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GREAT SPEECH AT NEWCASTLE.

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GREAT SPEECH AT NEW- CASTLE. VIGOROUS REPLY TO HIS OPPONENTS. ttati*1 a 'orta^a absence from the public *atform Mr. Chamberlain resumed his fiscal on Puesday night at Newcastle. He 0&r\r>an andieice of 3,000 people. He said hie claimed that he had been crushed, if so, th»y should have played the part ^tae Good Samaritan or have passed by on °ther side Hie had raised a great national j*1 Colonial issue, and was not going to be j^to persmal abuse. No speaker on the platfcrm had been able to deny the alread; adduced, and now that his n t)e^ore the country he •.?* inclined to ask, with Lord Rosebery, yhat do yiu think of it all?" Ble had the question as a national and Colo- question,and as a business question. He answer those opponents who treated ^subject seiously, but I will not be led merely jereonal abuse or party bitter- Csiu" The speaker then proceeded to deal the criicisms of Lord Goschen, Mr. and Lord Rosebery, though, as a they did not answer the argument he raised. His argument was that our J^creaaed prospsrity had not been due to Free •JWe, but to other thnigs, of which Free ?*a4e might b* one. The changing condi- J*011* in our traie might, if not stopped, lead J? fcreat disaster. We were importing more «d more of thee finished goods which were >J the freateet importance in our trade. aside oir Colonial trade, our trade Tjjh foreign caintries had decreased and Coninuing, the speaker remarked much of car foreign trade has gone, It cannot bereoovered, but our Colonial remains vith us. It is going, and I r?* yon—that is ly offence—I ask you to con- ^?er while you can still stop the change, you can ntard it, and probably pre- it, I ask youto consider whether you will the wholi question from a different £ of view to hat which was prevalent in time, when practically your CoIOIiies were doiig very little with us, and foreign couitries were not in any true oar competiors. (Cheers.) ORIGIN (F THE PROPOSAL. I say we cm only keep this Colonial "&de and increas. it by the method that I you to adopt—which is not my method in tny sense—but whch is the offer made to you your own Cotoiies. (Hear, hear.) They '^opoee to you i system of preferential •griffs—they to gits a preference on the one you to give i preference on the other. say that I thirk that proposal is better *^>rth considering than whether the earth is JP'md. (Laughter. I suggest to you that *&ese pople who nAke this proposal to us are little more wothy of attention than a 10011 many of oui own politicians. (Cheers.) WHY TRAJSFER TAXATION? In the plan whicl I have laid before you I lee no sacrifice. ] am not asking to impose further burdens ipon the people of this Country. I am rot asking you to raise the •mount of taxati«n in this country. I am Asking you to titnsfer taxation from one Article to anothtf*—(hear, hear)—from one Socket to another Well. why do I want to this transfe ? I get no more revenue. aan not earning a penny more for the exchequer. I haze to make this change, to take the taxation off tea, where it benefits Nobody, in order to put it on bread, in order -o benefit your kinsmen across the sea, who are most necessaif to you as customers, and necessary .a.e brothers and fellow- as helping with you to buttress the K^eat Empire to rhich they and you equally uelong. (Cheers.: POSITION OP THE COLONIES. What is their position? Their position is &lso one in whicl they are called upon for no sacrifice. They will have to give us pre- ference over the foreigners, and review their tariffs in order k> see whether, without 1njuring their tunufactures, they cannot open their marktM more widely to ua But In return you will have given them a. very much larger trade in the articles which they chiefly produce, and they know perfectly well "hat that meam to them. Now, it means; Jhe trend of emni?ration, that every indus- try in their country will be enlarged and lInproved, and tier, at any rate, are ready to come into the negotiations to which I have invited them. That is the second point. The third point I put is that at the same time we make this transfer of taxation which does not alter tht cost of living, we also Secure for ourselves a large increase of the Valuable trade of our best customers, and ye ape doing a great deal to weld the Empire Into" solid whole, which all the beet thinkers and ifiaewt statesmen who have dealt with this subject declare to be the main thing, by bonda of interest, as well aA bonds of affection. Tha,t is my plan. I can, perhaps, put it in different words, but I do not think I can put it more clearly. That is the plan. What is the answer? The statesman to whom I have already referred, and the other great states- man who spoke last night in the Free Trade- hall in Manchester—what are their answers? Their answers are beside the question, a great Part of them. They attempt to bear us down with what I may venture to call Cobden Club figures to show that we are the finest people on the face of the earth to-day, although not always the wisest, that we are progressing in a wonderful way. that we are enjoying enor- mous prosperity, that we are better off than our grandfathers were, and all this is given ae though it were an 'answer to the statement I have laid before them. Well, it is not an answer at all. Nobody who knows anything about the people of our great towns, nobody who knows about the condition of the poor in the country can doubt-whether there be thirteen or fourteen millions or whether there be a smaller num- ber—that there are a vast number of the People of this country at the present time who are under-fed. And why are they under-fed? Not because corn is not cheap, not because of taxation—because there is no taxation upon any of the necessaries of life—but because they have not got enough of employment. wHy WE ARE PROSPEROUS. if you want to know why we are prosperous. « there not cause enough in the fact that ifter the Corn Laws were repealed and Free lJrade began to be adopted in this country the greatest of all commercial and industrial changes took place throughout the world- that railways began to be established, that communications were made everywhere, that gold was discovered, and the circulating medium was suddenly poured into the world in quantities never heard of before? Could we fail remembering that we began, aftor a Period of Protection, as the greatest indus- trial country in the world? With an immense advantage, a large start ahead, could it have been possible that. nnder these circumstances. we should not have profited by all these changes. And the reason why other countries which have also profited did not profit so fast as we did wan because, owing to other circumstances which it would take too long to discuss, they were subject to various drawbacks, they were not so forward as we ■were, they had not the same start. and it took them thirty years to come up to us. (Rear. hear.) But now they have come up to tas. Now is the time. Really, if a man cannot see the difference between the state of things to-day and the state of things thirty years ago or sixty years ago. well, it seems to me he ought not to call himself a Liberal or a Radical. He ought to call .himself a troglo- dyte and live in a cave. (Loud laughter.) Now, I say that the criticism which these gentlemen bring to bear is largely irrelevant. Their figures, at Wet, are largely irrelevant. I might grant t«ni all. and not alter one word of my progAmme or argument. A COMPARISON IN FIGURES. Let me tell you what are my figures. What are tha figures on which I rely? I rely on the fact that countries which have Protection have taken from us very much less during the last thirty years than they took before that. Their exports to us, on the contrary— their exports to us—have increased in still larger proportion. Now. is it not a curious thing that they should have taken less from QsP It may be simply because, being foolish Protectionists defending their own trade, not following the gospel we have accepted, they had met with well-merited misfortune. But how conM6 it that these people, who ought to be in the depths of despair and misery, who ought to be poor and wretched, are, neverthe- less, rich enough not only to hold the whole of their trade which formerly they left to as, but to send us their surplus—a very largely increased importation of their goods. QUINQUENNIAL PERIODS. Now, I will compare five years with five years. If, instead of taking single years, you take a quinquennial period, then it appears rather better for me than my argument at Glasgow shows. It shows that the total trade in the five irs ending 1900 was seven millions less than the nve years ending 1875, and if, instead taking the total trade, you confine your- f to what ,was the point of my argument, mely, the manufactured goods that we sent the protected countries alone, then you will id the difference even larger than I had sap- used, and, therefore, to sirm up upon this )int, you may take it for granted—at all rents, if I can be proved to be wrong I shall s ready to admit it—but you may take it for ranted that in any way in which you look t this matter there has been this distinct nd marked change in our trade during the ast thirty years—that, so far as the pro- ected countries are concerned, they have sent ? more and taken from ns a great deal less, md that that defect in our. arrangements has GIù7 been concealed by the fact that our Colonies have come to our assistance and have taken from us much more. (Cheers.) IMPORTS AND EXPORTS. The Board of Trade tells you you may take one-half of the exports as representing wages. We, therefore, have lost 46 millions a year in wages during the thirty years. That would give continuous employment to nearly 600,000 men at 30s. per week. That would give fair subsistence for these men and their families, amounting to 3,000,000 persons. Now, if you could employ 600,000 more working men, and if you can find subsistence for 3,000,000 more of the population, I venture to say that, what- ever number there may to-day be under-fed and on the verge of hunger, that that num- ber would be seriously decreased. (Cheers.) CONSUMERS AND THE TAXES. The great fact to which Lord Goschen devoted his attention was this: He said that a tax is always paid by the consumer, and that, there- fore, the small taxes which I propose to impose upon bread and meat will be paid by the consumer, and, therefore, by the poor as well as by the rich. Now, I want you to con- sider this argument, but before considering it bear in mind that, like the other arguments I have been considering, it has nothing to do with my case, because in the plan I have laid before the nation I have assumed that, what- ever tax would be paid, the whole of it would be paid by the persons who are taxed. But I utterly disbelieve that either the poor man or the rich man will pay the whole—it is not certain that he will pay any—of the new taxes, or any of the taxes which are levied upon him by way of taxes upon income. I will give you two proofs of it. The first is the personal proof, that is, the modern economic view. I think i am justified in saying that all the economists of greatest reputation, whether they are in this country or whether they are in Germany or the United States of America. agree that the amount of a tax that is paid by the consumer varies according to the circumstances, but that hardly ever is the whole of it paid by the consumer. Well tl n, I go further. Putting aside all this ? acrity, and supposing it is paid, what ippens then? Well, we really come to a tie duct ion ad abtfcrdem. When the M'Kinley Tariff was put onmhe woollen manufacturers of Bradford and L^ds, and on many in other parte of the country who are connected with the trades, declared that the tariff had injured their trade, in some cases about destroyed it. Well, if Lord Goschen is cor- rect—if the consumer in America pays the whole tax—it won't injure these people at all. What does it matter? Here is an article which costs seven shillings. You put upon it a tax of seven shillings; therefore, according to Lord Goschen, it is sold for fourteen shil- lings. Yes, but the Briteh manufacturer who sold before for seven shillings can still sell at seven shillings, and the duty upon it would only bring it up to the price a.t which the country sells at. That is, the fourteen shil- lings. Therefore, you come to this absurd doctrine that no matter what taxes you put on foreign goods, you do not injure the foreigner in the slightest, and he can do his trade just the same whatever your duty is. I ask Newcastle, I ask Glas- gow, I ask Leeds, I ask Spitalflelds, I ask every manufacturing place throughout the country whether they have found this to be true in their experience—whether when they have had a trade with the foreigner and he has put on a duty he has only hurt himself, and I ask whether they have been able to sell as much after the duty aa before. THE PRICE OF CORN. Well, Lord Goschen proceeds by a number of statements to show that wheat has risen in France and Germany in consequence of the tax, and of the amount of the tax. If that were true it would be a very exceptional occurrence but it is not true. That is to say, it is not generally true, but I want for one moment to ask you this question. Suppose it had been true that Germany and France had paid more for their wheat in proportion to the tax which they levied, what has happened in con- sequence ? Lord Goschen tells you that France only takes two per cent. of its corn from abroad—it is eelf-sufficient—and that Ger- many only takes 30 per cent., whereas he says we take four-fifths. That is not a comforting reflection. It is too big a question for me to deal with to-night, but it is not a comforting reflection, to think that we, part of the British Empire that might be self-Sufficient and self-con- tained, are, nevertheless, dependent, accord- ing to Lord Goschen, for four-fifths of our supplies upon foreign countries, any one of whom by shutting their doors upon us might reduce us to a state of almost absolute star- vation. Well, there is something more than thitthat the working meu have to fear. The working man has to fear the result of a shortage of supplies, and of a consequent monopoly. If in time of war one of the great countries—Russia, Germany, France, or the United States of America—were to cut off its supply it would infallibly raise the price according to the quantity which we received from that country. If there were no war, if in times of peace these countries wanted their corn for themaelves, which they will do, or if there were bad harvests, which there may be, in either of these cases you will find the price of corn rising many times higher than any tax -I have ever suggested. AN ALL SUFFICIENT EMPIRE. There is only one remedy for its There is only one remedy for a short supply. It is to increase your sources of supply. (Cheers.) You must call in the new world, the Colonies, to redress the balance, and they will answer to your call. With very little stimulus or encouragement they will give you a supply which will be never failing and all sufficient. (Cheers.) I maintain that, with the new taxes which I propose to put on there is every advantage, first, because they are small, and the economists say that the larger the tax is the more likely it is to be paid by the consumer, and, in the second place, they vary only with the proportion of Protection, since Colonial trade and home trade will be free. I am convinced that of the new taxes not more than half will be borne by the consumer, and if that be true, not only will he not be called upon for any sacrifice at all, but he will make a profit out of the arrangement, a profit which I have calculated as varying from twopence to three- pence per week. NO ALTERNATIVE SCHEME. This is the only way-I defy you to find any other. I take all my opponents—those who differ from me, those with whom I am dealing and those with whom I am not deal- ing—and I say that there is not a man of them who can give you any alternative to what I am proposing—any alternative for attaining the object which I have in view. You cannot weld your Empire together, you cannot draw closer the bonds that now unite us, except by 80me form of commercial union. I say that none of our opponents have put forward any alternative. NO NEED FOR FEAR. I don't threaten your prosperity, although I say that if we continue on our present lines I think it will be seriously in danger. (Hear, hear.) As I have said, I have not threatened the immediate disruption of the Empire, but I do not believe we can keep the Empire together except upon lines which have been understood and adopted and worked upon: by other countries with success. I do not believe that the United States would have been the great Empire it is but for com- mercial agreement between the several States which form it. I do not believe that Germany would have been a great and powerful empire but for the agreement between the several States. I do not believe that we shall be an Empire at all unless we take similar steps, and if we do, what advantage will be got over others in such an effort as we shall make? We have a State which differs, indeed, from theirs, but differs, in the first place, because it is greater, because it is more popu- lous; differs, in the second place, because it is more universal in its pro- ducts of every kind; differs, also, in the fact that it is more homogeneous in regard to its white population; and differs, as I think, in the fact that its growth is all before it, and whatever we may hope to derive by a race policy adopted to-day, we may fairly hope to derive many times more by this policy pursued for generations with the same consistency. It is on that account, there- fore, that I hold that the present is so impor- tant. I ask you not to be frightened by figures given by our opponents; by the bogeys of dear food which will not come; by the bogey of retaliation by other countries, which would certainly cost them a great deal more than WI: by the terrible consequences of adopting a policy which has successfully promoted the interests of every other civilised country in the world. No, gentlemen, I ask you not to be frightened, on the one hand, by threats of immediate danger, nor to be frightened by threats of danger to come, but I ask you to look at this matter with a great dense of responsibility, remembering that this Empire of ours, of which I believe we all in our hearts are proud, is a great charge upon us. It has often been in the past—I am not prepared to deny itr-a. heavy labour and responsibility, but it has made ns wha,t we are. It has taught us the great virtue of national sac- rifice, and we have in the future to look for fruits from this tree which will justify all the pains that we may take in its cultiva- tion. Therefore it is that I invite my countrymen now, when I firmly believe they have one of these opportunities that seldom come to us, now that they have the opportunity of making this Empire permanent, not to dismiss this as a vain and empty dream. Remember that its realisation will be the greatest glory that can ever fall to any statesman or to an entire nation. I ask them to take these things into their consideration, and to come to a right decision. (Cheers, amid which the right hon. gentleman resumed his seat, after having spoken for about an hour and twenty minutes.) Mr. W. R. Plummer, M.P., moved, and Sir Jonathan Backhouse seconded, the following resolution:- That this meeting accords its heartiest thanks to the Right Hon. Joseph Chamber- lain, M.P., for his address, desires to express I its grateful recognition of his devoted patriotism and public service, and oordially endorses the view held by, his M&jeety't Government that the time has now come for a. re-construction of the fiscal policy of the United Kingdom in order to secure reciprocal treatment from foreign countries and to weld the Empire more closely together by the establishment of mutual preferences between the Mother Country and her children across the seas. The resolution was carried with a few dis- sentients.

THE OVERFLOW MEETING.

MR. CHAMBERLAIN AND CARDIFF.

COUNCILLOR'S INSINUATIONS…

A SORDID CARDIFF STORY. .

CRUELTY TO CHILDREN.

[No title]

FATE OF A JEALOUS LOVER. .

PORTHCAWL REST.

SOUTH GLAMORGAN.

-' SERIES OF SAD TRAGEDIES.…

ALLEGED SERIOUS ASSAULT