Monmouthshire Merlin

HOUSE OF LORDS. 1 UFSDAY, JAN. 31.— THE Avnntss.— The Speech having been read by the Lord Chancellor, and afterwards by the Cleik at the table, The Earl of Fingal rose to propose the Address to his Majesty. The noble Earl was, throughout his speech, but imperfectly heard in the gallery but we understood the noble Eul to crave at the commencement the kind indulgence of (he house during the very few observations he should have to make. His Majesty commenced his speech by adverting to the state of fo- leign affairs, observing that he continued to receive from all foreign Powers the assurances of the most friendly disposition to this country. With respect to the war in Spain, it was highly satisfactory to know that the British Legion had not tarnished the name of Britons. (Cheers.) With respect to Portugal, it appeared to the noble Earl that the course adopted by his Ma- jesty's Ministers, was without exception, highly creditable to them. His Majesiy then adverted to the state of Lower Canada that was a question of vast importance, but as the report of the Commissioners would shortly be laid on the table, the noble Earl felt it unnecessary to make further observations upon that subject. His Majesty had next adverted to the state of the law. Whaiever differences of opinion there might be upon th;,t sub- ject, he for one feft convinced that it was essentially necessary that some reformation should take place. No one deprecated more than he did the outrages that occurred in Ireland, and no one was more ready than himself to exert all the influence he possessed to further reforms which would tend to its good. (Cheers.) Willi regard to the corporations in Ireland (conti- nued the noble lord), he hoped that in the present session some remedy would be adopted which would have the tfrectofre. forming the abuses which, it was admitted, existed in their pre- sent constitution the two countries were united to each other, and the question was whether the inhabitants of one portion of the empire should enjoy the same privileges as those of the other, or whether they should be considered as unworthy to possess them. (Cries of Hear, hear.) The people of Ireland had exhibited no disinclination or incompetency to manage their own affairs and the Reform of the Corporations of Scot- land had increased the prosperity and industry of the people of that country—the Irish claimed the some privileges, trusting for the same results. My Lords (continued the no^le Earl ) on the difficult and important subject of Tithes, I shall not now enter at any length, the question has already been referred to in so many speeches—but its importance is such that I consider the security of ptoperly and the maintenance of tijnq^illity jn Ireland depend upon the settlement of it. My I^ords, the Speech of his Majesty also refers to the subject of Poor Laws for Ireland the nature and details of that question I have had an opportunity of learning .as ooe oi -tlia^L'omiB&siop^s,^p- pointed"(o inquire into them. (Hear, hear.) I[e had strong .and decided opinions, but it had been his most anxioife wish to avoid any subject that could by possibility iend to create any dissensions upon the Address which was to be sent by that house to the Speech from the Throne. ( flear, No- thing, he was sure, could be moie gratifying than to have an expiession of unanimity upon that subject. (Hear, hear.) Be- fore he sat down he trusted that he might be allowed do express his earnest hope that this Session of Parliament would not ter- minate without some at least of the measures recommended by the Throne having been passed. (Ilear, hear.) They had de- cided by the Act of Union, that the people of Ireland, as they had shared in our dangers, should share in our Pf'osperity. (Hear, hear.) England had commenced a course of generous* policy towards Ireland and that policy he had no doubt would be continued. (Hear.) He was convinced it was the wish of the noble Lord at the head of his Majeity's Government to con- tinue it. The representation of the people of Ireland bad been improved, the moral condition of the j eople of that country had been improved, their power had been inc eased and he (Lord Fingal) was proud to be able to stand" in that house to make such an acknowledgment. (Loud cries of Hear, hear.) It was by following up that course of policy which had been so nobly begun, that their Lordships would be enabled to preserve peace, and to cause content to dwell throughout the land, and by so doing they would further see England herself gro" happy, prosperous, and powerful. (Cheers.) The noble lord then moved the Address, which was an echo of the Speech- Lord Suffield said he rose to second the Adilre86 which had just been moved. The Noble Lord had entered so minutely into the dfeUils of the Speech from the Throne, lhat he should oontent himaelf by aiming at a general survey of its contents. I the couditiou of a country was to be the test of the wisdom of us rulers it was to that teat he would refer. In »fl3 opinion the s ale of Kngland never was so prosperous /including both the individual and the general welfare of the countrj) it was at ilus moment and there was no gne would not admit that that pohcy which produced the greatest happing. comfort was the best policy in all coumries. Cries of hear,Var- The Z dustry of «lm country^, WiJ8 employed s„ beneficially as it TK n I c Iasl fer years- The causes of ihi* were various 1 he t riumphs of agriculture had produced almost a monopoly to >ir„dr ™.br.d "j in the exercise of the new Poor Laws. No doubt many Noble Lords present had read ihe lepoit on this subject, and bad been delighted to find how materially, by the New Poor Laws, the poor rate had been reduced and to what an extent a spirit of tranquillity had been diffused throughout the provinces. (Hear.) Industry and independence had been substituted for indolence and alms, and a moral sense of propriety for a state of degrada- tion. If their Lordships would investigate the advance of manu- factures and commerce they would find it might with truth be affirmed that they had been alike active and steady. There was DO less reason for gratulation if their lordships would look to that which was the foundation of the state itself—its revenue notwithstanding the continued and progressive reduction of taxes, the accounts still showed a surplus of two millions and a half over and above the total of the twelve months preceding. Figures prove themselves but they in this case possess also the peculiar property of showing that, with the increase of re- venue, the comforts and even the luxuries of life are propor. tionably increased. He felt bound also to allude to that which every noble Loid must have listened to with sincere gratification, viz. the removal of the cause or unceasing agitation, Tithes. (Hear.) In his opinion, the commutation of Tithes had done more than any thing else to bring about tranquillity and happi- ness, because it had tended to remove that discontent and dis. quiet which had long existed between the pastor and the people and should Dissenters be dischaiged from the payment of dues, the justice of which they conscientiously disputed, and from which he could not but think they ought to be relieved, this kingdom would then enjoy all that any Government could be- stow, viz. universal religious peace. (Cheers.) In this cur- sory view, he feared it could not be denied that he had rather depicted the state of England and Scotland, than that of the Sis- ter Island, because, although he had been delighted to hear the noble earl on his left say the evils of Ireland had been much removed, undoubtedly they still yet existed, and to a consider- able extent. He certainly could not but think that those evils arose oubofa refusal to place Ireland on an equality with Eng- land. (Much cheering.) This was her demand, and he could not but think that it was a demand most reasonable and most desirable. Let noble lords look to the National Association. That Association demanded Municipal Reform and the aboli- tion of tithes. It was matter of consideration, whether their lordships ought not to look to the absolute necessity for the people of Ireland resolving themselves into such a concentra- tion of force. The Orange Society had been put down-the Catholic Association had been put down-but he would ask, where was the machinery—where the national sympathy that would enable them to put down that which might truly be called the National Association 1 That association was only to be quelled by the most substantial exercise of justice. Turn the scale k>'whatever side they might, justice alone would sustain the public opinion, which in the present height of intelligence was the true element on which nay Government could exist. (Cries of Hear, hear, and cheers.) If their Lordships turned then to Catholic Emancipation—if the stern couviclion of those —the noble Duke and the right hon. Baronet who were then at the head of affairs-was, that it was impossible to resist the national will, he would only say let their Lordships piofit by that example. It was not in the power of their Lordships, or of any assembly in this country, to brave the current of public opinion. It was true great reforms had taken place, a great part of the Irish hierarchy had been extinguished, and he trusted that their Lordshigs would learn wisdom by what had taken place, and accede to the voice of the country. (Loud cheers.) It was impossible to resist the public feeling, if they did so it would be a contest in whit h all the justice was on one side. (Cheers.) There might be differences on that subject, but still justice was due fiom that house to the country. (Loud cheers.) Upon the subject of Poor Laws, there could be but one opinion. A Poor-law would rescue thousands from starvation, and place them out of the reach of want. He was sorry to have detained their Lordships so long. He would only say that the voice that had been so loudly echoed throughout the country ought to be attended to, and great reforms should take place in the institu- tions of the state. It i3, therefore, my Lords, because I consi- der tint the policy recommended in the Speech of his Majesty to be pursued will conduce to the happiness of the subject, that I willingly and with pleasure second the address which has been proposed. (Cheers.) 2 he Duke of Wellington: My Lords, it is not my intention in rising to offer any opposition to the Address which has been proposed by the noble earl. My lords, 1 must say that I have seldom heard a speech from the throne, or listened to an ad. dress which I considered to be less liable to objection (hear), and it is most probable that I should say but a few words on this occasion, if something had not been alluded to by the noble earl, who moved the Address in an able speech (which I hope will induce him fiequently to address your lordships) (hear), but more particularly by the noble lord who seconded it, like- wise in a speech which manifested considerable power; but both the noble loids have thought proper to dwell at consider- able length on the subject of the tranquillity of Ireland, and more particularly the noble lord who last addressed your loid- ships house, has been pleased to attribute it to the establish- ment of a certain body, called the National Association of Ire- land, the existence of which he had been pleased to attribule to the injustice used towards Ireland. As lie was one of the ma- jotity of that house against whom injustice was charged, he should defend himself against the charge, as also those with whom he acted. He must say it was a most surprising circum- stan, e, a circumstance he believed unparalleled in this country, that an attempt should be made to justify the establishment, in any part of his Majesty's dominions, of an association, the le- gality of which was exceedingly doubtful, and to found the jus- tification of that proceeding in the proceedings of the houses of Parliament. That was one of the most extraordinary modes of reasoning he had ever heard. In the last session of Parliament there was a paragraph in the speech from the throne, stating the tranrjuillity which existed in Ireland. At the very time that that speech was delivered this association existed in that pait of the United Kingdom. It was established with a view to take possession of the government, but not for his Majesty. It had existed previously to the opening of the last session of Parliament, and it was stated that the country was in a state of comparative, tranquillity,^ He did not call upon their lordships tci put down that association, but what he asked was, that they, should call things by their true names— (bear, hear,)—that when there existed an association which formed managing com- mittees, which employed agent3 and sent them through the' country to spread dissension among the people, which raised money for the purpose of carrying into execution its decrees— that should not be called tranquillizing the country, but that in real name should be given to it, namely, that of frightful dis- turbance and conspiracy. With respect to the measures whictt were alluded to in the speech, when they came to be considered he would give them his best attention. In allusion to the part relating to foreign policy he wished to say a few words. It KM right that he should say a few words upon that part of the sub- ject in relation to Spain. It was well known to their lordships that he was one of those who objected to the oiiginal treaty which had been made, which AMS called the quadruple trea.y. fle pei fectly we) I recollected that when he had the honou, of serving his Majesty's Government in 1834, he was called upon to state distinctly whether the treaty would be carried intoex- ecution and that he had then stated what he understood la be its meaning and scope, namely, that there should be no inter- vention in the internal affairs of Spain which should tend to affect the independence of that country. Such was his s«iise of the treaty at that time-such was his view of it up to the pre- sent moment, and it was perfectly understood by all parties to the treaty at the time. As he understood, all parlies A-ere sa- r tisfied with the declaration that there should be no military in- terfeience in the affair. He confessed he had strong, very strong objections to every system of interference in the internal affairs of another country. 'The noble Duke would offer no op- position to the address. Lord Melbourne was glad that it was not the intention of noble lords opposite to move any amendment to the Address. Although the Speech had met with the approbation of the op- posile side of the house, yet he had no doubt it contained topics that would hereafter create great subjects of differepce. The noble duke had agreed with the statement in the Speech, that but with few exceptions, tranquillity reigned in Ireland (hear). One subject which called forth the obseivalions o! the noble duke was the establishment of the National Associa ion in Ire- land. No man had viewed with more regret that he did the existence of that association he did not think that the grounds on which it had been stated to have been built. justified its erection. (Hear, hear, and loud cheers.) lie cosld. not help saying, proceedings had taken place in that association, of which he could not, for one, approve but he must, in justice, say, that their proceedings were open as the dzy and there was no concealment whatever of what they intended to take place. (Hear, hear, and cheers.) He had no doubt the noble duke would admit that Ireland, as well as England, had been in tranquillity during the vacation. (lfear, bear.) If any dis- turbance of tranfluillily had taken place, it was to be ascribed only to the exertions of the noble lords on the other side. (Great cheering.) One noble lord oprosite had raised his voice most loudly in discussion on the subject. (Loud clieering). It had been said there was great reaction in the country. (Cheers.) Neither he, or those connected with him, were aware of such a fact. (Cheers.) If such, however, was the case, let those in whose favour that opinion was supposed to have changed, try by every means in their power to make it answer their purpose. (Great cheering.) He recommended the noble lords opposite not to be deceived by their own shouts they had very often been deceived in their estimate of ntitnberw, and no doubt tliev had been so now. (Hear.) With resect to the principles ■wliieh the noble-dtrke hatl Stated of 'The impossibility of forcing a government upon Spain — the impossibility of interference with the internal affairs of Spain, he entirely coincided. (Hear, hear.) His aigument was, that his Majesty's Government had acted on those principles of non-interference. They knew very well that revolutions in Spain had taken place-revolutions at- tended with all those losses and ruin to individuals, which the noble duke had detailed but those revolutions had been owing to the internal state of that country, and not to the interference of the British Government, as the noble duke would infer. The ruin and losses had been owing to the war unsuccesfully carried on, and continually ending in failuic. There waJl nothing under which a country was so impatient ns ihat. It was impatient enough under a foreign yoke, still more under a civil war, as the noble duke very well knew. Success in Spain depended upon the operations of the army of the Queen, and all the revolutions and changes that had taken place had been owing to the inefficiency of her forces by which the war had been carried on. (Hear.) He had only to repeat again, with respect to Spain, that there would be no indisposition to affoid every information to their lordships on this subject, and when the noble duke should be in full possession of that, he felt per- suaded the nolde duke would think better of the policy pursued by his Majesty's Government, than he seemed at present to think. There was no other object embraced by the noble duke in his statement; and, therefore.be had only lo expiess his satisfaction that there was no difference of opinion with respect to the Address to be presented to his Majesty. The question was then pit from the Woolsack, and the pre- sentation of the Address tvas carried unanimously, and the house aJjourned to Thursday,

HOUSE OP COMMONS. Evesham, and the county ofL for(, » ° Galne, Walton, Carlow, Mr. S MforBrTT?~7II,pAND- III* lordship » "j" Huasell, that it was Bill for the Reform February, to bring in a SL'J1? Mumc,Pa» Corporations of ifeland. The Hon. Gent. TW LAWS—IRELAND. on the 9tb lhat "'e noble lo.d would, •»»**»» '»•««<«' .-i R.RCI.ESIASTICAT COMMISSION ENS. And on the 16th of February, would move for leave to bring in a Bill to carrv into effect the recommendation of the Eccle- siastical Commissioners. cli'7 L criuncn HATI S. And on the same day he would move for leave to bring in a Bill respecting Church-rates. ( Hea r, hear.) The Hon. Member then gave notice that, on Thursday next, he would move for a committee lo inquire into the operations of joint-stock banks—that his friend, Air. Labouchete-, Would, on the 28th of February, move for leave to bring in a bill to im- prove the practice in the Royal Mint and on the 2d of March, he would move for leave to bring in a Bill to amend the laws relating to the Post-office. lhe Attorney-General gave notice of his intention to bring in a Bill for amending the Municipal Corporation Act for Eng- land and that On Monday next he would ntdvfe fBr leafce to bring in a Bill for abolishing Imprisonment fort)ebt ('cheers) and one for the better Registration of Y oters. Mr. Grote gave notice that, on Tuesday the 7th of March, he would move for leave to bring in a Bill to provide for the election of members being taken by Ballot. (Great cheering.) The following notices of motion were also given :-By Mr. Brotherton, that the house should not sit after twelve o'clock, except in urgent cases; by Mr. Williams aftd Mr. MaweS, for a repeal of the Septennial Act by Mr. Robinson, for a Bill relating to the Vixen by Mr. Wilks, for Tuesday next, for a' Bill to amend the Marriage Act; by Mr. Clay, for a commit- tee of the whole house, for a repeal of the Corn Laws by Mr. Waid, for a Reform of the House of Lords (March 14) by Mr. Roebuck, to bring in a Bill for the establishment of Local: Courts also to abolish the penny stamp on newspapers; by Mr. Hume, for a Bill relating to county rates also, a Bill to regulate the expenses of elections also (on the 14th of April) for a Bill to extend the suffrage to householders in genera) by Mr. Ewart, for a Bill to abolish the law of primogeniture also, for an address to the Crown (on the 18th of April), for the ap- pointment of a minister of education, and a committee to in- quire into the state of education of the people by Mr. Ward, that the present method of taking divisions be extended to com- mittees by Mr. Buckingham, for leave to bring in a Bill for the regulation of the shipping interests, and also for the better manning the British navy in lime of war by Mr Hoy, for the appointment of a select committee on the laws relating to bene- fit societies; by Mr. Lushingion, for the removal of the bishops from the House of Lords ( Feb. 16) by Mr. Phillips, for a re- peal of the duty on raw cotton by Mr. C. Buller, for a bill to amend the law relating to controverted elections by Mr. T. Duncombe, for an alteration in the law requiring voters lo iy their taxes before registration, also (on March 16) to abc' the practice of voting by proxy in the House Lords; by t»ir. Pryme. fur the amendment of the grand jury (England) la-i, (Feb. 23, and that an address be presented to his Majc -v' that he w»u|d be graciously pleased to issue a commission in- quiring into the state of the Universities of Oxford and Cam- bridge (Feb. 28th). ■Mil. LECHMT. 11 E ClIAnl.TON. | Letters were then read from the Lord Chancellor and Mr. L. Charlton, in which the latter stated, that having reason to believe he would be apprehended on his way to the House, for comtempt of the Court of Chancery, he claimed the protection of the Iloise. After s)me conversation it was agreed that the subject be taken intoconsideration on the following day. THE KING'S SPEECH. The Steech having/oeen read, Mr. Sandjord rose and stated that as h, was suffering under very severe indisposition, he trusted tlat the House would grant him that indulgence which he had sloften seen extended to others in the same situation, and in oder to merit that indulgence he would endeavour to be as britf as possible in fulfilling that duty which fell upon hun-lite endeavouring to induce the House to agree to that Addressable)) lie would have the honour to move, and which, as usual, was pretty much in accordance with the Speech of his Majesty. Mr. Sandford then went through the various to- pics of tie Address, in neatly the same language as that of the mover it the House of Lords. Mr. rHliers Stewart seconded the Address, and in speaking of that )art which referred to Ireland, said :-For centuries Englam had treated Ireland like a conquered country gradu- ally shehad relaxed that system, and raised Ireland in point of law to ;n equality with herself; and he would now ask, would they veiture to keep her in a state of degradation in point of praclict ] He was satisfied that they could not—the moment that tie Emancipation Bill was passed they had raised up anothe nation to an equality with themselves, and that nation was ilermined to maintain her position. (Hear, hear.) If thee was a party still existing in that country who were not satisfifd with a fair share of power, but were determined to re- cur tothe old state of things and the old system of ascendancy, he (Mr. V. Stewart) would pray his Majesty's Ministers not to be le< away by their views, and not to let their policy be their guidein legislating for thfUcountty. As an Iiishman, deeply interested in her prosperity, and having a deep stake in the country with which he was connected, and by which he must rise or fall, he woulrl entreat of them not to be led away by the policf of that party, by depriving this poor but happy country of her fair share of the privileges which other portions of the empire enjoyed. (Hear, hear.) Whatever line of policy might be adopted, much gratitude was, in his opinion, due to his Majesty for the gracious manner in which he had called the aiUntion of Parliament to the state of Ireland and he felt that in seconding the motion that an humble Address be presented tohis Majesiy lie was but fulfilling his duty as one of the reo ptesentativesfor that country. (The hon. member sat down ahid loud cheering.) After the Address had been read from the Chair,— Mr. Roe- hick rose and said, that as a silent vote upon the Address might N construed into a general approbation of the condttct of his Alajesty's Ministers, he should, to save himself from miscon- itruction, particularly undjr the present circumstances, say a few words to explain the reasons which induced him to vote for the Address. He would now state why he was compelled- diffeiing as he did from them upon many important questions, nevertheless—to give them that support which they would ob. [ tain froip many members on his side of the house, to maintain iheni in the position ol Ministers, though they could not give a general support to the principles upon which the present go- vernment was conducted. In doing this it would be necessary to speak of the different parties who were endeavouring to gain an ascendancy in this country, and he would not have the mean- ness to shrink from the task, although he would endeavour, whilst performing it, to speak with no unnecessary asperity. He would, then, endeavour shortly to state what he thought of the exact condition of political parties in England, and more particularly of that section,- the democratic section to which he belonged. It appeared that at the present time there was going on in this country, and not only in this country but the world at large, a fearful struggle between two great principles of go- vernment—the one which endeavoured to make the many do- minant, and the other which endeavoured to maintain the do- mination of the few. Thtle were in this house two parties at the present moment, the Tory or Aristocratic party, who were ranged in an hostile but honest faction against the opinions of the democracy, and this party formed, unfortunately as he be- lieved for England, a very large majority here. There was another party, the democratic party, who were a small, and, to use a phrase that was not disagreeeble to the other side of the house, a miserable minority but the latter party was supported by the people at large out of doors. Supported then, as they were, by the masses out of doois, the party which represented the aristocracy, wise as they were in their generation, saw that theic was no chance of defeating them by open warfare, and they choose rather to oppose to them offshols of themselves in the persons of the Whigs. (Cheers from the Opposition.) In 1830 the two antagonist principles of which be spoke were brought into distinct array against each other. At that time the people of England had fully demonstrated to them that the monarchy of these realms was not as bad been supposed, but was, in point of fact, an aristocratic republic. The people of England determined not to suffer the domination of a few, and had the aristocracy dared to continue their opposition 'to the demands of the nation, they would find themselves swept before the current of popular opinion. In this state of things the Whig party, headed by Lord Grey. offered their mediation, and by means of it the Reform Bill was passed-(hat Reform Bill they were glad to receive, not as all they might desire, but as an in- stalment of justice, as a n.eans of accomplishing more on the first feasible opportunity. The took it as a stepping-stone to greater benefits. (Hear.) As soon as the Reform Bill was passed, a large portion of the Whigs, with Lord Grey at the head, and the noble lord opposite (Stanley), a strong partisan. deserted these principles, and stuck to aristocratic government. They wished to stand still, but it was found that the people of England would not permit that, and then thev threw themselves headlong into their aristocratic faction. ThencameLordMe)- bourne—he stood forward as the mediator between the Whigs and the people-he had a small section of the Whigs, and he sought such an alliance with the Radical section of that house. The people believed that the Reform Bill brought into that house so large a number of Liberal members, that they thought the will of the community would be predominant. The Radi- cal party was obliged to consult the wishes of the people, and then they found themselves obliged to range themselves under the banners of Lord Melbourne, under the name of Reformers. A large portion of the Whigs seemed !o have no settled or de- termined object—their only wish seemed to be to preserve the aristocracy in all their privileges and occupations, while at the same lime tlvey were willing and anriotis to take such a share of popularity as they possibly could. There were some who said the W bigs weie sincere and ardent patriots; there was another section who said the Whigs were insincere, and were only anxious to make use of the Reformers for their own pur- 1 poses but the large and more influential section said that, taking them as a whole, they were better than the Tories, and more could be got out of them. ( lory cheers, which were answeletl from the opposite side.) Then, after this special understanding that their own peculiar interests in this mailer were to be consulted, and having some poition of power over the Ministjy by the union of the Whigs and Radicals, it was the duty of the latter to endeavour to get for the people a larger measure of Reform. Acting upon the wish of the people, the liberal party had ranged themselves under the banners of Lord Melbourne, the only justification for which was, that the Whigs used large and geneial words in relation to reform. They did not call themselves Whigs, but Reform- ers; that might mean anything after the displays which had taken place even in the present year that term might include all the Tories. (Laughter.) The hon. gentleman summed up his complaints against the government, and his suggestions for the means of their regaining public favour, in the following words When the the present ministry came into power, they were popular. They rode in on the back of the people, in spite of an adverse court, and in spite of a strong minority in that house. But now their populaiity was gone, and they were daily losing ground. (A cheer from the opposition.) 'Thev were not losing ground for any other reason than that they were too much like the honourable gentlemen who cheered. (A laugh.) They lost ground, because they were like theTories (hear, hear) because they did nothing for good government and the only means that they now had of maintaining them- selves against all the adverse powers arrayed in hostility to them, was to establish in Ireland a well-adjusted system of poor laws—to alter the whole system of the administration of the law from top to bottom—to do away with tithes-to put all parties in the country on an equality—to reform the Church institute the ballot, abolish the rate-paying clauses (and thus secure to themselves a good working majority in the House of Commons in favour of the people^, reform the laws of the coun- try, cheapen the administration of justice, and give to the people the means of a good and cheap education. Then going to the colonies, it would be necessary that they should adminis. ter justice in the same manner as at home, and that they should leave our neighbtoOrs atone. If they did these things they would be popular-if they failed to do them, they could not long con- tinue to be. th« government. Did he believe that they would do them 1 He did not—he did not believe that they would re. deem the promises they made when they came into power, and it therefore behoved him, and those who thought with him, to determine on the coutse they would pursue, believing that nothing serious would be done to give a real and responsible government to the country. His impression was, that the first and foremost thing that ought to be done the. moment it became manifest that the Whig Ministry did not intend to redeem their pledges, was for the Radicals to separate themselves en- tirely from them, to thrust them into the ranks of the Tories, to compel them tb form a distinct alliance with that party, and to let the people of this country know that that House did not re- present them that the real representatives of the country in a minority that the House of Commons was not their friend, and never would be until it was further reformed by the institu- tion of the ballot, and the abolition of the rate paying clause. (HeSr;) Why did not the Whigs give the people such mea- sures as Would eltecllialljr f:Kevpti» the trtuptiop of the Tdries. so much talked of? But, in fact, the Whigs only considered their own interests; the whole advantage of victory had falleh t& them, while the Radicals lent them their support, unrequited, and without asking reward. But the people were no longer to be cajoted they would be convinced by nothing but acts that the Whigs meant them well. ,k 11 The Government was Supported by the speeches of Mr. Beau- mont, Mr. James, Mr. Curteis, Mr. Gisborne, Mr. Hume, and Dr. Bowring. Sir R. Peel thought the speech was drawn up for the purpose of avoiding discussion. He saw no advantage in preliminary and partial discussions of important topics which were shortly to occupy the attention of the House fully, and would therefore not move an amendment, but claimed for himself-the right of hereafter discussing unfettered all the topics alluded to in the speech. He then alluded to Spanish affairs. The only topic (said the right hon. Bart) to which I shall refer is that which relates to our foreign policy, and this not with a view of pro- voking any discussion-not with a view (as I wish to avoid discussion) of condemning it, but only to reserve to myself the same power with respect to our foreigu policy as I have already done with reference to our idomestic policy, namely, that of being unfettered by any pledge to what may in a future discus- sion seem to me to be open to objection. The expression I al- lude to in the speech is this His Majesty laments that the civil contest which has agitated the Spanish Monarchy has not yet been brought to a close; but his Majesty has continued to afford to the Queen of Spain that aid which, by the Treaty of Quadruple Alliance of 1834, his Majesty engaged to give if it should become necessary and his Majesty rejoices that his co- vi" fovct 11 'j > ei' u-,ef:.1 •>to the troops of itholic Mdjc » cognise the tai,- dai«r < 'S^hc- sv-v. ituies of tuia roantrj. (-Hear,, hear ) J .o Vi A of the aliv h i J CO l fit TV iij tl. 'JufStbrocot of'bis CT.vi«h X'try; co-i:;eei«i. as ve .-c^. -.uo.-Ue Queen of 6eictr -the (.• ardra- ple Alliance. i icservo t'.c expr^ssto: r?<j :■ AW-OV ,l '-s re- spect to the policy of that Quadruple Alliance. (Here, here, here.) But these two questions are perfectly distinct, first, whether the engagement whicb we have entered into ought or ought not to have been entered into and next, whether, that engagement being entered into, and the national faith pledged to it, ought that treaty to be faithfully and honourably fulfilled. (lIear, htar 1) I say it ought. I say that the question as to the original policy of this country entering into ihat treaty is entirely distinct from the question as to the practical execution of it. It is tiue, as the noble lord opposite on a former occa- sion stated, that the Duke of Wellington and myself, during the short period the administration of the country was in our hands, while expressing serious doubts as to tha policy of the original engagement entered into by that treaty, yet felt our- selves bound, not merely technically to adhere to the letter of the treaty, but earnestly to see it executed in the spirit in which it was conceived. His Majesty informs us that he has con- tinued to afford to lhe Queen of Spain that aid which, by the 1 reaty of Quadruple Alliance of 1834, his Majesty engaged to give if it should become necessary." I can say with perfect truth, that 1 heard with satisfaction that the King had given that aid to the Queen of Spain which he had stipulated to give her if it should become necessary. I must also say if this coun- try, in the execution of a treaty, the original policy of which I may condemn, does afford aid, that when that aid, whether of British seamen or British soldiers. is given, I never can re- fuse my sympathy to those gallant men, (loud cheers), nor fail torejoicein their success. (Renewed cheers.) But the ex- pression of the address is, we rejoice that his Majesty's co- operating force has rendered useful assistance to the troops of her Catholic Majesty." Now, I take it for granted that the ob- ject of the King's speech was to state to us this—" I stipulated to give a certain force I have given that force, and that force has been successful." The force we stipulated to give was a naval force. (Hear, hear). The granting the assistance of a naval force, evidently does not admit us to interfere with re- spect to any civil dissensions, or any internal conttimtional questions, which a stipulation to grant a military foiee would seem to imply. (Hear, hear). And. therefore, 1 tace it for granted that this part of the speech is literally correct, and that the aid given has been in conformity with the treaty, and no- thing more (Iourl opposition cheers)—and nothing more (re- newed cheering); that it has been that naval force which we stipulated to give. Because, although I agree that that treaty ought to be executed in a generous spirit, yet I still shall on the strongest grounds protest against any construction being given to that treaty which the terms of it do not warrant, and against our being involved, beyond the obligations of that treaty, in the internal dissensions of the Spanish nation. (Opposition cheers). I think that is the prevailing opinion of the majority of this house (hear, hear, hear); and thttt we ought to watch with the utmost care and circumspection—whatever our opinions witty be about mooarctiial or democratic Government that a dangerous principle and precedent be not established but which must be the result, if we once begin to adopt a system of interference with the internal quarrels and dissensions of other countries. I cannot withhold my expression of admiration at the gallantry of my countrymen, and that as they have inter- fered, I rejoice that their interference has been successful. (Loud cheera, and cries of question Lonrf Pabnerston said lhat be should b-i prepared when the right honourable baionet ur any other honourable member should enter into this question, to show that the co-operation which has been afforded to the Queen of Spain was, as the right ho- nourable baronet staled-though, judging from his manner, not as he implied-onsisient and in strict conformity with the ex- ecution of the Quadruple treaty. There being no amendment moved, the address was agreed to nem. con., and a committee was appointed to draw it up. The House then adjourned.

WKDNESDAV, FEB. 1.—Several notices of motions were given' amongst which were Mr. Sergeant Taifoard, a Bill for the bet- ter security of copyright (20th of April), and a Bill to regulate the custody of children of tender years (25th of April); Mr. Walter, to call the attention of the House to the New Poor- law, and sul,niit a motion calculated to produce certain changes therein (20th inst.); the Attorney-General, a Bill for the total abolition of Church-rates in Edinburgh. On the sessional orders being read, Mr. Eicart moved an amendment, to the effect that persons may be admitted to the gallery without an order from members of the House. The amendment was negatived by 172 to 11. Mr. Ward moved that the present mode of taking divisions in the House be ex- tended to committees on all occasions when five members make a requisition to that effect. The motion was agreed to, as also were the sessional orders, without any other alteration. Lord John Russell then, after referring to the letters addressed by the Lord Chancellor and Mr. Lechmere Charlton to the Speaker, and read by that right hon. gentleman to the House on Tuesday, moved That the said letters be referred to a Com- mittee of Privileges, with instructions to the committee to take the said lttteis into their consideration, and to report their opinion thereon to the House."—After a few words from Mr. Uoebuclt, who thought Air. Charlton should be in custody of the Lord Chancellor's officer, before the question of privilege was raised, the motion of Lord John Russell was agreed to. Mr. Sattdjord then appeared at the bar with the Report of the Address in answer to his Majesty's gracious speech. The mo- 1 tion for receiving the report gave rise to some conversation but j the report was ultimately agreed to, and the address ordered to 4 be presented to his Majesty with the usual forms. A long and desultory conversation followed, upon a sugges- tion of Air. Hume's relative to the printing and distilbuting Parliamentary Papers, and with respect to the existing system of examining witnesses before committees, in *hich Sir It. Peel, the Speaker, Mr. C. Butler, the Chancellor of the Exchequer, Mr, Wynne, and others took a part; the discussion terminated in Mr. Hume's moving for a return of the expense for printing the public documents, the mode of distributing them, and the I way in which they could be obtaiued by the public according to r the resolution of the House of the 13th March, 1836.—Order- { ed.—The House having disposed of some other routine business, ) adjourned at twenty minutes before seven o'clock.

Men cannot live without contention it is the acid of life, the zest to conversation, the stimulas to inquiry excess, alone, defeats its utility.

TUESDAY'S LONDON G AZETTE, J A N 31. CmiiVN OFFICE, JAN. 31.—Member returned to serve in this present Parliament.— Borough of Malton.—The Hon. William. Thomas Spencer Wentworth FitzwiJIiam (commonly called Viscount Milton), in ÙM fOOftHJf John Ciaries Rainsden-, Esq- deceased. BANKRUPTS.—Thomas Nottnge, of Green Dragon-yard, Wor- ship-street, coach-master.— Ileniy Greenhill, of Philpot-lane, City, and of High-street, Gravesend, tea-dealer.—John Bates, oi Long-lane, Bermondsey, furrier.-Robert Johnstone, of Chelmsford, woollen-draper.—William Geach the elder, and William Geach the younger, of Polruan, Lanteglos by Fowey, Cornwall, shipwrights.—David Parry, of Pontypool, Mon- mouthshire, victualler, February 7, and March 14, at two, at the Commercial rooms, Corn-street, Bristol. Messrs. Wbi'e and Whit more, solicitors, Bedford-row, London and Messrs. Bevan and Brittan, solicitors, Bristol.—James Duncan, of Manchester, dealer in small wares.—John Hellier Collens, of Weston, Somerset, nurseryman.—James Rogers, of Martley, Worcestershire, tanner.—John Millington, of Manchester, joiner.-Alexander Manson, of Liverpool, and of Rio de Ja- neiro, Brazil, merchant.—Thomas Cartwright, of Manchester, toy-merchant.—Richard Powell, of Bath. butcher.—Edwin Whele, of Walsall, Staffordshire, grocer.— Robert Crabtree and Samuel Holdsworth, of Burnley, Lancashire, curriers.—Edward Sheppard the elder, and Edward Sheppard the younger, of Uley, Gloucestershire, clothiers.—Benjamin Boothby the elder, and Benjamin Boothby the younger, of Nottingham, iron-founders. j —John Harland, of Newcastle upon-Tyne. woodmonger.— J Samuel Beeny, of Birmingham, draper.—William Whitaker, of ( Wakefield, Yorkshire, maltster.

PRICES OF SHAHES AT BRISTOL. COMMERCIAL ROOMS, BHISTOL, WEDNFSOAY EVENING. Paid, Price p." SII.rc. Bristol and Exeter 5 a 3 Bristol and Coal-pit Heath 50 40 42 EastemCounties. 2 If 2 Great Western Bailway Company 30 40 41 London and Greenwich 20 20 TaffVale 10 9i Bristol and Gloucestershire 2J If 2i Birmingham and Gloucester 10 9f Cheltenham and Gt. Western Union 71 66 Grand Connection. 2. 2-1 21- London and Birmingham 75.. 140 London and Southampton 30 22 23 London and Brighton 5 •• gt Ditto (Rennie's) •••• 3 1 £ 2 Liverpool and Manchester 100 2)5 Leeds and Manchester 5 19 10 Bristol Coal Gas 20 17 00 Oil ditto or ol Bristol Union Insurance 10.. 104 General Steam Navigation Company 10 <mi West of England and South VV al«V 26^ District Bank ( 10 1U National Provincial JJank ''J*0*