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WORKMEN S NOTES. --.

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WORKMEN S NOTES. COALOWNERS AND THE STOP- DAY ACTION. By WILLIAM BRACE. £ Vice-presidont of the South Wales Miners' Federation.] 'Another stage has been reached in the tetop-day action, and Mr. Justice Bighain has again offered some advice, and, as he is master of the situation, perhaps it is best for the Federation to refrain from taking any of the other cases into court, for, .:right or wrong, he has, without doubt, made up his mmd to allocate the damages claimed by the owners upon the five- sevenths basis. Therefore, as it must simply mean adding costs without hope of securing any different result, the Federa- tion has nothing to do but accept the inevitable. I do not pretend for a moment to argue that Mr. Justice Bigbam ^ias done other than what he considered yas just; but, having given some attention the subject and having gone through the statements of acrapints as prepared by the employers, I h»ve no hesitation in thinking that charges for loss have been put in that ought not to be. I do not know how far one is precluded from dis- cussing these items because of the case being sub judice—this is a point I must make inquiries into; but if one can go into the matter with freedom I shall take the liberty upon a later date of calling Bome of these items into question. I am wondering to myself what the coalowncrs hopetogain by continuing this case. If it is the Federation money they want they liave still a distance to travel before they *?an take possession of the alleged damages, even if the House of Lords decide in their favour. I say if the House of Lords decide in their favour advisedly, for as the case at present stands the j udges who have tried the case are equally divided—two to two; and it does not follow that the coalowners' verdict in the 'Appeal Court will be upheld by the House of Lords. If it is not the money they desire, what is it? They have nothing to fear that the stop-days will bo repeated other than by mutual arrangement, as the "workmen have the protection they lacked under the old sliding-scale, and which made the stop-days from their standpoint necessary, in the minimum basis of the present Conciliation Board. And suppose they win, what is £57.000 among so many? The Outcome. It seems to me that if this case must go to the House of Lords and the final settlement made there, it will mean a very troublesome legacy to whichever side succeeds. Should the employers win, they will not have cause to complain to find both leaders and workmen irritated at seeing them taking a substan- tial sum of money from their funds to pay to coalowners who gained very conr Biderably by securing better prices than would have been possible had no stop- <iays been taken. On the other hand, should the men succeed, I can realise that the coalowners will feel anything but kindly disposed towards the workmen and their leaders, who as the result of this litigation have become possessors of very valuable information as to the coal- owners' profits, cost of production, &c., of the concerns affiliated to the coal- owners' association. The position of parties that have to conduct negotiations so far-reaching in their results to such a large community as South Wales and Monmouthshire must always be a very delicate one, and anything that gives check to a spirit of conciliation cannot fail to be dangerous to the well-being of the community. That being so, the com- munity have some interest in this stop- day question, as well as the employers and workmen, for no one who has given thought to this subject will attempt to Bay that, whatever may be the final verdict, if the case is pressed to the highest court—and if nothing intervenes it must go there—the peace of the dis- trict will be enhanced as a consequence. The Claims of Labour. In the" Fortnightly Review" for last month there appeared two very interest- ing articles, one upon the politics of labour and the other upon strikes and lock-outs. That the writer of the first of these articles holds anti-labour opinions there can be no doubt, for he is very sar- castic at the expense of politicians who are disposed to think that labour has claims to consideration as well as capital. Indeed, so strongly does he feel upon the fact that labour is taking something more than a nominal part in the political life of the nation that he makes use of the following language to express his view of the result:—A new terror was added to social life when Sir Charles Dilke some time ago declared that the relation of labour to politics involves the relation of labour to party politics." From this quotation it will b3 realised that this writer is disturbed, not owing to the fact that in this, the richest country in the world, there are thousands who through no fault of their own are barely able (rather, ofttimes, fail) to earn sufficient to keep body and soul together, but because this new force in politics is likely to interfere socially with the life of the privileged classes. The right or wrong of the matter, seemingly, does not come into his calculation, and this, even, causes me no surprise, for how can any person born to wealth and position appreciate that among the labouring classes there is an aspiration to be something more than beasts of burden or dividend-earners for everyone other than themselves if they have never taken the trouble to study first hand, as Sir Charles Dilke has cer- tainly done, these perplexing human problems. To say that Labourism admits that great national prosperity is always a difficulty in the way of Labour parties is simply to voice a truism. The one out- standing reason for the existence of Labour parties in any shape or form is discontent at the small share the workers secure in the distribution of the nation's wealth. That being so, discontent will diminish proportionalelv to the removal of the evil that created the necessity for the labour movement. Basis of the Labour Movement. It does not need a philosopher to find out that given the fact that a person is Well-housed, well-fed, and well-clothed ,it is difficult to get him into a frame of mind to agitate unless he is a chronic grumbler, ever ready to agitate without rhyme or reason. If one accepted the same premises for argument in connection with the labour movement as is done when the future of a nation is the ques- tion under discussion, fewer errors would bo made in the conclusions arrived at than are made by a number of would-be authorities, who conduct their investiga- tions from faulty data. The persecution which British Trades Unions are being .subjected to in these days will. instead of weakening them, leave them much stronger. The failure to secure industrial justice gave birth to the Trades Union movement, and it is not too much to say that the demand for increased labour representation in Parliament has arisen out of the workers' conviction that if they are to have political and economic liberty they must do .something to win it for themselves. I am far from believing that working basis will not be found upon which all progressive sections can "act together when the citadel of vested inte- rest to be attacked is in sight. I write this passage with increased confidence in its ultimate realisation because of the recent action taken by some of the most powerful and eloquent leaders of the Labour Representation Organisation, who, although not upon the same platform as Messrs. Stanhope and Bonn, did not hesi- tate to support these candidates who stood for reform, neither ci whom was connected with the Labour party. This was an important departure, and, in my ."judgment, is in the right direction, which clearly demonstrates that any differ once there may be between the various labour sections is much more apparent than real.

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