Monmouthshire Merlin

To the Editor of the Monmouthshire Merlin. SIR,—The manly and independent tone which distinguishes the Monmouthshire Merlin, is a sufficient assurance that you will not refuse insertion to a few remarks upon a matter of consider- able interest to the county of Gloucester generally, but more especially to that part of it usually denominated the clothing country. I allude to the state of the coal trade in the Forest of Dean, and being personally a sufferer by its existing regulations, I have lately made it my employment to acquire every possible information connected with the subject. I find, then, that the public are chiefly supplied by means of two rail-roads, and that these rail-roads are so burthened by tonnages and payments in various shapes, that the produce of the pits is necessarily sold at a rate comparatively exorbitant to what, under more favourable circumstances, it might be offered.. A gentleman, possessing ample resources and every requisite for the purpose, made appli- cation to Parliament, during the last session, for leave to form a third rail-road, which, by taking an intermediate course through the very centre of the coal formation (the two present rail-roads, be it observed, merely skirting its extreme verge), would have enabled its proprietor to supply the consumer at a rate far below the factitious price he is now constrained to pay. So confident and one would suppose so justly confident—was this gentleman of succeeding in his application, that he did not hesitate to pur- chase the site of a wharf and the intermediate land necessary for his purpose, and actually proceeded to some extent in the for- mation of his road. The means by which these reasonable ex- pectations were defeated, were such as have, unfortunately, in previous instances been too successfully exerted in opposition to the public interest: by an active, indefatigable canvass of mem- bers of the House of Commons previously to the subject being brought before them in a formal manner, a large majority was predisposed when it did so appear, without reference to its merits, to strangle it in its birth and may this be washed in Lethe and forgotten ?"—must no further effort be made to liberate ourselves from an oppressive local taxation ? Is a continuation of this nefarious system to be endured, and an immense popula- tion to be permanently and heavily burthened for the benefit of a few individuals? I hope better things, and that a renewed ap- plication to a reformed Parliament may produce a very different result; and even should the worthy gentleman before mentioned, disgusted by an ungracious and unmerited repulse, decline a further attempt, yet, surely in these times, when capital to an immense amount lies unemployed, a company might, without difficulty, be formed to prosecute an undertaking which could not fail to enrich themselves, and confer a blessing upon the county of Gloucester. I am, sir, your obedient servant, May 16th, 1833. A CLOTHIER.

Origilial. WOMAN'S EYE—A FRAGMENT. Sparkling gem of richest dye, Azure orb, or glowing jet, Which long has left thy native sky, And in fair Woman's face was set; Jewel of ten thousand rays Who limm'd thy hues, and lit thy blaze ? Say, was it that primeval light Which fed the sky, the stars, the sun, Formed thee in mimic lustre bright To view the wonders that were done; Planted in thee one scintillation Of that pure beam that saw creation ? Soon, alas! thy primal ray Films of darkening error clouded Soon, oh soon, thy early day Shades of lowering evil shrouded;- Envy then first soil'd thy sphere, And dimm'd thy brightness with a tear. Fast the streaming drops were pour'd, And in a constant rain descended The teeming clouds which darkly lower'd, A deluge of the heart portended, 'Till mercy from her radiant bow Stemm'd the torrent in its flow. Since that hour in fitful gleams, Now, bright, then dark, have been thy hues; Envy's now to pity's streams Yield, which oft their balm diffuse Soft dew, that charity's fair Sowers Nourishes like vernal showers. Passion oft in fiery red Flames along thy glowing orb- Pride, ermin'd and impurpled, Appears thy vision to absorb- Pleasure, in her iris drest, Lures thee to her soft behest. Lovely orb the sacred shrine Of each ennobling, holy feeling- Thou diamond in our world's dark mine, Thy hallowing lustre there revealing ;— Shine on amidst the ambient gloom Shine as thou wilt beyond the tomb May, 1833. PERDU.

ILLUSTRATION OF AN ENGRAVING. BROTHER. I go, I go—where free as wind The mountain-billows roll; A shackl'd land no rest can find Worthy a free-born soul My country in her splendour, Is but a beauteous slave; She cannot give me all I ask- A freeman's home, and grave. Nay, weep not, dear-I go to seek A fitting place for thee, Where sorrow ne'er shall pale thy cheek. Nor damp thy young heart's glee; I'll take thee, sweet, where lightly Rich Nature's gifts are won, And we will make a happier home Beneath a brighter sun. The costly work of India's loom, The treasures of the mine, Shall deck thy form, thy brow illume, And in thy dark hair shine rilseekthehiddenriches Of the world below the sea; And earth, and air, their gifts shall yield, My sister, unto thee. SISTER. And canst thou think such empty tovs Thy sister's heart can cheer, Given in exchange for all the joys That render'd life so dear Can earth's or ocean's treasure Affection's place supply ? Can glittering gems one instant quell The heart's deep agony ? My brother, go not-I have none In this cold world but thee; And canst thou leave me thus alone, To trust that fearful sea ? From treacherous calm, its billows Arise in giant play, And stately ships are lightly swept, Like Autumn's leaves, away. Thou wilt go ? Seek no place for me, With thee I cannot roam; Dear as thou art, there is a tie That binds me to my home Our parents' bones are mouldering Where yonder lichens wave. Brother! I'd part with all for thee, But cannot leave that grave. May 6, 1833. K. C.

To the Editor nf the Monmouthshire Merlin. SIR,-It was the memorable declaration of the great Erskine, that, It is far the good of nations, and NOT for the emolument or aggrandisement of particular individuals, that Government ought to be established, and that mankind are at the expense of supporting it." This invaluable though simple truth, which all the powers of hell will never overturn, seems to have been quite lost sight of after the restoration of that abandoned profligate, Charles the Second, until the immortal Locke revived, explained, and vindi- cated it, as the foundation of all legitimate government, in his admirable treatise on that science. It has, for many years past, been adopted as the basis of Whig principles-and openly avowed, since the time that Erskine proclamed it in the teeth of Ja Tory administration, by almost every distinguished member of the Whig party. But, alas for more than forty years the Whigs were out of office-and, miserabile diclu, it seems now to have been an essential part of the creed of our modern statesmen, only whilst they were out of office How is this ? Why is the wel- fare of the nation, its tranquillity, perhaps its very existence, to be thus trifled with? The subject is one of high interest, de- manding the most diligent inquiry but, off-hand, it would ap- pear that a great error has been committed, in confiding the reins of government almost exclusively to the hands of what are called the privileged orders,-that class of beings, who, generally having no business of their own, or inclination to attend to any useful pursuit without being paid for it, are therefore anxious for the emolument and power of office, the duties of which, if any, they discharge by deputy, or by the least possible sacrifice of at- tention which will secure them its profits; whereas, the affairs of the state should be administered by men of the greatest probity and abilities-for it is now admitted by all sane persons, that no man, whatever his rank and station in life may be, can be born wise. Most unhappily, the poison of Tory principles has been instilled into Lord Grey's administration, consisting for the most part of honourables and right honourables by birth or aristocratic or official creation, independently of merit or capacity—and Tory doctrines have subverted the fundamental principles of their own Whiggism, which declares that it isfor the good of nations, and NOT for the emolument or aggrandisement of particular individuals, that the PEOPLE are at the expense of supporting governments." The same number of men, in ordinary life, with the principles acquired by liberal education, would not have been guilty of such folly and tergiversation. But we must have lords and lordlings, and aspirants after the honours of courts, to admi- nister our affairs !-men who have received their education at Oxford or Cambridge, on the turf, or in the gambling house and the result is what every man of common sense might have anticipated. Lord Grey and his administration have lamentably departed frompheir own principles, and, in consequence, have lost the affections and support of the people. They have looked to the support of the order," and have neglected and despised that of the people. Not an independent newspaper throughout the kingdom but what testifies to this melancholy truth-not one of their old friends but it has struck with an aching heart-not one of their enemies (the enemies, too, of the people!) but what rejoice in it, and fondly anticipate that the power and the plunder will be their own again. London, Dover, Marylebone, and Westminster, have all rejected the ministerial candidates; and it now seems that they cannot fill up a vacant office, where the holder is a commoner, because the people will not re- elect one of a ministry which has deceived them. Sir J. Hob- house could not go back to Ireland, because Westminster re- I jected him. Mr. Rice does not take the Irish Secretaryship, because Cambridge will not re-elect him; and other persons, who would have otherwise been appointed, have declined, because they have sounded their constituents, who will have no more of them. From what a height ofgloi,y have these infatuated Whigs fallen !-how low, how mean, how degraded, with all their stars and ribbons, artificial names, and courtly distinctions! And yet, let us not mistake this matter it is 710t the principles of Whiggism that are in fault-they remain the same, unalterably proclaiming the sovereignty of the people, and their good—the first duty of rulers: it is not Whiggism that has retrogaded-it is not it that is dishonoured, but it is those who either had not firmness of mind, or strength of principle, sufficient to resist the allurements of courts, and place, and power, and have therefore deserted the ranks of Whiggism, and practically at least (re- serving to themselves, if they can, the loaves and fishes) joined those of the Tories. An old friend of Lord Grey's, when congratulated on the Re- form Act being carried, astonished those who heard him by ex- claiming, then it would be happy for Lord Grey if he were to die to-night; his fame is at its acme—his character is established in the hearts of his countrymen he will never die a greater man than he is at present, or leave behind him for the admiration of posterity, stronger proofs of the love, the affection, and gratitude of his country I will not, cannot, contemplate the humiliating reverse-officially abandoned by his son and son-in-law—his old friends and principles repudiated—the people—but I will pursue the painful description no farther. May He, who has the hearts of princes in his keeping, and in whose eyes all men are equal—who laugheth to scorn the projects of the worldly wise, and who doeth his will in the kingdoms of the earth,-scatter the illusions, and dispel the darkness, which have over-shadowed a great mind, and restore its venerable possessor to the practical conviction of principles he has deserted, and to a yet lingering attachment of a people whose affections he has nearly lost! May 18th, 1833. HAMPDEN.

HOUSE OF LORDS. FRIDAY, MAY 17.—A conversation arose on the presentation again of an immense number of petitions, by Lord Suffield, fo the abolition of negro slavery.-Lord Ellenborough inquired whether the petitioners approved of the Government plan and, if not, to what part they particularly objected 1-Lord Suffield replied that their prayer was general, calling for entire abolition, and that their complaint was against any proposition for making the slaves pay for their emancipation.-The Duke of Wellington afterwards presented petitions on the same subject, and spoke of the ruinous consequences that had resulted from the depreciation of West India property owing to the agitation of this question.- Lord Suffield remarked that the petitioners were willing to recog- nise the property of the West India proprietors, but they denied that any man could have a right of property in his fellow-man. Abolition of slavery was not to produce the certain destruction of property, as the noble Duke seemed to argue.—Adjourned. MONDAY, MAY 20.-The Duke of Wellington, on presenting a petition from Newcastle, complaining of the Dutch embargo, said he would have entered into remarks on the subject, but that he understood that circumstances were not unlikely to justify the removal of the embargo. The Earl of Aberdeen having spoken in support of the petition, Earl Grey expressed his satisfaction at those noble lords abstaining from remarks at present, and ad- ded that he hoped, when the proper time arrived, he should be able to justify the conduct of the government. He was as sen- sible as any one of their lordships could be of the inconvenience arising out of the present state of things it was only to be justi- fied by circumstances. OBSERVANCE OF THE SABBATH. The Bishop of Lichjield and Coventry and the Bishop of Lincoln presented several petitions, praying for the better observance of the Lord's Day.-The Bishop of London said he would take that opportunity of addressing a few words to their lordships upon the subject of the petitions, in consequence of the measure to which they related having been rejected in the other house. He still hoped that the decision which had been come to would not deter some member of the legislature either there or in the other house to bring forward another measure, more simple in its object and more moderate in its provisions, such as he was sure the great mass of the respectable community desired to see. He was sure their lordships would agree with him in feeling that the subject was deeply important, whether in a religious, a moral, or a poli- tical point of view. If a measure were introduced that should be moderate in its objects he was sure that it would be passed by a large majority, if not unanimously, in both houses and he hoped, therefore, that some one would propose such a measure. It had been much pressed upon himself and other right rev. prelates, but he thought there was an evident objection to their bringing in such a measure. No measure that would be likely to pass, he feared, would be such as to meet their views of how the Sabbath ought to be kept. There would be many persons ready to take advantage of such an opportunity to say, "This is the standard which the Bishops set up; we have no occasion to go further than they require." Several hundred petitions praying for the abolition of slavery, were presented, after which the house adjourned.

HOUSE OF COMMONS. THURSDAY, MAY 16.—Mr. Roebuck wished to take that op- portunity to draw the attention of the house, and more particu- larly his Majesty's government, to a placard which was issued, purporting to come from the Secretary of State for the Home De- partment, relative to a meeting announced to take place in Cold- bath-fields, for the purpose of forming a National Convention." He wished to know from the government if the placard was is- sued by the Secretary of State and, if it was, if any objection existed to laying before the house a copy of the information upon which the noble lord (Melbourne) had thought proper to issue that proclamation. There never was a more contemptible meet- ing, and never was there less occasion for an attack upon the people, than in the case to which he alluded. Ministers had given every encouragement to political agitation among this class of persons; they had indulged them in political meetings, where language of the most violent and inflammatory character had been permitted. (Hear, hear.) Government had fostered this spirit among the people (hear, hear,) and now they turned round on their victims, and sent a body of ruffians to beat them down. (Cheers from the opposition.) He believed a meeting could not be rendered illegal by a proclamation from the Home Office. He condemned the total lack of precautionary measures on the part of government, the absence of all notice, and the sudden and unwarrantable rush made upon the people by a police armed with staves. Mr. G. Lamb had no hesitation in saying the proclamation in question was issued by the Secretary of State for the Home De- partment and with regard to the power of government to issue a proclamation declaring any meeting illegal, he would only re- fer the hon. member to what took place with regard to a meeting at White Conduit-house two years ago. Mr. O'Connell was not aware of the existence of any law to prevent the holding of a meeting called a convention." Such a convention was not illegal except in his unfortunate country, where it was now rendered so by the operation of a bill which had been recently introduced into that country. The Solicitor-General would not now inquire into the legality or illegality of the meeting alluded to but he entertained no doubt that, without reading the riot act, an illegal meeting might be legally dispersed. Mr. S. Whalley said after the manner in which the people had been treated by the government, he should give notice of a call of the house for the 21st of May, when the subject of the assessed taxes was appointed for discussion. Mr. O'Connell asked whether it were true, as was reported, that on a trial which had lately taken place in the Court of Ex- chequer in Ireland, between the Crown and the Primate of Ireland, the Chief Baron had ordered a sum of £378 to be given to the jury. If the fact were true, it was illegal. Lord Duncannon explained, that the sum in question had been given to the jury as compensation for a very long attendance, the trial having lasted upwards of four months. He had some right to complain of the conduct of the judge who presided on the occasion, who declared that the suit was a persecution of the Primate, although when he was Attorney-General he had ad- vised that prosecution. Mr. D. W. Harvey said that the judge entered into a contract with the jury, before they delivered their verdict, that they should receive 31 guineas each. Mr. O'Connell then moved for various papers explanatory of the transaction, amongst which was a copy of the order of the judge, directing five guineas each to four jurymen who were not sworn. The Solicitor-General said that there was no power given by the statute to pay jurymen who had not served. The motion was agreed to. Mr. O'Connell gave notice, that he would on Thursday next move for a copy of the opinion of the Chief Baron, when At- torney-General, with the case laid before him upon which it was founded. Lord Althorp said he had looked at the amount of the duty de- rived from insurances upon farming stock, and he had no hesi- tation in saying that he could repeal it entirely. (Hear, hear.) Mr. C. Fergusson gave notice, that on the 13th of June he would submit a motion relative to Poland. Mr. Cobbett introduced his motion with regard to Sir Robert Peel. It occupied a column in the Times, and consisted of an elaborate condemnation of the measure known as Peel's Bill. It concluded thus That, therefore, this house will present a loyal and dutiful address to his Majesty, praying that his Majesty will be graciously pleased to dismiss the said Right Hon. Sir Robert Peel from his Majesty's most honourable Privy Council." He did not impute bad motives to the right hon. baronet, but good intention was no excuse for public injury, and the less so in Sir R. Peel's case, as he was over and over warned as to the mis- chievous results of his proceedings. Mr. Cobbett then indulged in a long tirade against the hon. baronet, and afterwards formally moved his resolution.—Mr. Fielden (Oldham) seconded the re- solution. Sir R. Peel rose amidst loud cheering from all sides of the house. He defended himself very eloquently amid the continued and universal approbation of the house. The right hon. baronet's speech contained the following eloquent and just sentiments :— In the writings of the hon. member, he had found a letter ad- dressed to Sir Robert Peel, Bart. and cotton-weaver." In all the range of scurrility, and it was a wide one, there was nothing which disgusted him so much as the attempt to depreciate men because by their talents and their integrity they had exalted themselves to situations of note and honour. Looking at the productions of those writers who thus scoffed at individuals who had raised themselves from humbleness to eminence, one might be led to suppose that the blood of the Courtenays or of the Montmorencies flowed in their veins! that would be a mistaken notion. Men of true nobility were ever rejoiced to see worth and integrity taking that station to which honourable toil and unshrinking virtue entitled them. Yes the letter was address d to Sir Robert Peel, Bart, and cotton-weaver." How incon- sistent must the hon. member be in thus volunteering a sneer at a particular class of persons! Why, when the hon. member wanted to get into parliament, he did not disdain the aid of a cotton-weaver. The hon. member affected to scorn elevation in society but he had ever remarked, and all observing men must have noticed the fact, that no set of people were more decidedly influenced by the dignity of rank than those who pretended most to despise it. Men who really had noble blood flowing in their veins, would not lend themselves to slander others who, though moving in a different sphere, had pursued a fair, a just, an ho- nourable, and a successful career, and such base attacks could only be accounted for by an inherent vulgarity of mind. The hon. member, by his mode of addressing this letter, seemed to point it out as a fault that a man had drawn upon himself ho- nourable public notice, and great and well-deserved public dis- tinction, by an undeviating course of just and honest perseverance in pursuits that, while they benefited the individual, added also to the wealth and resources of the empire. He respected those who boasted of hereditary honours,—he admired those who, es- timable in themselves, could trace their descent from a long line of noble ancestors,but he must also be allowed to raise his voice in favour of that class of men who, by their virtues, by their industry, by their integrity, by their well-calculated enterprise, had laid the foundation of the future greatness of their families. God forbid that the hon. member's speculations on the prospect of public confusion" should be realised. He laboured under no apprehension that they would. He felt confident, whatever might be the political differences that divided public men, that all who were possessed of property would unite in its defence and put down such attempts. He, for one, never should have to reproach himself with having furthered the ulterior objects of the party in question by shewing any symptoms of intimidation or submission. (General cheering, which continued for several minutes.) Mr. Cobbett replied amidst groans and murmurs from all parts of the house. [Sir R. Peel quitted the house at the conclusion of Mr. Cob- bett's speech, amid loud cheers.] The house divided Noes. 298 Ayes 4 Majority against Mr. Cobbett's motion 294 Lord Althorp immediately moved, "that the resolution which has been moved be not entered upon the minutes." (Tremendous cheers.) Mr. Cobbett put it to the Speaker whether that could be done ? The Speaker said, the noble lord wished the proceedings that had taken place not to remain on the minutes, and the only way to get rid of them was to move that they should be expunged. Mr. Cobbett said he could not get over the absurdity of a mo- tion which went to expunge proceedings before they were entered upon their minutes. The house then divided :— For the motion. 295 Against it 4 Majority 291 The result was hailed with loud cheers. SABBATH OBSERVANCE BILL. Sir A. Agnew felt bound to say that he was not a volunteer in bringing this measure forward. The idea of the bill had been first started by some humble individuals—tradesmen of the me- tropolis and he could assure the house that the bill contained no provisions which had not been respectively prayed for in the numerous petitions which had been sent up on this subject from various parts of the country. He was ready anxiously to con- sider the suggestions which might be thrown out by any hon. member, and moved that the bill be now read a second time. Mr. Lefroy seconded the motion. Mr. Roebuck said it was somewhat strange that the hon. baronet who had introduced the bill, having taken the Jewish law as his guide, should have excluded from the provisions of the bill men servants and maid servants, which were respectively named in the commandment. Again, the baking-houses were to be closed on a Sunday, and that, too, with a view to decrease the labour to be performed on that day. He hesitated not to say that labour would be increased a hundred fold. Lord Althorp had no objection to the principle of the bill as far as regarded the prevention of trading on Sunday, but thought the details so very objectionable, that, in accordance with par- liamentary usage, he was bound to oppose its going into com- mittee. Mr. R. Grant said that the question now before the house was, whether the principle of the bill was approved of; the de- tails were to be considered in the committee. It was the opinion of the people that the observation of the Sabbath was a proper object of national care, and if this bill was thrown out they would think that the reformed parliament did not express their opinions. Mr. Hardy and Mr. F. Buxton also advocated the going into committee. Several members, who objected to the details of the measure, expressed their intention of voting for the second reading. The house divided, and the numbers were-For the second reading, 73; against it, 79; majority against the bill, 6. The bill is therefore lost. The announcement of the division, was received with cheers.-Adjourned at three o'clock.

FRIDAY, MAY 17.—Mr. F. O'Connor alluded to the continued absence of ministers, and gave notice that next week he should move a resolution, declaring that the absence of ministers from the morning sittings, during the presentation of petitions, was an insult to the house, and an injustice to the country." Lord Althorp brought in his bill for the commutation of tithes in England and Wales, the principles of which, it will be re- collected, his lordship explained in moving for leave to bring in the measure. The bill was read a first time, and ordered to be read a second time on Friday week. Colonel Evans inquired, in consequence of Sir J. Hobhouse's remarks on the subject during the late Westminster election, whether the Secretary at War had really the power, as his plea- sure, of striking from the half-pay list any officer ?—Mr. Ellice replied that no such proceeding could take place without first taking his Majesty's commands and that he who gave the ad- vice would be responsible for it. The Secretary at War had only the power of giving advice. Mr. Hardy brought up the report of the Coleraine Election Committee, which declared that Sir John Beresford was not duly elected, but Mr. Alderman Copeland was, and ought to have been returned. Mr. 11. Grattan inquired whether it was the intention of his Majesty to fill up the office of Secretary for Ireland 1- The Chan- cellor of the Exchequer replied in the affirmative and he ex- pected that the fact of the office being filled up would soon be announced. Mr. W. Whitmore brought forward his promised motion on the subject of the corn laws, moving a resolution declaring, in effect, that the present corn laws, instead of producing an equi- table price, and thereby a permanent good, had produced the contrary effect, and tended to cramp trade.—Mr. Hume claimed free trade in corn, and moved an amendment declaring that the corn which now might be imported, subject to the graduated scale, should at all times be admissible on payment of a fixed duty, its amount to be hereafter named. —Mr. O'Connor, Mr. G. Heathcote, &c. having opposed any change, the Chancellor of the Exchequer resisted the motion, on the ground that now to agitate the question, when they should not have the opportunity of set- ting it at rest, owing to the quantity of other business before par- liament, would be the most unwise thing they could do. At the same time, his lordship said he was by no means an advocate of the present corn laws he thought they had not been so advan- tageous as the agriculturists considered them, and that the land- owners and farmers ought not to set so much store by them.- Mr. Baring complained of this sort of answer for, while resist- ing the motion, his lordship denounced the laws as not being so good as they were represented to be. After an extended discus- sion, the house divided, and the numbers were— I1 or the previous question 305 Against it 207 Majority against Mr. Whitmore's motion 98 Adjourned to Monday.

MONDAY, MAY 20.—On the motion of Sir J. Wrottesley, a new writ was ordered to issue for the southern division of the county of Stafford, Edward John Littleton, Esq. having accepted the office of Chief Secretary for Ireland; and, on the motion of Mr. Hyett, a new writ was ordered for the borough of Stroud, in the room of David Ricardo, Esq., who had accepted the Chil- tern Hundreds. FORGING PETITIONS. Mr. Hume wished to call the attention of the house to a sub- ject of great importance. Some time since he presented a pe- tition from Stroud, signed by several hundred persons, against the Factories' Bill. He had discovered that the whole was a forgery, and that he had been completely imposed upon he should therefore now give notice that, on the 30th of the present month, he should submit a motion for the appointment of a com- mittee, before which he should examine the landlord of the Weavers' Arms, and others connected with the transaction.-A conversation then arose on the subject of the factory commission, and Lord Ashley strongly reprobated delay in legislating upon this important subject. He gave notice that he would move the second reading of his bill on the 17th of June. IRISH CHURCH TEMPORALITIES' BILL. Lord Althorp moved the order of the day for the house to re- solve itself into committtee on this bill. Mr. Gillon said he did not approve of this bill, which in his opinion did not go half far enough. The present system of reli- gion in Ireland was one that was upheld by military force, and for that reason he did not wish to see it continued, for he could never consent tq impose a religious establishment upon any people by the force of the bayonet. The hon. member then pre- sented a petition, containing sentiments similar to those he had uttered, signed by 16,000 inhabitants of Glasgow and con- clued by moving, as an amendment, that the revenues of the Irish church be applied to purposes of general utility, after the demise of the present incumbents. Mr. Cuthbert Rippon seconded the amendment. Ministers had brought in two bills this session, in order to soothe the cla- mour raised against an expensive and overgrown church establish- ment one was a bill for the commutation of tithes in England, and the other the Irish church bill. These bills were any thing but proper bills. Indeed he thought ministers had introduced them solely for the purpose of deluding the people, and persuad- ing them to submit a little longer to the vast grievances of the established church. Did the noble lord think the people would be deluded by such a measure ? He could tell him they would not. It was the bounden duty of the government to remove all just causes of complaint. Unless they did, they would soon find that, in place of supporting the church by such measures, they were only hastening its downfall. The Chancellor of the Exchequer said he could not think there was any dishonesty in introducing bills which, while they did away with great grievances, at the same time preserved vested rights. With regard to the amendment, he would only say that the dis- cussion of it would neither be desirable for the house, nor faci- litate the progress of the bill. For his part he must declare that, for the sake of religion, the church out to be preserved. (Hear.) Seeing discussion could do no good, he would simply say that he would vote against the amendment. After remarks from Col. Evans, Messis. Finn, Robinson, Sin- clair, and Roebuck, the house divided— For the motion, 126 For the amendment, 16 Majority, 110. The house then went into committee, when the first clause was agreed to without discussion. On the reading of the second clause, which authorises the appointment of Ecclesiastical Com- missioners, Sir R. Inglis stated his decided objection. He saw no reason why the laity should interfere in the management of ecclesiastical funds. It was all right and proper that they should bear their share of the burdens—(a laugh)—but beyond that, they had no right to meddle. Lord Althorp had no objection that the majority of the com- missioners should be clerical, and he moved that the Archbishop of Dublin be added to the list, which, after some remarks, was agreed to, and the clause passed. Clauses 3 to 19 were, after an uninteresting discussion, agreed to, with trifling verbal alterations, except the 14th which was postponed, Lord Althorp expressing his intention of altering the schedules of the bill, so that the livings of the poorer clergy should not be taxed. The house resumed, and the other orders of the day were pro- ceeded with. On the motion of Mr. Pease, a clause was added to the Metropolitan Police Bill, for the suppression of bear-bait- ing, cock-fighting, and other cruel amusements, within five miles of London.—Adjourned.

MISCELLANY. POOR LAws.-In a parish on the Sussex coast, where the poor rates have rapidly increased, under a select vestry, from which the great yearly tenants have, by various modes of annoyance, succeeded in excluding proprietors of all ranks, the owners of houses, 'on receiving a considerable surcharge, assembled, and it was agreed that five should be in future present at the vestries, but this proved nugatory, as any one of these great tenants with his six votes, could outvote the five householders. Query, Why is this, when tenants no more really furnish the rates they pay, than stewards do their employer's bills ? consequently, the owner of premises of the value of £5 a-year, really contributes more towards the rqaintenance of the poor, than the tenant who pays £ 500 a-year. Why should not farm houses be rated as well as shops and other houses ? I know it falls, like the poor rates, on us landed proprietors,—but is not honesty the best po- licy? and the present system is reducing the trade and little proprietors, one after another, to paupers, and gave, in 1831, the profit of 2,319,461 quarters of wheat alone to foreigners, which is nearly equal to a fifth part of the average growth of England and Scotland, whilst 174 able bodied men, mostly married, in this parish alone, were kept, against their will, in complete idle- ness on the roads, at a cost of .€1944, seven of whom at Michael- mas last, offered to pinch themselves and familes, by living on 10s instead of 12s a-week from the parish, if they might have hired the acre of land each, which was offered them, at the usual rent. This was refused by the vestry, saying where shall we get workmen, if these men are allowed to work for them- selves ? forgetting that suitable wages to them and to artizans would, as formerly, bring plenty of hands when needed, and proving, in the opinion of the vestry, who maintained these 174 men at a charge of nearly £ 2000, that the population is not re- dundant. It is, therefore, in this parish, not the poor who have raised the rates, but the great tenants at will, who have no per- manent interest in the welfare of the place, and are called, therefore, birds of passage; and thus it will remain whilst the rates are levied and disposed of by occupiers instead of by proprie- tors, or their proxies—not that the farmers' pronts are too great, or rents would not have been lowered, but monopolising, by means of the command of the poor rates, more land than they have capital to cultivate well, is the ruin of others, without benefitting themselves. The substance of the above has, with fuller local particulars, been circulated, without a single dissent, to many of the principal tenants. Is it thus elsewhere ?-May 4, 1833. A TYROLESE PEASANT.—The peasant of the upper Tyrol set dom possesses more than supplies the wants of his family: a cow. -a pig or two,—are the whole of his live stock and all the land which he possesses, beyond what suffices for the support of these, produces Indian corn, and a few vegetables, and sometimes a little flax these crops being no more than sufficient for the support of his family. The Tyrolean peasant, therefore, though in one sense independent,—-treading, and labouring his own soil, and eating the produce of his own industry, is yet poor and lives worse than a day-labourer in many other countries. His family is nourished almost solely upon Indian corn, and milk and it must be admitted, that with small properties like those in the valley of the Inn, no other produce could be half so service- able. I his plant is indeed the staff of life here, and is prized by the inhabitants as it deserves. Three times a day, soup, made of Indian corn and milk, is served at the table of a Tyrolean pea- sant and this, with bread, sometimes entirely of Indian corn, sant and this, with bread, sometimes entirely of Indian corn, but most commonly with one-third, or one-fourth part of wheat, forms his whole diet. To those who are fond of a milk diet, the soup would not be found disagreeable and the bread appeared to me good, precisely in proportion to the quantity of wheat that was mixed with the Indian corn. It is never used half and half in the Tyrol. This would be too expensive for very little wheat is grown in the valley of the Inn-none in the upper part of it, -and that which is brought to the Inspruck market must be re- ceived either from Trent, and the Italian frontier, or from Bava- ria. Inglis's Tyrol. Locusts have appeared in vast swarms in some departments of the west of France, and have become so destructive to vegetation, that the Council General of the Sarthe have assigned a sum of 6000f. for their destruction, at the rate of ten sous a bushel. THE SOUL.- What makes the soul so valuable ? Its immor- tality. When endless years have run on, the soul will still exist. Amazing thought! Will it never tire ? Will the ethereal pul- sation of sublimated existence never grow heavy ? Will the wheel be broken at the cistern ? Never! The soul will endure as long as God. As heaven's wall shall gather no mosses from age, neither will the soul become decrepit; and in all the multi- tudes of Heaven not one shall be seen leaning on his staff for very age. The soul through dateless centuries will still be the same as when first created.-R.ev. Dr. Andrews. A RETORT IN KIND.—When the celebrated Father O'Leary was one day dining in a large company, where a very young English officer was present, the latter, concluding that O'Leary, from religion and function, had more affection for a Stuart than a Guelph, gave a toast thus-" Father O'Leary, here's the king -not your king." O'Leary quietly took up his brimming glass, and keeping exactly to the words of the toast, said, Captain, here's the king !—not your king." TASTE IN FIGURE-HEADs.-In some ships the sailors pride themselves on the beauty of their figure-head and many a time I have seen the captain of the forecastle employed for hours in painting the eyes, hair, and drapery of his favourite idol. I sup- pose few commanding officers will allow of this liberty for it must be allowed that Jack's taste in female beauty, and in the disposition and colours of dress, being borrowed from a very ques- tionable source, where the naked truth, as it is called, predomi- nates sadly over the beau ideal, his labours in adorning the figure- head are apt to produce strange monsters You seem proud of your head, Mr. Clearpipe, I shall gild her for you In a few days, the sparkling eyes and blushing cheeks of Mrs. Boatswain, like Danäe, had yielded up their charms to the golden shower. The glittering figure-head soon became the delight of the ship's company, and on one occasion furnished the captain with rather an odd means of calling out their energies. The ship was sailing in company with several others of the same class, and when they came all to reef topsails together, she was beat on the first occasion. As they were setting about a second trial of their activity, the captain called out to the people aloft, Now, I tell you what it is, my lads, unless you are off the yards, and the sails are hoisted again before any other ship in the squadron, by the Lord Harry, I'll paint your figure-head black From that time forward she beat every ship in the fleet.-Capt. Basil Hall's Fragments of Voyages and Travels. I should consider," said Cowles to the facetious II., "that Mr. 0., the great attorney, is a man of vast biblical knowledge." Why 1" asked the silver-toned ex-overseer. —" Because," said L'Homme Rouge, "he is constantly engaged on the law and the profits." Howsoever that may be," said H., I think he understands any writ better than holy writ."

MARKETS. CORN EXCHANGE, MARK LANE. Monday, May 20.—Our supplies have been, since this day se'n- night, of English, Scotch, and Irish wheat, oats and flour—col- lectively—moderately good of foreign wheat, English and Scotch barley, English malt and rye, English and Scotch peas and beans, foreign flour, and seeds, from all quarters, but limited. This day's market was rather numerously attended both by Lon- don and country buyers; but, notwithstanding the moderate state of the supply, and it having been, especially by the sellers, ex- pected that the defeat of Earl Fitzwilliam's and Mr. Whitmore's Corn Laws motions would have given an impetus to speculation, trade, though there appeared to be a tolerable demand for oats, was, in the whole, very dull with wheat and most kinds of new beans at a depression, good oats at an advance of Is per quarter with barley, malt, the middling and inferior kinds of oats, old beans, and flour, at last Monday's prices. In seeds next to nothing was doing, whence their quotations are unaltered, but to effect sales of any description of grass seeds, considerable abatements must have been submitted to. Current Prices of Grain, per imperial quarter.—English Wheat, 45s to 63s; Rye, 31s to 36s; Barley, 22s to 32s Malt, 35s to 63s; White boiling Peas, 36s to 39s; Grey Peas, 27s to 31s; Small Beans, 34s to 36s; Tick Beans, 29s to 31s Potatoe Oats, 21s to 25s; Poland Oats, 16s to 22s; Feed Oats, 14s to 19s; Flour, 40s to 50s.—llapeseed, new, Y-21 to £24 per last.—Lin- seed Oil-cake £ 10. 5s to XIO. 10s per lOCO. Account of Wheat, <5fc. arrived in the Port of London, during the Week ending May 18,1833. n Wheat, j Barley. Malt, j Oats, Beans, Peas. yrs> 9,001 I 3,956 4,234 16,378 1,289 123 Flour, 8,685 sacks, and — barrels. Imperial Weekly Average Price of Corn and Grain. Wheat 53 8 Oats 17 1 Beans .30 11 Barley 25 9 | Rye 31 Of Peas 29 10 Aggregate Average of the Six Weeks, which regulates Duty. Wheat 53 6 Oats 16 11 Beans 30 3 Barley 26 2 ( Rye 31 5 j Peas 31 11 Duty on Foreign Corn. Wheat 33 8 Oats 22 9 Beans 24 3 Barley 22 10 Rye 22 9 Peas 24 3 SMITHFIELD MARKET. Monday, May 20.—This day's supply of each kind of fat stock was exceedingly limited, but trade, owing to considerably ad- vanced prices being demanded, was, throughout, very dull. With mutton and veal at an advance of from 2d to 4d; lamb 2d per stone with beef and pork at Friday's quotations. (Per stone of 81b. sinking offal.) Inferiorbeef, from 2 6 to 2 8 Prime beef, from 3 8 to 4 2 Ditto mutton. 3 6 to 3 8 Ditto mutton. 4 4 to 5 0 Middling beef ..3 0 to 3 8 Veal 3 10 to 5 4 Ditto mutton. 4 2 to 4 4 | Pork 3 2 to 4 8 J.amb, 5s lOd to 7s 4d. Suckling calves, from 12s to 28s and quarter old store pigs 12s to 18s each. Supply of Cattle at market :-Beasts, 1,985 sheep and lambs, 13,440; calves, 156 pigs, 140. HOPS. Borough, Monday, May 20.—Our hop trade is extremely dull at last week's prices. Currency: East Kent, in pockets, 1830, f5. 5s to f6. 5s; 1831, f7. 2s to £ 8. 5s 1832, E8. Os to flo. 0s Mid-Kent, 1830, £ 4. 10s tof5. 10s; 1831, E5. 15s to £ 6.10s 1832, £7. Os to £8. 5s; Sussex, 1830, C3. 10s to £5. 5s; 1831, £4. 10s to £6. Os; 1832, £5. 15s to XG. 15s; Essex, 1832, J7. 00s to X8. 00S. METALS. LEAD. E. S. X. S. TIN. d. s.d. Onbd.Pigperf. 13 0 tol4 0 In Bars, per cwt. 77 6 to 0 O Sheet, per ton.. 15 0.. 0 0 Ingots. 76 0 0 0 Bar 14 10 00 Grain Blocks 93 0 0 0 Patent shot 1 to5 16 10 0 0 COPPER. A. B. 6 to 12. 17 10 0 0 In Sheets, per lb. 0 II 0 0 Red Lead 16 0.. 0 0 Cake, per ton £94 0 to £00 0 White Lead. 21 0 00 Marme Metal for Sheathing Litharge. 17 0.. 0 0 Vessels, per Ib. 4d.. PRICE OF BARK, per lb. s. d. s. d. I s. d. s. d.. Yellow Flat.. 2 0 to 2 6 Carthagena.. 0 6 to 0 8; Quill .0 0 0 0 Peruvian Pale 0 8 0 9» Oak, English Fine 0 0 0 ft per load.. £ 19 0s to £ 20 10s. Crown ditto.. 3 0 3 6.; Oak, English Fine 0 0 0 ft per load.. £ 19 Os to X20 10s. Crown ditto.. 3 0 3 6; SHEEP SKIN S. Best Polled 7 0 to 10 0 each flalf-breds 6 0.. 6 6 Downs. 4 8 5 0, SPIRITS. £ s. d. £ s. d. British Raw Proof, per gallon. 0 9 10 to 0 0 0 Irish and Scotch 0 9 8 to 0 0 0 Wine 54 per cent. O. P 0 16 0 to 0 0 0 Gin 22 under 0 8 6 to 0 0 0 Brandy, Cognac. 0 4 6 to 0 4 8 2d ditto 0 3 8 to 0 4 2 Do. Inferior Shippers 0 3 3 to 0 3 9 Bourdeaux 0 2 9 to 0 3 0 MONMOUTH: Printed and Published for the Proprietor by JOHN NASH, at the General Printing-Office, Monnow-street. London Agents:—Messrs. Newton and Co., Warwick-square; Mr. R. Barker, Fleet-street; Mr. G. Reynell, Chancery-lane; and Mr. S*. Deacon, Coffee House, No. 3, Walbrook, near the Mansion House, where this Paper is regularly filed. Agents for Ireland, Johnston and Co., Eden Quay, Dublin.