at the hungry aSSrejefS t°* he is frightened away so all denominations of ^'sseDjjog merge minor differences, and heartily unite in presem attack upon their common rights and liLerues, speaker was loudly applauded.) jgj, tb' A vote of thanks to the Chairman having been can d meeling closed. t'pg ,ø It is the general opinion that never was so interes I 001" important h meeting held before in the town of Pop'y' f 1 he overflowing attendance, the enetgy and jeo' speakers, and the bursts of applause with which ments of each speech were hailed by the assembly, e* deep interest the inhabitants take in the question.. 0 sciei>2

IIvDRopATiiy; OR THE WATKR has made so little progress during the last hundred Ythe preØ lhat of medicine. From the earliest period, down 1 oCes sent time, medical institutions have made fewer adva t[)t> Is any other with which we are acquainted. With'11 jea4' fifteen years, however, the attention of a few of 11 p0w members of the profession has been directed to j knowledged medical fact that in the course of 24 ,g p»s* skin gives out a greatest amount of secretion tn8 |aiiie a(i through t!ie bowels and kidneys together"—and itlS |, ble to reflect that, *• in studying the economy ot ^teo1' »' frame and in administering to its remedies, so j1' ,he has hitherto been paid to the great organ ot secretion,1 This principle, whea acted upon, produces ihem,°A dinary results—in diseases of the liver, kidney. 8°d scro^Lj bilious complaints, dyspepsia, nervous debili^d 11:\ dropsy, cancer—tic douloureux, rheumatism, g°Uj- eases'j given rise to the Water Cure system of healing system iast rising into notice—and one which, from ijc*1'0 that has almost invariably attended its VL lto"reV,t)6 seem likely to form an era in medical history. Mu -eDce of us success, depends upon the skill and expel simple, Physician—since this mode of treatment, thong itself, is powerful in its resul:s, and must not 18 COW011t tI' ployed by individuals of their own free choice, <>r ^ave re',0.^ to unskilful hands. Several friends ol mine, « ujc|i is ed from Dr. Mastalier's establishment at Bath, wo^,j,e sjs up with a -aiiety of Douchesand other appliances ,3 bear ample testimony to the efficacy of the r ]a(jies, hundreds of Englishmen, and especially Engl' n(jerful fail experienced, in their own persons, the truly vv° ciaD°tl,fit' resulting from it. 'These facts and ciicums'an jong, 0' to cause this mode of treatment to become verbal adoption.—( From a Correspondent.) J)redge ^e BHIDGE BUILDING.—We understand lhat EIETI been applied to by the Russian Government -a bridges of 1 300 feet span, single bearing, 10 iakir»g c\i' land. We should be glad to bear of some one jeC,|y question of a bridge at ihe Old Passage it 1S^ 0jDted r 10 cable, but tbe Bristol public have been so 'sa geem to 'eago^ fcirunel, at Bristol Suspension Bridge that ey sgeB embark capital in bridges but, from w[,a* Severn.°„tff^ known of Dredge's patent, we are satisfie' t a not to sever Wales and England any longer. ted Mining Journal. „ nresent of Eiom five 10 si* thousand ions o coa ar ol|,er p°r by government, for Hong Kong, an sev LIWh'j i.. neglected » 1" »'"ch h"' 8°°" 'SS'/atp." BK" confine a little deer (dear).